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I 


A  UTHOR: 


SMITH,  WILLIAM,  SIR 


TITLE: 


HISTORY  OF 


PLACE: 


BOSTON 


DATE: 


1855 


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Smith.  Sir  William,  1813-1893. 

A  history  of  Greece,  from  the  earliest  times  to  the 
Roman  conquest,  with  supplementary  chapters  on  the 
history  of  literature  and  art;  by  William  Smith,  ll.  d.  ... 
With  notes,  and  a  continuation  to  the  present  time,  by 
C.  C.  Felton,  ll.  d.  . . .    Boston,  Browor  and  TilQcton^855w 

xxxi,  670  p.    front,  illus.,  maps,  plans.    23*".      UlOKimg    •^       ^ 

^      ^  DFailP659 

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^•-^iSSece— Hist.    2.  Greece,  Modern— Hist, 
way,  1807-1862,  cd      "^ 


691120 

Library  of  Congress 


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HISTORY  OF  Greece; 


FBOH 


THE  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST 


WITH    SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS  ON 


THE    HISTORY    OF    LITERATUEE    AND    ART 


Br  WILLIAM  SMITH,  LL.D., 

BDnOK  or  IHl  DICTIONARIES  OF  "  GREEK  AND  ROMAN  ANTIQUITIEB,"  "  BIOQRAPHT 
AND  MTTHOLOGT,"  AND  "GEOGRAPHY." 


WITH  NOTES,   AND   A   CONTINUATION  TO   THE   PKESENT   TIME,. 


By  C.  C.  FELTON,  LL.D., 

PB0FE330B  OF  GREEK  LITERATURB  IN  HARVARD  FNIYBRSITT. 


BOSTON: 
HICKLING,    SWAN,    AND    BROWN. 

"^r,„T*^^^'    «^*- COLLINS;     LEAVITT   &  ALLEN—PHILADELPHIA  :   COWPER. 

THWAIT,DE8ILVER,&  butler;   LIPPINCOTT,   GRAMBO,  &  CO.  — B  ALT  I  MORE ' 

•       CUSHINGS  &  BAILEY.  — WASHINGTON,  D.C.:   R.  FARNHAM.  — C  H  ARLE  S- 

TON,S.C.:     MCCARTER   &    CO.  — NEW     ORLEANS:     WILLIAM    FLE3I- 

MING;    THOMAS    L.   WHITE.  —  MOB  I LE  :    STRICKLAND   &   CO. 

—  CINCINNATI:      MOORE,    WILSTACH,    KEYS,    &   CO. 

—  ST.    LOUIS:     FISHER    &    BENNETT. — 

CHICAGO:     KEENE     &    LEE. 

1855: 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE, 


FBOM 


THE  EARLIEST  TBIES  TO   THE  ROMAN   CONQUEST 


WITH    SUPPLEMENTARY   CHAPTERS  OX 


THE    HISTOEY    OF    LITERATURE    AND    ART 


Br  WILLIAM  SMITH,   LL.D., 

HDITOR  OP  THE  DICTI0NAKIE8  OP  "GREEK  AND  ROMAN  ANTIQUITIES,"  "BIOGRAPHY 
AND  MnUOLOGY,"  AND  "  GEOGRAPIir." 


WITH   NOTES,   AND   A   CONTINUATION   TO    THE   PRESENT    TDIE,, 

By  C.  C.  FELTON,  LL.D., 

BUOT  PBOFESSOB  OP  GREEK  LITERATURE  IN  HARVARD  UNIVEE3ITT. 


BOSTON: 
HICKLING,    SWAN,    AND    BROWN. 

KEW    YORK:    R.  II.  COLLINS  ;     LEAVITT    &  ALLEN.  — PHI  L  AD  E  LPII I A  :    TOWPER. 

THWAIT,  I>ESILVER,&  BUTLER  ;    LIPPINCOTT,    GRAMBO,  &  CO.-B  A  LT  I  MORE ' 

CUSUINGS&  BAILEY— WASHINGTON,  D.C.:   K.  FARNHAM.  — C  H  AR  LE  S- 

TON,  S.  C:     M  CARTER   &    CO.  — NEW     ORLEANS:      WILLIAM    FLEM- 

MING;    THOMAS     L.    WHITE.  —  M  O  B  I  LE  :     STRICKLAND    &    CO. 

—  CINCINNATI:      MOORE,     WILSTACH,    KEYS,    &    CO. 

—  ST.    LOUIS:      FISHER    &     BENNETT. — 

CHICAGO:      KEEXE     &    LEE. 

18  5  5. 


PEEFACE 


OF    THE    AMERICAN    EDITOR. 


t 


■* 
»■ 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1855,  by 

HICKLINO,  SWAN,  AND  BROWN, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


cambbidoe: 

mUOTTPED  BT  KBICAUT  ANB   COMPAOTri 
PBISTERS  TO  THB   USlTIMirY. 


The  works  of  Dr.  William  Smith,  on  Classical  Biography, 
Antiquities,  and  Geography,  are  so  well  known  in  the  United 
States,  that  any  commendation  of  them  would  be  superfluous 
in  this  place.  The  History  of  Greece  published  by  him  in 
1854  is  marked  by  excellences  similar  to  those  of  his  other 
books,  and  is,  beyond  all  question,  the  best  summary  in  our 
language  of  the  ancient  history  of  that  country,  for  the  use  of 
schools  and  colleges. 

The  editor  of  the  present  American  republication  has  care- 
fully revised  the  text,  and  corrected  a  number  of  misprints 
which  escaped  the  author  in  the  original  English  edition.  In 
one  place,  a  passage  of  some  length  is  inadvertently  repeated 
in  nearly  identical  terms  ;  the  repetition,  in  this  edition,  has  of 
course  been  omitted.*  In  the  Chronological  Table,  the  heading 
of  the  third  book  is  omitted ;  that  omission  has  been  supplied. 
An  attempt  has  been  made  to  introduce  a  greater  degree  of 
uniformity  in  the  spelling  of  the  classical  names.  The  example 
of  Grote  and  other  high  authorities  in  English  literature  is  now 
beginning  to  be  followed,  and  English  usage,  in  this  respect,  is 
gradually  conforming  itself  to  that  which  has  been  established 
among  the  scholars  of  Germany.  Still  I  have  not  ventured 
to  carry  out  the  principle  in  all  cases,  having  limited  my- 
self generally  to  those  in  which  an  opposite  practice  has  not 
been  irrevocably  fixed.  With  regard  to  the  Modern  Greek 
names,  I  have  followed  the  orthography  of  the  Greek  rather 
than  of  any  other  languagei     Thus,  I  have  written  Tricoupes, 


♦  Pages  172, 173,  and  pages  181, 182,  of  the  English  work. 


80171 


IV 


PREFACE   OF  THE  AMERICAN   EDITOR. 


and  not  Tricoupi ;  Rhegas,  and  not  Rigas ;  ColocotronSs,  and 
not  Colocotroni ;  and  so  of  many  others. 

With  regard  to  the  passages  from  the  poets,  cited  by  Dr. 
Smith  in  his  excellent  chapters  on  Greek  Literature,  I  have  in 
a  few  cases  substituted  other  translations.  This  has  been  done 
for  the  purpose  of  more  exactly  representing  the  form  of  the 
originals.  The  foot-notes  are,  for  the  most  part,  founded  upon 
personal  observations  in  Greece.  All  the  vignettes,  majjs,  and 
wood-cut  illustrationa.  of  Dr.  Smith's  work  have  been  retained, 
and  a  considerable  number  have  been  added,  besides  those  pre- 
fixed to  the  new  chapters.  One  of  them,  the  Gate  of  Lions  at 
Mycenae,  has  been  redrawn,  for  the  sake  of  representing  it  in 
its  present  condition.  When  I  visited  Mycenae,  the  approach 
to  the  gate  had  been  entirely  cleared  of  the  rubbish  which  for- 
merly blocked  it  up,  and  the  pavement  of  the  street,  with  the 
ancient  wheel-ruts,  was  laid  open.  The  drawing  in  the  pres- 
ent edition  exhibits  it  precisely  as  it  now  appears.  The  view^ 
of  the  Acropolis  in  its  present  state  is  copied  from  a  drawing* 
made  by  an  accomplished  English  friend,  whose  society  1  had 
the  pleasure  of  enjoying  at  Athens.  It  exhibits  exactly  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  western  end  of  the  Acropolis,  since  the  exca- 
vations made  under  the  superintendence  of  M.  Beule,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  French  school  in  Athens,  brought  to  light  an  ancient 
door  at  the  foot  of  the  marble  stairs,  and  is,  I  think,  in  other 
respects,  the  most  faithful  representation  ever  yet  published. 
This  copy,  and  all  the  other  new  drawings,  have  been  executed 
by  the  skilful  hand  of  Mr.  Ernest  Sandoz. 

As  the  Greek  nation  has  wonderfully  survived  through  the 
disastrous  period  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  their  long  subjection 
to  the  oppression  of  the  Turks,  I  have  thought  it  would  add  to 
the  interest  of  the  volume  to  complete  the  story  down  to  the 
present  day.  The  method  of  accomplishing  this  object  has 
been  a  matter  of  some  perplexity.  The  space  is  necessarily 
limited,  and  the  time  to  be  included  in  it  embraces  many  centu- 
ries. A  complete  narrative  would  fill  several  volumes ;  a  mere 
enumeration  of  the  events  in  chronological  order  would  be  te- 
dious and  dry.  Instead  of  following  either  of  these  courses,  I 
decided  to  select  those  events  and  persons  that  have  most  prom- 
inently influenced  the  course  of  Hellenic  history  during  the  peri- 
ods in  question,  Or  that  seemed  best  to  illustrate  the  condition 
and  genius  of  the  race.     It  is  hoped  that  the  reader  will  find 


PREFACE    OF   THE   AMERICAN   EDITOR.  V 

that,  in  proportion  to  the  original  work,  a  tolerably  full  and 
clear  account  has  been  given  on  all  these  points.     The  present 
condition  of  the  Greek  people  is  one  of  deep  interest.     In  the 
kingdom  of  Hellas  a  remarkable  progress  has  been  made  in  let- 
ters and  education,  during  the  quarter  of  a  century  since  the// 
close  of  the  terrible  war  of  the  Revolution.     The  Greeks  have 
been  greatly  misrepresented  by  the  hasty  judgments  of  travel- 
lers, and  the  complicated  interests  involved  in  the  Eastern  war 
now  raging   have   tended  to   disseminate  political  prejudices 
against  them,  both  in  Europe  and  America.     Yet  the  war  of 
the  Revolution  proved  to  an  admiring  worid  that  a  noble  spirit 
still  animated  the  breasts  of  the  Greeks,  after  so  m^ny  ages  of 
suffering  and  slavery.     In  patience,  in  bravery,  in  public  and 
individual  devotion  to  the  cause  of  their  country,  the  Greeks  of 
that  day  bear  a  favorable  comparison  with  any  nation  which 
has  ever  struggled  to  redeem  itself  from  oppression.     The  dis- 
tinguished and  heroic  personages  who  appeared  on  the  scene 
of  action  during  the  long-drawn  and  bloody  drama  of  the  Revo- 
lution prove  that  the  race  and  the  age  were  fruitful  of  the 
highest  qualities  of  character.     The  names  of  Marcos  Botzares, 
Karaiskakes,  Diakos,  Alexander  and  Demetrius  Ypselantes,  and 
numerous  other  departed  warriors  and  patriots,  shine  in  history 
with  an  imperishable  lustre;  while  among  the  living,  Alexan- 
der Mavrocordatos,  Tricoupes,  Kalerges,  Psyllas,  Pericles  Ar- 
gyropoulos,  and  others  equally  deserving,  though  less  conspicu- 
ous, exhibit  to  the  world  the  most  conclusive  proof  that  talents 
and  integrity,  in  ample  measure,  still  adorn  the  land  of  Pericles 
and  Demosthenes.      The  capacity  of  the  Greeks  for  political 
affairs  and  self-government  has  been  demonstrated  from  the 
first  opening  of  the  Revolution.     Among  the  eariiest  cares  of 
those  who  commenced  the  struggle,  the  establishment  of  a  reg- 
ular constitutional  administration  held  the  most  conspicuous 
place ;  and  during  the  whole  conflict,  though  its  progress  was 
marked  at  times  by  civil  dissensions,  and  the  overwhelmino- 
power  of  the  enemy  brought  the  insurgents  more  than  once  to 
the  brink  of  destruction,  yet  the  spirit  of  legality  and  the  forms 
of  representative  government  carried  the  people  through  their 
fiery  trials. 

After  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy,  the  desire  for  a  con- 
stitutional government  continued  to  animate  the  heart  of  the 
nation,  and  in  1843  that  desire  was  fulfiUed  by  the  formation 


fi 


PREFACE   OF  THE  AMERICAN   EDITOR. 


OE    OF    THE    AMERICAN    EDITOR. 


Til 


Of  a  constitution,  which  was  adopted  at  the  beginning  of  the 
following  year.  The  mode  in  which  the  people  gained  this 
lat  object  of  their  long-postponed  hopes ;  the  moderation 
Shich  marked  their  proceedings;  the  good  ^-^-S  ^.^^^ ^/^^^ 
ited  towards  the  king  and  queen,  and  the  confidence  in  the  peo- 
pie  manifested  by  these  august  personages ;  t^e  proceedings 
at  the  elections,  and  the  acts  of  the  members  of  the  assembly 
that  framed  the  constitution ;  the  excellent  features  o  the  con- 
stitution itself,-entitle  the  people  and  the  popular  leaders  to  the 
applause  of  enlightened  lovers  of  order  and  liberty  everywhere 

In  nterature  and  scholarship  the   Greeks  are  fast  rising  to 
distinction.     The  private  schools  established  in   many  places, 
the  system  of  public  instruction  supported  by  the  government, 
and  encouraged  by  the  most  liberal  private  contributions,  are 
admirable.     The  activity  of  the  press  supplies  the  country  with 
translations  of  the  best  foreign  books,  and  numerous  origmal 
works  by  the  industrious  scholars  and  writers  of  Hellas;  and 
the  names  of  Asopios,  Argyropoulos,  Rangabes,  Kontogones, 
Philippos  Johannis,  and  Manouses  would  do  honor  to  any  l^u- 
ropean  university.     The  History  of  the  Greek  Revolution,  now 
nearly  completed,  by  his  Excellency  Spyridon   Tricoupes,  the 
Greek  Minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  in  point  of  style  and 
matter  compares  well  with  the  historical  works  of  the  classical 

^^stnce  the  Revolution  —  to  sum  up  in  a  few  words  the  progress 
of  the  Greeks -cities  and  villages  have  been  rebuilt,  commerce 
has  widely  extended  its  operations,  and  the  mercantile  marme 
has  largely  increased;   a  general  system  of  public  instruction 
has  been  established,  which  places  the  opportunity  of  education 
within  the  reach  of  every  child  in  Greece,  at  the  public  charge. 
Organic  legislative  bodies  are  established  by  the  constitution, 
and  the  laws  are  ably  and  impartially  administered  by  the  ju- 
diciary;  the  trial  by  jury  and  an  able  and  independent  bar 
ffuard  the  rights  of  the  citizens  against  the  encroachments  of 
power.    The  freedom  of  the  press  is  guaranteed  by  the  constitu- 
'  tion.     Surely,  a  people  just  emancipated  from  four  centuries  of 
venslavement,  who  have  effected  all  this  in  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury,  are  entitled  to  respect,  ever*  if  their  roads  are  rough,  and 
their  plains  ill  cultivated,  and  the  public  domain  not  so  wisely 
administered  as  the  friends  of  Greece  might  desire. 

lam  therefore  of  opinion,  that  the  interest  which  attaches 


itsell  to  the  Hellenic  name  does  not  cease  at  the  Roman  con- 
quest. In  the  existing  state  of  affairs,  the  Greeks  form  the  sav- 
ing and  intellectual  element  of  the  Eastern  world  ;  and  if  ever 
those  regions  —  so  richly  endowed  by  nature  with  the  most  va- 
ried resources  for  national  prosperity  and  happiness,  and  so  long 
sunk  in  wretchedness  by  the  vices  of  Turkish  misrule  and  the 
pernicious  institutions  of  a  society  founded  on  the  Moham- 
medan imposture — are  to  be  restored  to  civiKzation,  it  must 
be  through  the  influence  of  the  Hellenic  race  and  the  Oriental 
Church,  liberalized  and  purified  by  the  science  and  letters  and 
general  intellectual  culture  of  the  Western  nations. 

The  study  of  Greek  literature  is,  all  over  the  civilized  world, 
one  of  the  most  powerful  agents  of  liberal  education.     The  po- 
litical institutions  of  the  Ancient  Greeks  are  the  most  instruc- 
tive subjects  of  study  to  the  citizens  of  a  free  commonwealth. 
But  there   are  peculiar  and    striking  analogies,  which   make 
these  studies  especially  important  to  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States.     Greek  literature  must  for  ever  be  congenial  to  the  po- 
litical tendencies  which  sway  a  republican  people.     The  spirit 
which  breathes  from  the  historians,  orators,  and  poets  of  Ancient 
Greece  can  best  be  appreciated  under  constitutional  govern- 
ments like  those  of  England  and  the  United  States;  and  the 
struggles  for  freedom  which  have  marked  the  modern  history 
of  Greece  meet  with  the  heartiest  sympathy  among  a  free  peo- 
ple, who,  like  those  of  the  United  States,  stand  aloof  from  the 
political  entanglements  of  Europe,  which  checked  the  sympa- 
thies naturally  to  be  expected  from  Christian  nations  in  behalf 
of  a   Christian  nation  striking  for  liberty.     The  services  ren- 
dered by  America  to  Greece  in  her  war  of  independence  are 
not  forgotten  by  a  grateful  people.     The  feelings  of  the  Amer- 
ican nation  found  fit  utterance  in  the  admirable  papers  of  JNIr. 
Everett,  —  especially  in  an  article  published  in  the  North  Amer- 
ican Review  for  October,  1823,  which  exhibited  the  qualities 
of  comprehensive  and  elegant  scholarship,  with  the  rarest  beau- 
ties of  style,  and  appealed  to  the  Christian  sentiment  and  lit- 
erary sympathies  of  the  country.      This  was  followed  by  the 
speech  of  Mr.  Webster,  delivered  in  Congress,  in  January,  1824, 
which,  in  power  of  argument  and  classical  finish  of  language, 
stands  on  a  level  with  the  masterly  models  handed  down  from 
the  brilliant  days  of  the  Athenian  republic.    These  noble  efforts 
of  scholarship  and  eloquence  were  followed  up  by  the  most  im- 


fill 


PREFACE   OF   THE   AMERICAN   EDITOR. 


I 


portant  practical  results,  chiefly  through  the  agency  of  Dr.  S.  G. 
Howe,  —  a  name  which  future  ages  will  not  wilhngly  let  die, 
either  in  Greece  or  in  the  United  States.     Large  contributions 
of  money  were  forwarded  to  the  government,  and  abundant 
supplies  of  clothing  and  provisions  were  shipped  at  different 
times,  by  which  hundreds  of  the  sufferers  were  saved  from  per- 
ishing.    These  generous  movements  were  well  deserved  by  the 
people  for  whose  benefit  they  were  made,  not  only  on  account 
of  the  illustrious  associations  with  the  great  ancients,  but  on 
account  of  the  virtues  and  calamities  of  the  Uving  race.     And 
now  the  love  of  constitutional  government,  the  eager  desire  of 
knowledge,  the  capacity  for  letters,  politics,  and  eloquence,  the 
industry,  frugality,  and  high  spirit,  which  characterize  the  in- 
habitants  of  the  Hellenic  kingdom,  entitle  them  to  respect  and 
cordial  sympathy.     They  have  a  difficult  part  to  perform  in  the 
conflicts  now  drenching  the  East  with  blood ;  and  if  they  com- 
mit errors,  they  should  not  be  censured  on  a  partial  view  of  their 
position  and  their  political  relations.     There  are  two  sides  to 
every  question.     But  whatever  opinion  may  be  formed  of  par- 
ticular  transactions,  arising  out  of  the  crisis  of  the  moment,  all 
weU-informed  men  will  agree,  that  the  welfare  of  the  East  of 
Europe  depends  in  no  small  measure  on  the  future  development 
of  the  Hellenic-Christian  element  in  that  part  of  the  world. 

In  preparing  the  chapters  which  I  have  added  to  Dr.  Smith's 
work,  I  have  consulted,—!.  The  Byzantine  Historians.    2.  Mr. 
Fiulay's  "  Greece  under  the  Romans,"  "  Mediaeval  Greece  and 
Trebizond,"  and  "Byzantine  and  Greek  Empires,"  and  Gibbon's 
''Decline  and  Fall."     3.  Sir  James  Emerson  Tennent's  "His- 
tory of  Modern  Greece."     4.  Gordon  and  Howe's  Histories 
of  the  Greek  Revolution.    5.  Zinkeisen's  "  Geschichte  Griechen- 
lands."     6.  Pouqueville's  "  Histoire  de  la  Grece."     7.  Professor 
Paparregopoulos,  'laropla  rov  'EWvvikoO  ""EOvov^,     8.  Tricou- 
pes,  'ItjTopla  T^<?  'EXXfiPiK^^i  'ErravaardtTea)^,  and  Ol  <Ta)^dfievoi 
AoyoL.    9.  The  SvvrajfLa  t^9  'EwiBo^.     10.  The  English  Par- 
Hainentary  Papers.    11.  Numerous  Greek  Pamphlets,  Discours- 
es, and  other  Documents  collected  at  Athens.      12.  Various 
ancles  in  English,  French,  and  other  periodical  publications. 


C.  C.  FELTON. 


•Cambridge,  January,  1855. 


PREFACE. 


The  following  work  is  intended  principally  for  schools.  It 
was  commenced  several  years  ago,  at  a  time  when  the  Grecian 
histories  used  in  schools  were  either  the  superficial  and  inac- 
curate compilations  of  Goldsmith  and  older  writers,  or  the 
meagre  abridgments  of  more  recent  scholars,  in  which  the  facts 
were  presented  in  so  brief  a  manner  as  to  leave  hardly  any  rec- 
ollection of  them  in  the  minds  of  the  readers.  Since  that  time, 
one  or  two  school  histories  of  Greece  of  a  superior  kind  have 
appeared,  but  they  have  not  been  written  from  the  same  point  of 
view  which  I  had  proposed  to  myself;  and  in  the  best  of  them 
the  history  of  literature  and  art,  as  well  as  several  other  subjects 
which  seemed  to  me  of  importance,  have  been  almost  entirely 
omitted.  I  have  therefore  seen  no  reason  to  abandon  my  origi- 
nal design,  which  now  requires  a  few  words  of  explanation. 

My  object  has  been  to  give  the  youthful  reader  as  vivid  a  pic- 
ture of  the  main  facts  of  Grecian  history,  and  of  the  leading 
characteristics  of  the  political  institutions,  literature,  and  art  of 
the  people,  as  could  be  comprised  within  the  limits  of  a  volume 
of  moderate  size.  With  this  view,  I  have  omitted  entirely,  or 
dismissed  in  a  few  paragraphs,  many  circumstances  recorded  in 
similar  works,  and  have  thus  gained  space  for  narrating  at 
length  the  more  important  events,  and  for  bringing  out  prom- 
inently the  characters  and  lives  of  the  great  men  of  the  nation. 
It  is  only  in  this  way  that  a  school  history  can  be  made  instruc- 
tive and  interesting,  since  a  brief  and  tedious  enumeration  of 
every  event,  whether  great  or  small,  important  or  unimportant, 
confuses  the  reader,  and  leaves  no  permanent  impression  upon 

6 


FBEFACE. 


his  memory.  Considerable  space  has  been  given  to  the  his- 
tory of  literature  and  art,  since  they  form  the  most  durable  evi- 
dences  of  a  nation's  growth  in  civilization  and  in  social  prog- 
fess.  A  knowledge  of  these  subjects  is  of  far  more  importance 
to  a  pupil  at  the  commencement  of  his  classical  studies,  than 
an  acquaintance  with  every  insignificant  battle  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  war,  or  with  the  theories  of  modern  scholars  respecting 
the  early  population  of  Greece ;  and  as  it  cannot  be  expected 
that  a  school-boy  should  read  special  treatises  upon  Grecian 
Hterature  and  art,  these  subjects  find  their  appropriate  place 
in  a  work  like  the  present. 

It  is  perhaps  hardly  necessary  to  observe,  that  I  have  availed 
myself  of  the  researches  of  the  eminent  scholars,  both  in  this 
country  and  in  Germany,  whose  writings  have  thrown  so  much 
light  upon  the  history  of  Greece ;  but  the  obligations  I  am  un- 
der to  Mr.  Grote  require  a  more  particular  acknowledgment.     It 
is  not  too  much  to  say,  that  his  work  forms  as  great  an  epoch  in 
the  study  of  the  history  of  Greece,  as  Niebuhr's  has  done  in  the 
study  of  the  history  of  Rome,  and  that  Mr.  Grote's  contributions 
to  historical  science  are  the  most  valuable  that  have  been  made 
within  the  present  generation.     As  my  own  studies  have  led 
me  over  the  same  ground  as  Mr.  Grote,  I  have  carefully  weighed 
bis  opinions  and  tested  his  statements  by  a  reference  to  his 
authorities ;  and  in  almost  all  cases  I  have  been  compelled  to 
adopt  his  conclusions,  even  where  they  were  in  opposition  to 
generally  received  opinions  and  prejudices,  as,  for  instance,  in 
his  views  respecting  the  legendary  history  of  Greece,  the  legis- 
lation of  Lycurgus,  the  object  of  ostracism,  the  general  working 
of  the  Athenian  constitution,  and  the  character  of  the  Sophists. 
Indeed,  it  will  be  admitted  by  the  most  competent  judges,  that 
any  school  history  of  Greece,  which  aspires  to  represent  the 
present  state  of  knowledge  upon  the  subject,  must  necessarily  be 
founded  to  a  great  extent  upon  Mr.  Grote's  history ;  but  I  have 
derived  such  valuable  assistance  from  his  researches,  that  I  am 
anxious  to  express,  in  the  fullest  manner,  the  great  obligations 
this  work  is  under  to  that  masterpiece  of  historical  literature. 
In  a  brief  outline  of  Grecian  history,  original  research  is  of 
course  out  of  place  ;  all  that  can  be  expected  from  the  writer  is 
a  clear  and  accurate  account  of  the  most  recent  results  at  which 
the  best  modern  scholars  have  arrived ;  and  in  this  respect  it  is 
hoped  that  the  intelligent  reader  will  not  be  disappointed.     Of 


PREFACE. 


XI 


the  many  other  modern  works  which  I  have  consulted,  it  is  only 
necessary  to  refer  to  Colonel  Mure's  "  Critical  History  of  Greek 
Literature,"  from  which  I  have  derived  valuable  assistance  in 
the  chapters  of  the  work  devoted  to  that  subject. 

As  a  general  rule,  references  to  ancient  and  modern  works 
are  not  given,  since  they  are  useless  to  the  pupil,  and  occupy 
valuable  space,  while  the  scholar  will  look  for  the  authorities 
elsewhere.  The  illustrations,  of  which  the  majority  have  been 
drawn  by  my  friend,  Mr.  George  Scharf,  consist  of  maps  of  dif- 
ferent districts,  plans  of  battles  and  places,  views  of  public 
buildings,  works  of  art  and  other  objects,  the  representation  of 
which  renders  the  descriptions  in  the  history  more  intelligible 


and  interesting  to  the  reader. 


London,  November,  1853. 


Wm.  smith. 


it 


Ml 


Greek  and  Persian  Combatants.    From  the  Frieze  of  the  Temple  of  Nik^  Apteros. 

(See  pp.  203,  366.) 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 


OUTLINES    OF   GRECIAN   GEOGRAPHY. 


PAOl 


f  1.  The  three  Peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe.  §  2.  Position  and  Boundaries  of 
Greece.  §  3.  Size  of  the  Country.  §  4.  Name.  §  5.  Northern  Greece  :  Thessaly 
and  Epinis.  §  6.  Central  Greece  :  its  Principal  Divisions  and  Mountains.  §  7.  East- 
em  Half  of  Central  Greece :  Doris,  Phocis,  Locris,  Boeotia,  Attica,  Megaris.  §  8.  West- 
ern Half  of  Central  Greece:  Ozolian  Locris,  iEtolia,  Acarnania.  §  9.  Peloponnesus: 
Arcadia.  §  10.  Achaia,  Argolis,  Laconia,  Messenia,  Elis.  §  11.  The  Grecian  Isl- 
ands. §  12.  Influence  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Greece  upon  the  Political  Des- 
tinies of  the  People.  §  13.  Likewise  upon  their  Intellectual  Character.  §  14.  Rivers 
and  Chief  Productions.    §  15.  Climate.  •  ...... 


BOOK  I. 

THE  MYTHICAL  AGE. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE   EARLIEST   INHxVBITANTS    OF   GREECE. 

^  1.  Legendary  Character  of  early  Grecian  History.  §  2.  Legends  of  the  Greeks 
respecting  their  Origin.  §  3.  The  Hellenes  and  their  Diflfusion  in  Greece.  §  4. 
Connection  of  the  Hellenes  with  the  Indo-European  Stem.  §  5.  The  Pelasgians. 
^  6.  Foreign  Settlers  in  Greece.  §  7.  Egyptian  Colonies  of  Cecrops  and  Danaus. 
i  8.  Phrygian  Colony  of  Pelops.    §  9.  Phoenician  Colony  of  Cadmus. 


CHAPTER  II. 
THE   GRECIAN   HEROES. 


/" 


\  1.  Mythical  Character  of  the  Heroic  Age.  §  2.  Hercules.  §  3.  Theseus.  §  4.  Minos. 
§  5.  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts.  §  6.  The  Seven  against  Thebes  and  the  Epigoni. 
§  7.  The  Trojan  War  as  related  in  the  Iliad.  §  8.  Later  Additions.  §  9.  Return 
of  the  Grecian  Heroes  from  Troy.  §  10.  Date  of  the  Fall  of  Troy.  §  11.  Whether 
the  Heroic  Legends  contain  any  Historical  Facts.  §  12.  The  Homeric  Poems  present 
a  Picture  of  a  Real  State  of  Society.       .  .  •       .  . 


10 


16 


jav 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


n 


1  < 

^1. 


24 


CHAPTER  III 
STATE  OP  SOCIETY  OF  THE  HEROIC  AGE. 

4  1.  Poltical  Condition  of  Greece.  -  The  Kings.  §  2.  the  BotiU,  or  Council  of  Chiefs. 
&  3.  The  Agora,  or  General  Assembly  of  Freemen.  §  4.  The  Condition  of  common 
Freemen  and  Slaves.  ^  5.  State  of  Social  and  Moral  Feeling.  §  6.  Simplicity  of 
Manners.  §  7.  Advances  made  in  Civilization.  §  8.  Commerce  and  the  Arts.  §  9. 
The  Physical  Sciences.    §  10.  The  Art  of  War. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

RETURN   OF   THE  HERACLEIDJE  INTO  PELOPONNESUS,  AND  FOUNDATION 

OF   THE   EARLIEST   GREEK   COLONIES. 

4  1  The  Mythical  Character  of  the  Narrative  of  these  Events.  §  2.  Migration  of  the 
Boeotians  from  Thessaly  into  Boeotia.  §  3.  Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians. 
§  4.  The  Legendary  Account  of  this  Event.  The  Invasion.  §  6.  The  Legendary  Ac- 
count continued.  The  Division  of  Peloponnesus  among  the  Conquerors.  ^  6.  Remarks 
upon  the  Legendary  Account.  §  7.  Foundation  of  the  Greek  Colonies  in  Asia  Minor. 
§  8.  The  MoWc  Colonies.  §  9.  The  Ionic  Colonies.  §  10.  The  Doric  Colonies.  §  11. 
Colonization  of  Crete  by  the  Dorians.    §  12.  Conclusion  of  the  Mythical  Age. 


80 


CHAPTER  V. 
THE  POEMS    OF   HOMER. 

/     4  1.  Importance  of  the  Subject.    §  2.  Rise  of  Poetry  in  Greece.    Epic  Ballads  prepam- 
^  tory  to  the  Epopee.     §  3.  The  Poems  of  the  Epic  Cycle,  in  wliich  the  Ihad  and  the 

Odyssey  were  included.  §  4.  Diversity  of  Opinions  respecting  the  Life  and  Date  of 
Homer.  §  5.  Iliad  and  Odyssey  recited  to  Public  Companies  by  the  Rhapsodists.  §  6. 
A  standard  Text  of  the  Poems  first  formed  by  Peisistratus.  §  7.  Modem  Controversy 
respecting  the  Origin  of  the  Homeric  Poems.  Prolegomena  of  Wolf.  §  8.  The  Iliad 
and  the  Odyssey  were  originally  not  committed  to  Writing.  §  9.  They  were  preserved 
by  the  Rhapsodists.  §  10.  They  did  consist  originally  of  separate  Lays,  but  were  com- 
posed by  one  Poet,  as  is  shown  by  theur  Poetical  Unity.  .  .  .  . 


88 


:.» 


/ 


^  BOOKII. 

GROWTH  OF  THE   GRECIAN  STATES. 
B.  C.  776  -  500. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

GENERAL  SURVEY  OP  THE  GREEK  PEOPLE. 

I  1.  Nature  of  the  Subject.  §  2.  The  Chief  Ties  which  bound  the  Greeks  together. 
Community  of  Blood  and  of  Language.  §  3.  Community  of  Religious  Rites  and  Fes- 
tivals. §4.  The Amphictvonic  Council.  ^  6.  The  Olympic  Games.  §6- The  Py- 
thian, Nemean,  and  Isthmian  Games.  §  7.  The  Influence  of  these  Festivals.  §  8. 
Influence  of  the  Oracle  of  Apollo  at  Delphi.  {  ».  Community  of  Manners  and  Char- 
acter. \  10.  The  Independent  Sovereignty  of  each  City  a  settled  ^laxim  in  the  Greek 
Mmd.  ...•••••••' 


CHAPTER    Vn. 

EARLY  HISTORY   OF   PELOPONNESUS   AND    LEGISLATION   OF  LYCIJRGUS. 

§  1.  Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians.  Division  of  the  Peloponnesus  into  the 
Doric  States,  Elis,  Achaia,  and  Arcadia.  §  2.  Division  of  the  Doric  States  in  Pelo- 
ponnesus. Argos  originally  the  first  Doric  State,  Sparta  second,  Messene  third.  §  3. 
Pheidon  of  Argos.  §  4.  Legislation  of  Lycurgus.  §  5.  Life  of  L3-curgus.  §  6.  The 
Chief  Object  of  Lycurgus  in  his  Legislation.  §  7.  Population  of  Laconia  divided  into 
three  Classes.  Spartans.  §  8.  Perioeci.  §  9.  Helots.  §  10.  Political  Government  of 
Sparta.  The  Kings.  The  Senate.  The  Popular  Assembly.  The  Ephors.  §  11. 
Training  and  Education  of  the  Spartan  Youths  and  Men.  §  12.  Training  of  the  Spar- 
tan Women.  §  13.  Division  of  Landed  Property.  §  14.  Other  Regulations  ascribed  to 
Lycurgus.  Iron  Money.  §  15.  Defensible  Position  of  Sparta.  §  16.  Growth  of  the 
Spartan  Power,  a  Consequence  of  the  Discipline  of  Lycurgus.    Conquest  of  Laconia.    54 

CHAPTER    Vm. 

HISTORY  OF  SPARTA.  —  THE  MESSENIAN,  ARCADIAN,  AND  ARGIVE  WARS. 

§  1.  Authorities  for  the  History  of  the  Messenian  War.  §  2.  The  First  Messenian  War, 
B.  c.  743  -  724.  §  3.  The  Second  Messenian  War,  b.  c.  685  -  668.  Aristomenes,  the 
Messenian  Hero,  and  Tyrtaaus,  the  Spartan  Hero,  of  this  War.  §  4.  Wars  between  the 
Spartans  and  Arcadians.  Conquest  of  the  Southern  Part  of  Arcadia  by  Sparta.  War 
between  Sparta  and  Tegea.  §  5.  Wars  between  the  Spartans  and  Argives.  Battle 
of  the  Three  Hundred  Champions  to  decide  the  Possession  of  Cynuria. 


69 


CHAPTER  IX. 


THE   AGE   OF   THE   DESPOTS. 


46 


I  1.  Abolition  of  Royalty  throughout  Greece,  except  in  Sparta.  §  2.  Establishment  of 
the  Oligarchical  Governments.  §  3.  Overthrow  of  the  Oligarchies  by  the  Despots. 
Character  of  the  Despots,  and  Causes  of  their  Fall.  §  4.  Contest  between  Oligarchy 
and  Democracy  on  the  Removal  of  the  Despots.  §  5.  Despots  of  Sicyon.  History  of 
Cleisthenes.  §  6.  Despots  of  Corinth.  History  of  Cypselus  and  Periander.  §  7.  Con- 
flicts of  the  Oligarchical  and  Democratical  Parties  at  Megara.  Despotism  of  The- 
agenes.    The  Poet  Theognis.       .  .'         .  .  .  .  .  .73 


CHAPTER  X.  I 

EARLY  HISTORY   OF  THE   ATHENIANS   DOWN    TO   THE   USURPATION   OF 

PEISISTRATUS. 

4  1.  Early  Division  of  Attica  into  Twelve  Independent  States,  said  to  have  been  unit- 
ed by  Theseus.  §  2.  Abohtion  of  Royalty.  Life  Archons.  Decennial  Archons. 
Annual  Archons.  §  3.  Twofold  Division  of  the  Athenians.  (1.)  Eupatridae, 
Geomori,  Demiurgi.  (2.)  Four  Tribes:  Geleontes,  Hopletes,  iEgicores,  Argades.  §  4. 
Division  of  the  Four  Tribes  into  Trittyes  and  Naucrariaj,  and  into  Phratriae  and 
Gene  or  Gentes.  §  6.  The  Government  exclusively  in  the  Hands  of  the  Eu- 
patridae. The  Nine  Archons  and  their  Functions.  The  Senate  of  Areopagus.  §  6. 
The  Legislation  of  Draco.  §  7.  The  Conspiracy  of  Cylon.  His  Failure,  and  Massacre 
of  his  Partisans  by  Megaeles,  the  Alcmasonid.  Expulsion  of  the  Alcmreonidie.  §  8. 
Visit  of  Epimenides  to  Athens.  His  Purification  of  the  City.  §  9.  Life  of  Solon. 
4  10.  State  of  Attica  at  the  time  of  Solon's  Legislation.  §  11.  Solon  elected  Archon, 
B.  c.  594,  with  Legislative  Powers.    §  12.  His  Seisachtheia  or  Disburdening  Ordi- 


xn 


CONTENTS. 


C1.-1TENTS. 


XVII 


i 


I 


nance.    §  13.  His  Constitutional  Changes.    Division  of  the  People  into  Four  Classes 
according  to  their  Property.    §  14.  Institution  of  the  Senate  of  Four  Hundred.    En- 
largement  of  the  Powers  of  the  Areopagus.    The  Athenian  Government  continues 
an  Oligarchy  after  tlie  Time  of  Solon.    §  15.  The  Special  Laws  of  Solon.    §  16.  The 
Travels  of  Solon.    S  17.  Usurpation  of  Peisistratus.    Return  and  Death  of  Solon.       .    88 

CHAPTER  XI. 

HISTORY  OF   ATlillNS  FROM  THE  USURPATION  OF  PEISISTRATUS  TO    THE 
ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE    DEMOCRACY   BY   CLEISTHENES. 

4  1.  Desposition  of  Peisistratus.  His  First  Expulsion  and  Restoration.  §  2.  His  Sec- 
ond Expulsion  and  Restoration.  §  3.  Government  of  Peisistratus  after  his  Final  Res- 
toration to  Iiis  Death,  b.  c.  527.  S  ^'  Government  of  Hippias  and  Hipparchus.  Con- 
spiracy of  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton,  and  Assassination  of  Hipparchus,  b.  c.  614. 
4  5.  Sole  (loveniment  of  Hippias.  His  Expulsion  by  the  Alcmajonidie  and  the  Lace- 
djeraonians,  b.  c.  510.  §  6.  Honors  paid  to  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton.  §  7.  Party 
Struggles  at  Athens  between  Cleisthenes  and  Isagoras.  Establishment  of  the  Athe- 
nian Democracy.  §  8.  Reforms  of  Cleisthenes.  Institution  of  Ten  new  Tribes  and  of 
the  Demes.  §  9.  Increase  of  the  Number  of  the  Senate  to  Five  Hundred.  §  10.  En- 
largement of  the  Functions  and  Authority  of  the  Senate  and  the  Ecclesia.  §  11.  In- 
troduction of  the  Judicial  Functions  of  the  People.  Institution  of  the  Ten  Strategi  or 
Generals.  \  12.  Ostracism.  §  13.  First  Attempt  of  the  Lacedremonians  to  overthrow 
the  Athenian  Democracy.  Invasion  of  Attica  by  Cleomenes,  followed  by  his  Expul- 
sion with  that  of  Isagoras.  §  14.  Second  Attempt  of  the  Lacedtemonians  to  overthrow 
the  Athenian  Democracy.  The  Lacedasmonians,  Thebans,  and  Chalcidians  attack 
Attica.  The  Lacedtemonians  deserted  by  their  Allies,  and  compelled  to  retire.  Vic- 
tories of  the  Athenians  over  the  Thebans  and  Chalcidians,  followed  by  the  Planting 
of  Four  Thousand  Athenian  Colonists  on  the  Lands  of  the  Chalcidians.  \  15.  Third 
Attempt  of  the  Lacedcemonians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  Democracy,  again  frus- 
trated by  the  Refusal  of  the  Allies  to  take  a  Part  in  the  Enterprise.  §  16.  Growth 
of  Athenian  Patriotism,  a  Consequence  of  the  Reforms  of  Cleisthenes.  •  •    97 

CHAPTER  XXL 
HISTORY   OF   THE    GREEK   COLONIES. 

4  1.  Connection  of  the  Subject  with  the  General  History  of  Greece.  §  2.  Origin  of  the 
Greek  Colonies  and  their  Relation  to  the  Motlier  Countrj^  \  3.  Characteristics  com- 
mon to  most  of  the  Greek  Colonies.  \  4.  The  .Folic,  Ionic,  and  Doric  Colonies  in  Asia. 
Miletus  the  most  important,  and  the  Parent  of  luimerous  Colonies.  Ephesus.  Pho- 
CfiBa.  \  6.  Colonies  in  the  South  of  Italy  and  Sicily.  History  of  Cumse.  \  6.  Colonies 
in  Sicily.  Syracuse  and  Agrigentum  the  most  important.  Phalaris,  Despot  of  Agri- 
gentum.  \  7.  Colonies  in  Magna  Grajcia  (the  South  of  Italy).  Sybaris  and  Croton. 
War  between  these  Cities,  and  the  Destruction  of  Sybaris.  §  Epizephyrian  Locrii 
its  Lawgiver,  Zaleucus.  Rhegiura.  §  9.  Tarentum.  Decline  of  the  Cities  in  Mag- 
na Grascia.  §  10.  Colonies  in  Gaul  and  S[>aiu.  Massalia.  \  11.  Colonies  in  Africa. 
Cyrene.  §  12.  Colonies  in  Epeirus,  Macedonia,  and  Thrace.  §  13.  Importance  of  a 
l^owledge  of  the  History  of  the  Greek  Colonies.  .....  108 

CHAPTER  Xin. 
HISTORY   OP   LITERATURE. 

I  1.  Perfection  of  the  Greeks  in  Literature.    %  2.  Greek  Epic  Poetry  divided  into  Two 

Classes,  Homeric  and  Hesiodic.    §  .3.  Poems  of  Hesiod.    §  4.  Origin  of  Greek  Lyric 

.    Poetry.    \  5.  Archilochus.    \  6.  Simonides  of  Amorgos.    §  7.  Tyrtaeus  and  Alcman. 


\  8.  Arion  and  Stesichorus.  §  9.  Alcaeus  and  Sappho.  \  10.  Anacreon.  §  11.  The 
Seven  Sages  of  Greece.  §  12.  The  Ionic  School  of  Philosophy.  Thales,  Anaximander, 
and  Anaximenes.  §  13.  The  Eleatic  School  of  Philosophy.  Xenophanes.  §  14.  The 
Pythagorean  School  of  Philosophy.  Life  of  Pythagoras.  Foundation  and  Suppres- 
sion of  his  Society  in  the  Cities  of  Magna  Graecia.         .  .  ,  .  ,  119 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

HISTORY   OP  ART. 

I  1.  Perfection  of  Grecian  Art.  §  2.  Origin  of  Architecture.  §  3.  Cyclopean  Walls. 
Treasury  of  Atreus.  §  4.  Architecture  of  Temples.  §  5.  Three  Orders  of  Architec- 
ture, the  Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian.  §  6.  Temples  of  Artemis  (Diana)  at  Ephesus, 
of  Hera  (Juno)  at  Samos,  of  Apollo  at  Delphi,  and  of  Jove  at  Athens.  Remains  of 
Temples  at  Posidonia  (Paestum),  Selinus,  and  JEgina.  §  7.  Origin  of  Sculpture. 
Wooden  Images  of  the  Gods.  Sculptured  Figures  on  Architectural  Monuments. 
Lions  over  the  Gate  at  Mycenaj.  §  8.  Improvements  in  Sculpture  in  the  Sixth  and 
Fifth  Centuries  b.  c.  §  9.  Extant  Specimens  of  Grecian  Sculpture.  The  Selinuntine, 
Jlgmetan,  and  Lycian  Marbles.    §  10.  History  of  Painting.      .  .  .  .133 


BOOK   III. 

THE  PERSIAN   WARS. 
B.  C.  500-478. 

CHAPTER  XV. 
THE   RISE  AND    GROWTH   OF   THE   PERSIAN  EMPIRE. 

I  1.  Introduction.  §  2.  The  Assyrian  Empire.  §  3.  The  Median  Empire.  §  4.  The 
Babylonian  Empire.  \  5.  The  Lydian  Monarchy,  and  its  Influence  upon  the  Asiatic 
Greeks.  §  6.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  by  Croesus,  King  of  Lydia.  §  7.  Foun- 
dation of  the  Persian  Empire  by  Cyrus,  and  Overthrow  of  the  Median  Empire  by  the 
latter.  §  8.  Conquest  of  the  Lydian  Monarchy  by  Cyrus.  §  9.  Conquest  of  the  Asi- 
atic Greeks  by  Harpagus,  the  General  of  Cyrus.  Death  of  Cyrus.  §  10.  Reigns  of 
Cambyses  and  of  the  false  Smerdis.  \  11.  History  of  Polycrates,  Despot  of  Samos. 
§12.  Accession  of  Darius,  Son  of  Hystaspes.  His  Organization  of  the  Persian  Em- 
pire. §  13.  Invasion  of  Scythia  by  Darius.  §  14.  Subjection  of  Thrace  and  Mace- 
donia to  the  Persian  Empire.       .  .  .  ,  ,  ,  .  j^ 

CHAPTER    XVL 

THE   IONIC    REVOLT. 

I  1.  Introduction.  §  2.  Naxiau  Exiles  apply  for  Aid  to  Aristagoras.  ^  3.  Expedition 
of  Aristagoras  and  the  Persians  against  Naxos.  Its  Failure.  §  4.  Revolt  of  Miletus 
and  the  other  Greek  Cities  of  Asia.  §  5.  Aristagoras  solicits  Assistance  from  Sparta 
and  Athens,  which  is  granted  by  the  latter.  §  6.  Burning  of  Sardis  by  the  Athenians 
and  lonians.  \  7.  Death  of  Aristagoras  and  Histiaeus.  §  8.  Defeat  of  the  Ionian  Fleet 
atLadd    §  9.  Capture  of  Miletus  and  Termination  of  the  Revolt. 


153 


CHAPTER  XVIL 

THE   BATTLE    OP   MARATHON. 

%  1.  Expedition  of  Mardonius  into  Greece,    h  2.  Preparations  of  Darius  for  a  second 
Invasion  of  Greece.    Heralds  sent  to  the  leading  Grecian  States  to  demand  Earth 


xviu 


CONTENTS. 


and  Water.  §  8.  Invasion  of  Greece  by  the  Persians  under  Datis  and  Artapheme«. 
Conquest  of  the  Cyclades  and  Eretria.  §  4.  Preparations  at  Athens  to  resist  the  Pep- 
slans.  History  of  Miltiades.  $  5.  Debate  among  the  Ten  Athenian  Generals.  Eeso- 
lution  to  give  Battle  to  the  Persians.  §  6.  Battle  of  Marathon.  §  7.  Movements  of  the 
Persians  after  the  Battle.  §  8.  Effect  of  the  Battle  of  Marathon  upon  the  Athenians. 
I  9.  Glory  of  Miltiades.  ^  10.  His  unsuccessful  Expedition  to  Paros.  §  11.  His  Trial, 
Condemnation,  and  Death.  §  12.  History  of  ^gina.  §  13.  War  between  Athens  and 
iEgina.  §  14.  Athens  becomes  a  Maritime  Power.  §  16.  Rivalry  of  Themistocles  and 
Aristeides.    Ostracism  of  the  latter.        ....... 


160 


CHAPTER  XVin. 

THE  BATTLES   OP   THERMOPTLiE  AND   ARTEMISIUM. 

\  1.  Death  of  Darius  and  Accession  of  Xerxes.  §  2.  Preparations  for  the  Invasion  of 
Greece.  §  3.  A  Bridge  thrown  across  the  Hellespont,  and  a  Canal  cut  through  the 
Isthmus  of  Iklount  Athos.  §  4.  Xerxes  sets  out  from  Sardis.  Order  of  the  March. 
§  5.  Passage  of  the  Hellespont.  §  6.  Numbering  of  the  Anny  on  the  Plain  of  Doriscus. 
$  7.  Continuation  of  the  Slarch  from  Doriscus  to  Mount  Olympus.  §  8.  Preparations 
of  the  Greeks  to  resist  Xerxes.  Congress  of  the  Grecian  States  at  the  Isthmus  of  Cor- 
inth. §  9.  Patriotism  of  the  Athenians.  Resolution  of  the  Greeks  to  defend  the  Pass 
of  Tempe,  which  is  afterwards  abandoned.  §  10.  Description  of  the  Pass  of  Thermopy- 
laj.  §  11.  Leonidas  sent  out  with  Three  Hundred  Spartans  to  defend  the  Pass  of  Ther- 
mopyte.  §  12.  Attack  and  Repulse  of  the  Persians  at  Thermopylae.  §  13.  A  Persisln 
Detachment  cross  the  Mountains  by  a  Secret  Path  in  order  to  fall  upon  the  Greeks  in 
the  Rear.  §  14.  Heroic  Death  of  Leonidas  and  his  Comrades.  §  15.  Monuments  erect- 
ed to  their  Honor.  §  16.  Proceedings  of  the  Persian  and  Grecian  Fleets.  ^  17. 
The  Persian  Fleet  overtaken  by  a  Terrible  Storm.  §  18.  The  First  Battle  of  Artemi- 
sium.  §  19.  Second  Storm.  §  20.  Second  Battle  of  Artemisium.  Retreat  of  the  Gre- 
cian Fleet  to  Salamis.       ,..••••..  178 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  BATTLE   OF   SALAMIS. 

\  1.  Results  of  the  Battle  of  Thermopylae.  §  2.  Alarm  and  Flight  of  the  Athenians. 
\  3.  March  of  the  Persians  and  Attempt  upon  Delphi.  §  4.  Taking  of  Athens  and 
Arrival  of  the  Persian  Fleet.  §  5.  Dissensions  and  Debates  of  the  Greeks.  §  6.  Strata- 
gem of  Themistocles.  Arrival  of  Aristeides.  ^  7.  Position  of  the  Hostile  Fleets.  Prep- 
arations for  the  Combat.  §  8.  Battle  of  Salamis.  §  9.  Defeat  and  Flight  of  Xerxes. 
§  10.  Pursuit  of  the  Greeks.  §  11.  Homeward  March  of  Xerxes.  §  12.  The  Greeks 
celebrate  their  Victory.  §  13.  Carthaginian  Expedition  to  Sicily.  Defeat  and  Death 
ofHamilcar.  .....••♦•• 


187 


CHAPTER  XX. 
BATTLES   OF   PLATjEA  AND   MYCALE. 

I  1.  Position  of  the  Persian  and  Greek  Fleets.  §  2.  Preparations  of  Mardonius  for  the 
Campaign.  §  3.  He  solicits  the  Athenians  to  join  him.  Faithlessness  of  the  Spartans. 
§  4.  Mardonius  occupies  Athens.  Athenian  Embassy  to  Sparta.  March  of  the  Spartan 
Army.  §  5.  Mardonins  retires  into  Boeotia:  followed  by  the  Grecian  Army.  Skir- 
mishes. ^  6.  The  Greeks  descend  into  the  Plain.  Manoeuvres  of  the  two  Armies. 
^  7.  Alexander,  King  of  Macedon,  visits  the  Grecian  Camp.  The  Greeks  resolve  to 
change  their  Ground:  their  disorderiy  Retreat.  §  8.  Battle  of  Plata;a.  Defeat  of  the 
Persians.  ^  9.  Division  of  the  Spoil.  §  10.  Reduction  of  Thebes,  and  Execution  of 
the  Theban  Leaders.  §  11.  Death  of  Aristodemus.  §  12.  League  of  Plataea.  Relig- 
ious Ceremonies.  §  13.  Battle  of  Slycalt^  Defeat  of  the  Persians.  §  14.  Liberation 
of  the  Greek  Islands.    ^  15.  Siege  and  Capture  of  Sestos.        .  .  .  .108 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

HISTORY   OP  LITERATURE. 

{  1.  General  Characteristics.  §  2.  Simooides.  §  3.  Pmdar.  §  4.  Ibycus  and  Bacchyli- 
dea.  4  5.  Rise  of  History  and  of  Composition  in  Prose.  §  6.  Hecataeus,  Charon  of 
Lampsacus,  Hellanicus.  §  7.  Herodotus.  §  8.  Character  of  his  Work.  Analysis. 
§  9.  Predilection  of  Herodotus  for  Athens.    §  10.  Style  of  his  Work.    .  ,  .  215 


BOOK  IV. 

THE  ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  AND  THE  PELOPON- 

NESIAN  WAR. 

B.   C.  477-404 

CHAPTER    XXn. 

FROM  THE   EXPULSION   OP   THE   PERSIANS   TO   THE  DEATH   OF 

THEMISTOCLES. 

f  1.  Further  Proceedings  against  the  Persians.  §  2.  Misconduct  and  Treason  of  Pau- 
sanias.  §  3.  The  Maritime  Supremacy  transferred  to  the  Athenians.  §  4.  Confed- 
eracy of  Delos.  §  5.  The  Combined  Fleet  under  Cimon.  §  6.  Growth  of  the  Athenian 
Power.  Plans  of  Themistocles.  §  7.  Rebuilding  of  Athens.  The  Lacedasmom'ans 
attempt  to  prevent  its  being  fortified.  §  8.  Fortification  of  Peiraeus.  §  9.  Strife  of 
Parties  at  Athens.  ^lisconduct  of  Themistocles.  §  10.  He  is  ostracized.  §  11.  Pau- 
sanias  convicted  oi  Medism.  §  12.  Themistocles  implicated  in  his  Guilt.  He  escapes 
into  Asia.  §  13.  He  is  magnificently  received  by  Artaxerxes.  His  Death  and  Char- 
acter.   §  14.  Death  of  Aristeides.  .......  224 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

RISE   AND    GROWTH    OF   THE   ATHENIAN   EMPIRE. FRO^I   THE   BATTLE 

OF    EURYMEDOX    TO    THE    THIRTY   YEARS'    TRUCE    WITH    SPARTA. 

4  1.  Cimon  Leader  of  the  Aristocratical  Party  at  Athens.  §  2.  Revolt  of  Naxos.  §  3. 
Battle  of  Euryraedon.  §4.  The  Athenians  blockade  Thasos,  and  attempt  to  found 
Colonies  in  Thrace.  §  5.  Earthquake  at  Sparta  and  Revolt  of  the  Helots.  §  6.  De- 
cline of  Spartan  Power.  §  7.  Cimon  assists  the  Spartans  to  suppress  the  Revolt,  but 
without  Success.  The  Spartans  offend  the  Athenians  by  dismissing  their  Troops. 
§  8.  Parties  at  Athens.  Character  of  Pericles.  §  9.  Attack  upon  the  Areopagus. 
§  10.  Ostracism  of  Cimon.  §  11.  Administration  and  Foreign  Policy  of  Pericles. 
§  12.  Expedition  of  the  Athenians  into  Egypt  against  the  Persians.  ^  13.  Hostilities 
•with  Corinth  and  ^Egina.  Defeat  of  the  Corinthians  at  Megara.  §  14.  The  Long 
Walls  of  Athens  commenced.  §  16.  The  Lacedaemonians  march  into  Ba?otia.  Battle 
of  Tanagra.  §  16.  Recall  of  Cimon.  §  17.  Battle  of  CEnophyta,  and  Conquest  of 
Boeotia.  Conquest  of  jEgina.  §  18.  The  Five  Years'  Truce.  Expedition  of  Cimon 
to  Cyprus.  His  Death.  ^  19.  Conclusion  of  the  War  with  Persia.  §  20.  The  Athe- 
nian Power  at  its  Height.  §  21.  Decline  of  the  Athenian  Power.  Revolution  in 
Boeotia.  Other  Athenian  Reverses.  Invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedaemonians 
under  Pleistoanax.  ^  22.  Pericles  recovers  Euboea.  Thirty  Years'  Truce  with 
Sparta.      .         .  .........  285 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


XXI 


4 


CHAPTER  XXIV.  , 

FROM  THE  THIRTY  TEARS*  TRUCE  TO  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  CORINTH 

AND  CORCYRA. 

f  1.  State  of  Parties  at  Athens.  Thucydides.  §  2.  Opposite  Political  Views.  §  8. 
Ostracism  of  Thucydides.  Administration  of  Pericles.  He  adorns  Athens.  His 
Foreign  Policy.  §  4.  Athenian  Colonization.  Cleruchiae.  Thurii  and  Amphipolis, 
§  5.  Nature  of  the  Atlienian  Maritime  Empire.  Amount  of  Tribute.  Oppressions. 
f  6.  Revolt  of  Samos.     Seduction  of  the  Island  by  Pericles.    ....  218 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

CAUSES   OF   THE   FELOPONNESIAN   WAR. 

j  1.  Quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra.  §  2.  Corcyraeau  Embassy  to  Athens. 
Decision  of  the  Athenians.  §  3.  They  send  a  Fleet  to  Corcyra.  Naval  Engagements. 
Defeat  of  the  Corinthians.  §  4.  Revolt  of  Potidaea.  $  5.  Congress  of  the  Peloponne- 
sian  Allies  at  Sparta.  The  Spartans  decide  for  War.  §  6.  Second  Congress.  The 
Allies  resolve  upon  War.  §  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  require  the  Athenians  to  expel 
Pericles.  §  8.  Attacks  upon  Pericles,  Aspasia,  and  Anaxagoras.  Imprisonment  and 
Death  of  Pheidias.  §  9-  Further  Requisitions  of  the  Lacedaemonians.  Rejected  by 
the  Athenians.  §  10.  The  Thebans  surprise  Plataea.  §  11.  The  Athenians  prepare 
lor  War.  Portents.  §  12.  Forces  of  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians.  §  13.  The 
Peloponnesian  Army  assemble  at  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth.        •  .  ,  .  355 

CHAPTER  XXVL 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. FROM   THE   COMMENCEMENT   OF   THE  WAR  TO 

THE   CAPTURE   AND   DESTRUCTION   OF   PLATiEA. 

1 1.  The  Peloponnesians  invade  Attica.  §  2.  Athenian  naval  Expeditions  to  Pelopon- 
nesus and  Locris.  §  3.  The  Athenians  invade  the  Megarid.  §  4.  Second  Invasion 
of  Attica.  Plague  at  Athens.  §  5.  Unpopularity  of  Pericles.  He  is  accused  of  Mal- 
versation. §  6.  His  domestic  Misfortunes.  Death.  Character.  §  7.  The  Lacedae- 
monians ravage  Attica.  Their  naval  Operations.  §  8.  Surrender  of  Potidaea. 
^  9.  The  Lacedaemonians  besiege  Plataea.  §  10.  Part  of  the  Garrison  escape, 
ill.  Surrender  of  the  town.    Trial  and  Execution  of  the  Garrison.    .  .  .266 

CHAPTER  XXVIL 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  CONTINUED.  —  FROM  THE   SIEGE  OP   PLATJEA  TO 

THE   SEDITION  AT   CORCYRA. 

f  1.  General  Character  of  the  War.  §  2.  Military  and  Naval  Operations  of  the  Third 
Year.  Attempt  of  Peloponnesians  to  surprise  Peiraeus.  §  3.  Fourth  Year.  Revolt 
of  Mytilen6.  §  4.  Fifth  Year.  Surrender  of  Mytilen^.  §  5.  Debates  of  the  Athe- 
nian Assembly  respecting  the  Mytilenaeans.  Cleon  and  the  Athenian  Demagogues. 
f  6.  Bloody  Decree  against  the  Mytilenaeans.  §  7.  Second  Debate.  Reversal  of  the 
Decree.  Lesbos  colonized  by  Athenians.  §  8.  Civil  Dissensions  at  Corcyra.  §  9. 
Picture  of  the  Times  by  Thucydides. 

CHAPTER  XXVm. 


m 


I*£LOPONNESIAN    WAR    CONTINUED.  —  FROM    THE    SEDITION    AT    COR- 
CYRA TO  THE  PEACE   OF  NICIAS. 

1 1.  Sixth  Year  of  the  War.    Return  of  the  Plague.    Purification  of  Delos.    §  2.  Sev- 
•Dth  Year.    Fortification  of  Pylos.    §  3.  Attempts  of  the  Lacedseraonians  to  recover 


Pylos.  §  4.  Arrival  and  Victory  of  the  Athenian  Fleet.  Blockade  of  Sphacteria. 
^  6.  The  Lacedaemonians  sue  for  Peace  at  Athens.  Extravagant  Demands  of  Cleon. 
4  6.  Renewal  of  Hostilities.  §  7.  Debates  in  the  Assembly.  Cleon  elected  General. 
^  8.  Capture  of  Sphacteria.  §  9.  Advantages  of  the  Victory.  ^  10.  Proceedings  at 
Corcyra.  Slaughter  of  the  Oligarchs.  §  11.  Eighth  Year  of  the  War.  Capture  of 
Cythera.  §  12.  Invasion  of  the  Megarid  and  Boeotia  by  the  Athenians.  Capture  of 
Nisaea,  the  Port  of  Megara.  Defeat  of  the  Athenians  at  the  Battle  of  Deliura.  §  13 
Brasidas  in  Thrace.  Takes  Amphipolis.  Banishment  of  Thucydides.  §  14.  Ninth 
Year  of  the  War.  A  Truce  between  Sparta  and  Athens.  The  War  continued  in 
Thrace.  §  15.  Tenth  Year  of  the  War.  Cleon  proceeds  to  Amphipolis.  His  Defeat 
and  Death.  Death  of  Brasidas.  §  16.  Eleventh  Year  of  the  War.  Fifty  Years' 
Peace  between  Athens  and  Sparta.         .......  285 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR   CONTINUED.     FROM   THE    PEACE   OF    NICIAS  TO 
THE   EXPEDITION    OP   THE   ATHENIANS   TO    SICILY. 

§  1.  League  of  Argos,  Corinth,  Elea,  Mautiuea,  and  Chalcidic^.  §  2.  Transactions  be- 
tween Sparta  and  Athens.  §  3.  Policy  and  Character  of  Alcibiades.  §  4.  He  advo- 
cates a  League  with  Argos.  Resorts  to  a  Stratagem  to  procure  it.  §  5.  Alcibiades 
Victor  at  Olympia.  His  Magnificence.  ^  6.  He  proceeds  to  Peloponnesus.  §  7.  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Lacedaemonians.  Battle  of  Mantinea.  §  8.  Revolutions  at  Argos. 
A  Democracy  established.  §  9.  Conquest  of  Melos  by  the  Athenians.  §  10.  Inter- 
vention of  the  Athenians  in  Sicily.  §  11.  Embassy  of  the  Egestieans.  They  de- 
ceive the  Athenians  respecting  their  Wealth.  §  12.  The  Athenians  resolve  on  an 
Expedition  to  Sicily.  §  13.  Preparations  at  Athens.  Popular  Delusion.  §  14.  Muti- 
lation of  the  Hermae.    Accusation  of  Alcibiades.     §  15.  Departure  of  the  Athenian 

Fleet  for  Sicily 801 

» 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
PELOPONNESIAN  WAR   CONTINUED.     THE  SICILIAN  EXPEDITION. 

*  4  1.  Armament  mustered  at  Corcyra.  §  2.  Its  Reception  in  Italy.  Proceedings  at 
Syracuse.  §  3.  Plans  of  the  Athenian  Generals.  §  4.  The  Advice  of  Alcibiades 
adopted.  He  gains  over  Naxos  and  Catana.  §  5.  Proceedings  at  Athens  respecting 
the  Mutilation  of  the  Hermae,  and  the  Profanation  of  the  Mysteries.  §  6.  Alcibiades 
accused,  and  ordered  to  return  to  Athens.  §  7.  Proceedings  of  Nicias  in  Sicily. 
§  8.  Preparations  of  the  Sicilians  for  Defence.  §  9.  Nicias  lays  Siege  to  Syra- 
cuse. §  10.  He  seizes  Epipolae  and  constructs  a  Fort  at  Syk^.  Attempt  of  the 
Syracusans  against  it.  §  11.  Arrival  of  the  Spartan  General  Gylippus.  Change  in 
the  Athenian  Prospects.  §  12.  Invasion  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedjemonians.  They 
fortify  Deceleia.  ^  13.  The  Syracusans  defeat  the  Athenians  at  Sea.  §  14.  Demos- 
thenes and  Eurymedon  arrive  in  Sicily  with  Reinforcements.  Reverses.  The  Athe- 
nians resolve  to  retreat.  §  15.  Naval  Engagement  in  the  Great  Harbor.  Victory 
of  the  Syracusans.  §  16.  Its  Effects.  Disastrous  Retreat  of  the  Athenians.  Sur- 
render of  Demosthenes.  §  17.  Surrender  of  Nicias.  Treatment  of  the  Prisoners. 
Death  of  Nicias  and  Demosthenes.    §  18.  Their  Characters.  .  .  .  811 

CHAPTER  XXXL 

FROM   THE   END    OF  THE    SICILIAN   EXPEDITION    TO     THE    OVERTHROW 

OF   THE   FOUR  HUNDRED  AT   ATHENS. 

f  1.  Consternation  and  Hardships  at  Athens.  §  2.  Measures  for  Defence.  §  3.  Revolt 
of  Chios,  Erythrae,  and  Clazomenae.    §  4.  Spread  of  the  Revolt.    Defection  of  Teos, 


OOKTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


xxiii 


Lesbos,  and  Miletus.  ReTolution  at  Samos,  which  becomes  the  Head-quarters  of 
the  Athenian  Fleet.  |  5.  Recovery  of  Lesbos  by  the  Athenians.  Dissatisfaction  of 
the  Lacedaemonians  with  Tissaphernes.  §  6.  Schemes  of  Alcibiades.  §  7.  He  pro- 
poses a  League  between  the  Athenians  and  Persians,  and  the  Establishment  of  an 
Oligarchy  at  Athens.  §  8.  Agitation  for  an  Oligarchy  at  Athens.  \  9.  Conference 
of  Peisander  with  Alcibiades.  Artifices  of  the  Latter.  Fresh  Treaty  between  Tissa- 
phernes and  the  Lacedaemonians.  §  10.  Progress  of  the  Oligarchical  Conspiracy  at 
Athens  and  Samos.  \  11.  Establishment  of  the  Four  Hundred.  4  12.  Their  Pro- 
ceedings. ^  13.  Proceedings  at  Samos.  Alcibiades  joins  the  Democracy  there. 
1 14.  The  Athenian  Envoys  at  Samos.  §  15.  Dissensions  among  the  Four  Hundred. 
They  negotiate  with  Sparta.  §  16.  Counter  Revolution  at  Athens.  Defeat  of  the 
Athenian  Fleet  and  Capture  of  Eubrea  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  ^  17.  The  Four 
Hundred  deposed  and  Democracy  re-established  at  Athens.    ....  821 

CHAPTER  XXXn. 

FBOM  THE  FALL  OF  THE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS  TO  THE  BATTLE 

OF  iEGOSPOTAML 

4  1.  State  of  the  Belligerents.  §  2.  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Cjmossema.  §  8. 
Capture  of  Cyzicus  by  the  Athenians,  and  Second  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at 
Abydus.  §  4.  Arrest  of  Alcibiades  by  Tissaphernes,  and  his  subsequent  Escape. 
Signal  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Cyzicus.  §  5.  The  Athenians  Masters  of  the 
Bosporus.  The  Lacedasmonians  propose  a  Peace,  which  is  rejected.  §  6.  Phania- 
bazus  assists  the  Lacedasmonians.  §  7.  Capture  of  Chalcedon  and  P>yzantium  by 
the  Athenians.  §  B.  Return  of  Alcibiades  to  Athens.  §  9.  He  escorts  the  Sacred 
Procession  to  Eleusis.  \  10.  Cyrus  comes  down  to  the  Coast  of  Asia.  Lysander 
appointed  Commander  of  the  Peloponnesian  Fleet.  §  11.  Interview  between  Cyrus 
•  and  Lysander.  §  12.  Alcibiades  at  Samos.  Defeat  of  Antiochus  at  Notium.  §  13. 
Alcibiades  is  dismissed.  §  14.  Lysander  superseded  by  Callicratidas.  Energetic 
Measures  of  the  Latter.  §  15.  Defeat  of  Conon  at  Mytilene,  and  Investment  of  that 
Town  by  Callicratidas.  §  16.  Excitement  at  Athens,  and  Equipment  of  a  large 
Fleet.  \  17.  Battle  of  Arginusae.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Callicratidas.  §  18.  Arraign- 
ment and  Condemnation  of  the  Athenian  Generals.  §  19.  Reappointment  of  Ly- 
sander as  Ntmxrckm.    \  20.  Siege  of  Lampsacus,  and  Battle  of  JEgospotami.     .        .  834 

CHArXER  XXXHL 

FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  iEGOSPOTAMI  TO  THE  OVERTHROW  OP  THE 
THIRTY  TYRANTS  AND  THE  RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OP  DEMOCRACY  AT 
ATHENS. 

4  1.  Alarm  at  Athens.  ^  2.  Proceedings  of  Lysander.  Capture  of  the  Athenian  De- 
pendencies. §  3.  Measures  of  the  Athenians.  Athens  invested.  §  4.  I'mbassy  of 
Theramenes.  Conditions  of  Capitulation.  §  6.  Lysander  takes  Possession  of 
Athens.  Destruction  of  the  Long  Walls,  &c.  ^  6.  Return  of  the  Oligarchical  Exiles. 
Establishment  of  the  Thirty.  \  7.  Surrender  of  Samos  and  Triumph  of  Lysander. 
I  8.  Proceedings  of  the  Thirty  at  Athens.  §  9.  Opposition  of  Themmenes.  §  10. 
Proscriptions.  Death  of  Theramenes.  §  11.  Suppression  of  Intellectual  Culture. 
Socrates.  \  12.  Death  of  Alcibiades.  §  13.  Jealousy  of  the  Grecian  States  to- 
wards Sparta  and  Lysander.  §  14.  Thrasybulus  at  Phyl^.  ^  15.  Seizure  and  ^lassa- 
cre  of  the  Eleusinians.  §  16.  Thrasybulus  occupies  Peirajus.  Death  of  Critias.  §  17. 
Deposition  of  the  Thirty,  and  Establishment  of  the  Ten.  Return  of  Lysander  to 
Athens,  and  Arrival  of  Pausanias.  §  18.  Peace  with  Thrasybulus,  and  Evacuation 
of  Attica  by  the  Peloponnesians.  §  19.  Restoration  of  the  Democracy.  ^  20.  Archon- 
ship  of  Euclides.    Reduction  of  Eleusis.  ....••  840 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

ATHENS,   AND   ATHENIAN   AND    GRECIAN   ART   DURING  THE   PERIOD   OF 

HER   EMPIRE. 

(  1.  Situation  of  Athens.  §  2.  Origin  and  Progress  of  the  Ancient  City.  §  3.  Extent 
of  the  New  City.  Peiraeus  and  the  Ports.  §  4.  General  Appearance  of  Athens.  Popu- 
lation. §  5.  Periods  and  General  Character  of  Attic  Art.  §  6.  Sculptors  of  the  First 
Period.  Ageladas,  Onatas,  and  others.  §  7.  Second  Period.  Pheidias.  §  8.  Poly- 
cletus  and  Myron.  §  9.  Painting.  Polygnotus.  §  10.  Apollodorus,  Zeuxis,  and  Par- 
rhasius.  §  11.  Architecture.  Jlonunients  of  the  Age  of  Cinion.  Tlie  Temple  of  Nike 
Apteros,  the  ThesGuni,  and  the  Poecile  Stoa.  §  12.  The  Acropolis  and  its  Monuments. 
The  Propyliea.  §  13.  The  Partlienon.  §  14.  Statues  of  Athena.  §  15.  The  Erech- 
thcura.  §  1(3.  Monuments  in  the  Asty.  The  Dionysiac  Theatre.  The  Odeum  of 
Pericles.  The  Areopagus.  The  Pnyx.  The  Agoni  and  Ceranieicus.  §  17.  Monu- 
ments out  of  Attica.  The  Temple  of  Zeus  at  Olympia.  §  18.  The  Temple  of  Apollo 
near  Phigalia.        ..........  SoG 


/ 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

HISTORY   OF   ATHENIAN   LITERATURE    DOWN   TO   THE   END    OF   THE 

PELOPONNESIAN   WAR. 


I  1.  Characteristics  of  the  early  Literature  of  Athens.  §  2.  Origin  of  the  Drama.  §  3. 
Introduction  of  the  Ditima  at  Athens.  Susarion,  Thespis,  Phrynichus,  Pratinas.  §  4. 
JEschylus.  §  5.  Sophocles.  §  6.  Euripides.  §  7.  Athenian  Comedy.  Cratinus,  Eu- 
polis,  Aristophanes.  §  8.  Prose-writers  of  the  Period.  Thucydides.  §  9.  Xenoplion. 
4  10.  Athenian  Education.  §  11.  Rhetors  and  Sophists.  §  12.  Life  of  Socrates. 
§  13.  How  he  differed  from  the  Sophists.  §  14.  Enmity  against  him.  ^  15.  His  Im- 
peachment, Trial,  and  Death.       ........ 


375 


BOOK    V. 


THE   SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  SUPREMACIES. 

B.  C.  403  -  371.       ' 

CHAPTER  XXXVL 

THE  EXPEDITION  OF  THE  GREEKS  UNDER  CYRUS,  AND  RETREAT  OF 

THE  TEN  THOUSAND. 

4  1.  Causes  of  the  Expedition.  §  2.  Cyrus  engages  an  Army  of  Greek  Mercenaries. 
Their  Character.  §  8.  March  to  Tarsus.  §  4.  Discontent  of  the  Greeks.  March  to 
Myriandrus.  §  5.  Passage  of  the  Euphrates,  and  March  through  the  Desert.  §  6. 
Battle  of  Cunaxa,  and  Death  of  Cyrus.  §  7.  Dismay  of  the  Greeks.  Preparations 
for  Retreat.  §  8.  Retreat  of  the  Army  to  the  Greater  Zab.  Seizure  of  the  Generals. 
§  9.  Election  of  Xenophon  and  others  as  Generals.  §  10.  March  from  the  Zab  to  tl:e  Con- 
fines of  the  Carduchi.  March  across  the  Mountains  of  the  Carduchi.  §  11.  Progress 
through  Armenia.  §  12.  March  through  the  Country  of  the  Taochi,  Chalybes,  Scy- 
thini,  Macrones,  and  Colchi  to  Trapezus  on  the  Euxiue.  §  13.  March  along  the  Coast 
of  the  Euxine  to  Chrysopolis.  Passage  to  Byzantium.  §  14.  Proceedings  at  By- 
zantium. §  15.  The  Greeks  enter  the  Service  of  Seuthes.  §  16.  Are  engaged  by  the 
Laced  osnionians.    Last  Exploits  of  the  Anny,  and  Retirement  of  Xenophon.    .         .  393 


li 


XZIT 


CONTENTS. 


t 


CHAPTER    XXXVn. 

FSOM  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  SPARTAN  EMPIRE  TO  THE  BATTLE 

OF  CNIDOS. 

4  1.  Invasion  and  Reduction  of  Elis  by  King  Agis.  §  2.  Ambitious  Projects  of  Lysander. 
4  8.  He  procures  the  Tiirone  for  Agesilaus.  §  4.  Character  of  Agesilaus.  §  5.  Nature 
of  the  Spartan  Empire.  §  6.  Affairs  of  Asia  Minor.  §  7.  Agesilaus  proceeds  thither. 
§  S.  Mortifies  Lysander.  §  9.  Campaigns  of  Agesilaus  against  Tissaphemes  and 
Phamabazus.  §  10.  Execution  of  Tissaphernes.  §  11.  Proceedings  of  Conon.  Rhodes 
revolts  from  Sparta.  §  12.  Agesilaus  ravages  the  Satrapy  of  Phamabazus.  Interview 
between  them.    §  13.  Recall  of  Agesilaus.    §  14.  Battle  of  Cnidos.      .  •  •  407 


M 


CHAPTER    XXXVIII. 

THE  CORINTHIAN  WAR.  —  FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  CNIDOS  TO  THE  PEACE 

OF  ANTALCIDAS. 

§  1.  Mission  of  Timocrates  to  the  Grecian  Cities.  {  2.  Hostilities  between  Sparta  and 
Thebes.  §  3.  The  Athenians  join  the  Thebans.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Lysander.  Re- 
treat of  Pausanias.  §  4.  League  against  Sparta.  Battle  of  Corinth.  §  5.  Homeward 
March  of  Agesilaus.  §  6.  Battle  of  Coronea.  §  7.  Loss  of  the  Spartan  Maritime  Em- 
pire. 4  ^'  Conon  rebuilds  the  Walls  of  Athens.  §  9.  Civil  Dissensions  at  Corinth. 
§  10.  Campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  the  Corinthian  Territory.  §  11.  New  System  of  Tac- 
tics introduced  by  Iphicrates.  Destruction  of  a  Spartan  Mara  by  his  light-armed 
Troops.  4  12.  Negotiations  of  Antalcidas  with  the  Persians.  Death  of  Conon.  De- 
feat and  Death  of  Thimbron.  §  13.  Maritime  War  on  the  Coast  of  Asia.  Revolt  of 
Rhodes.  Thrasybulus  appointed  Athenian  Commander.  His  Death  at  Aspendus. 
Anaxibius  defeated  by  Iphicrates  at  the  Hellespont.  §  14.  War  between  Athens  and 
JIgina.  Teleutias  surprises  the  Peu-aeus.  §  15.  Peace  of  Antalcidas.  ^  16.  Its  Char- 
Aoter.  »••»••..•.•  4lo 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 
FROM  THE  PEACE  OP  ANTALCIDAS  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  CALLIAS. 

1 1.  Aggressions  of  Sparta  in  Boeotia.  Rebuilding  of  Plataea.  §  2.  Reduction  of  Man- 
tinea.  §  3.  Olynthian  Confederation.  Sparta  interferes.  §  4.  Seizure  of  the  Cad- 
mea  at  Thebes  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  §  5.  Reduction  of  Olynthus.  ^  6.  Unpop- 
ularity of  Sparta.  §  7.  Revolution  at  Thebes.  ^  8.  The  Lacedaimonians  expelled 
from  the  Cadmea.  §  9.  Their  Expeditions  against  Thebes.  Alarm  of  the  Atheni- 
ans, who  ally  themselves  with  Thebes.  §  10.  Reorganization  of  the  Athenian  Confed- 
eration. §  11.  Preparations  for  War.  The  Theban  "  Sacred  Band."  ^  12.  Character 
of  Eparaeinondas.  §  13.  Spartan  Invasions  of  Boeotia.  §  14.  Maritime  Affairs.  Bat- 
tle of  Naxos.  Success  of  Timothens.  §  15.  Progress  of  the  Theban  Arms.  §  16.  The 
Athenians  form  a  Peace  with  Sparta,  which  is  immediately  broken.  Proceedings  at 
Corcyra.  §  17.  The  Lacedaemonians  solicit  Persian  Aid.  §  18.  Congress  at  Sparta 
to  treat  of  Peace.    The  Thebans  are  excluded  from  it.  .  •  •  .  427 


CHAPTER   XL. 


THE   SUPREMACY   OF   THEBES. 


4  1.  Invasion  of  Boeotia  by  Cleombrotus.  §  2.  Battle  of  Leuctra.  §  3.  Its  Effect 
throughout  Greece.  4  4.  Jason  of  Pherae  joins  the  Thebans.  §  6.  Progress  of  Thebes. 
4  6.  Assassination  of  Jason.    ^  7.  Establishment  of  the  Arcadian  League.    §  8  First 


CONTENTS. 


XXV 


Invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Eparaeinondas.  Alarm  at  Sparta.  Vigorous  Measures 
of  Agesilaus.  ^  9.  Eparaeinondas  founds  Megalopolis,  and  restores  the  Messenians. 
4  10.  Alliance  between  Athens  and  Sparta.  Second  Invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by 
Eparaeinondas.  §  11.  Invasion  of  Laconia  by  the  Arcadians.  §  12.  Expedition  of  Pe- 
lopidas  into  Thessaly.  The  "  Tearless  Battle  "  between  the  Arcadians  and  Lacedae- 
monians. §  13.  Third  Invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Eparaeinondas.  §  14.  Mission  of 
Pelopidas  to  the  Court  of  Susa.  §  15.  Seizure  of  Pelopidas  by  Alexander.  His  Re- 
lease. §  16.  The  Athenians  acquire  Oropus'.  Alliance  between  Athens  and  Arcadia. 
§  17.  Attempt  of  the  Athenians  to  seize  Corinth,  followed  by  an  Alliance  between  the 
Corinthians  and  Thebans.  §  18.  Success  of  the  Athenians  at  Sea.  A  Theban  Fleet 
coraraanded  by  Eparaeinondas.  §  19.  Death  of  Pelopidas.  §  2.  Wars  between  Elis 
and  Arcadia.  Battle  at  Olyrapia  during  the  Festival.  §  21.  Dissensions  araong  the 
Arcadians.  §  22.  Fourth  Invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Eparaeinondas.  Attempts  upon 
Sparta  and  Mantinea.  §  23.  Battle  of  Mantinea,  and  Death  of  Eparaeinondas.  §  24. 
Death  of  Agesilaus.  ••...., 


480 


m 


CHAPTER  XLI. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    SICILIAN   GREEKS   FROM   THE   DESTRUCTION   OP    THE 
ATHENIAN  ARMAMENT   TO   THE   DEATH   OF  TIMOLEON. 

I  1.  Revolutions  at  Syracuse.  Dionysius  the  Elder  seizes  the  Despotism.  §  2.  His  Suc- 
cesses. §  3.  His  Poetical  Corapositions.  Plato  visits  Syracuse.  §  4.  Death  of  Diony- 
sius. His  Character.  Story  of  Damocles.  §  5.  Accession  of  the  Younger  Dionysius. 
Second  Visit  of  Plato.  Banishraent  of  Dion.  Third  Visit  of  Plato.  §  6.  Dion  expels 
Dionysius,  and  becomes  blaster  of  Syracuse.  §  7.  Assassination  of  Dion.  §  8.  Revo- 
lutions at  Syracuse.  The  Syracusans  invoke  the  Aid  of  Corinth.  §  9.  Character  of 
Tiraoleon.  §  10.  His  Successes.  Surrender  of  Dionysius  and  Conquest  of  Syracuse. 
§  11.  Moderation  of  Timoleon.  He  remodels  the  Constitution.  §  12.  Defeats  the  Car- 
thaginians at  the  Crimesus.  §  13.  Deposes  the  Sicilian  Despots.  §  14.  Retires  into 
a  Private  Station.    His  great  Popularity  and  Death.      .....  455 


1l 


BOOK  VI. 


THE    ]VIACEDONIAN    SUPREMACY. 
B.  C.  359  - 146. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

FROM  THE  ACCESSION   OF  PHILIP   TO   THE   END    OF  THE  SACRED  WAR. 

$  1.  State  of  Greece.  $  2.  Description  of  Macedonia.  $  3.  Kings  of  Macedon.  $  4. 
Character  of  Philip.  §  5.  He  subdues  the  Paeonians  and  Illyrians.  §  6.  His  Mili- 
tary Discipline.  $  7.  Capture  of  Araphipolis,  and  Foundation  of  Philippi.  $  8.  The 
Social  War.  §  9.  Commencement  of  the  Sacred  War.  The  Phocians  seize  Delphi. 
$10.  Successes  of  the  Phocians.  $  11.  Philip  interferes  in  the  War.  Conquers 
Thessaly.  $  12.  Philip  in  Thrace.  Demosthenes.  §  13.  The  Olynthian  War.  $  14. 
Character  of  Phocion.  Fall  of  Olynthus.  §  15.  Progress  of  the  Sacred  War. 
Embassy  to  Philip.  ^  16.  Conquest  of  Phocis  by  Philip.  Sentence  of  the  Aniphic- 
tyonic  Council  on  the  Phocians.  ...  ,  .  466 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   XLm. 
FBOM  THE  END   OF  THE  SACRED  WAR  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  PHILIP. 

1 1.  Results  of  the  Sacred  War.  §  2.  Macedonian  Embassy  to  Athens.  Second  Philip- 
pic.  4  3.  PhUip's  Expedition  into  Thrace.  ^  4,  TUrd  Philippic.  Progress  of  Philip. 
Siege  of  Perinthus.  §  5.  Phocion's  Successes  in  Euboea.  §  6.  Declaration  of  War 
between  Athens  and  Iklacedon.  Phocion  compels  Philip  to  evacuate  the  Chersonese. 
§  7.  Charge  of  Sacrilege  against  the  Araphissians.  §  8.  Philip  appointed  General  by 
fche  Amphictyons,  to  conduct  the  War  against  Amphissa.  §  9.  He  seizes  Elatea. 
League  between  Athens  and  Thebes.  §  10.  Battle  of  Chaeronea.  §  11.  Philip's  ex- 
travagant Joy  for  his  Victory.  §  12.  Congress  at  Corinth.  Philip's  Progress  through 
the  Peloponnesus.  \  13.  Philip's  Domestic  Quarrels.  §  14.  Preparations  for  the 
Pecsiaii  Expedition.    §  15.  Assassination  of  Philip.        .....  480 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 


ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 


I  1.  Education  of  Alexander.  ^  2.  Rejoicings  at  Athens  for  Philip's  death.  Movements 
in  Greece.  ^  3.  Alexander  overawes  the  Malecontents,  and  is  appointed  Generalissi- 
mo for  the  Persian  War.  §  4.  Alexander  subdues  the  Triballians,  Getse,  Illyrians,  and 
Taulantians.  §  5.  Revolt  and  Destruction  of  Thebes.  §  6.  Alexander  prepares  to 
invade  Persia.  Nature  of  that  Empire.  ^  7.  Alexander  crosses  the  Hellespont.  §8. 
Battle  of  the  Granicus.  §  9.  Alexander  overruns  Asia  Minor.  The  Gordian  Knot, 
f  10.  March  through  Cilicia.  Battle  of  Issus.  Victory.  §  11.  Conquest  of  Phoenicia. 
Siege  of  Tyre.  §  12.  Alexander  marches  into  Egypt.  Foundation  of  Alexandria. 
Oracle  of  Ammon.  §  13.  Battle  of  Arbela.  §  14.  Alexander  takes  Possession  of  Baby- 
lon, Susa,  and  Persepolis.  §  16.  March  to  Ecbatana,  and  Pursuit  of  Danus.  Death  of 
Darius.  §  16.  March  through  Hyrcania,  Asia,  and  Drangiana.  Conspiracy  of  Phi- 
Iotas.  §  17.  Alexander  crosses  the  Oxus.  Death  of  Bessus.  Reduction  of  Sogdiana. 
Alexander  marries  Roxana.  §  18.  Murder  of  Clitus.  §  19.  Plot  of  the  Pages.  Alex- 
ander invades  the  Penj&b,  and  defeats  Porus.  Marches  as  far  as  the  Hyphasis.  §  20. 
Descent  of  the  Hydaspes  and  Indus.  §  21.  March  through  Gedrosia.  Voyage  of 
Hearchus.  \  22.  Arrival  at  Susa.  Intermarriages  of  the  Greeks  and  Persians.  Mu- 
tiny of  the  Army.  §  23.  Death  of  Hephaestion.  Alexander  takes  up  his  Residence 
at  Babylon.    His  Death.    §  24.  Character.        ......  490 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF 

IPSUS. 

I  1.  Division  of  the  Provinces  after  Alexander's  Death.  §  2.  Retrospective  View  of  Gre- 
cian Affairs.  Revolt  of  Agis.  Demosthenes  de  Corona,  ^  3.  Airival  of  Harpalus  at 
Athens.  Accusation  and  Exile  of  Demosthenes.  §  4.  The  Lamian  War.  Defeat  of 
Antipater,  and  Siege  of  Lamia.  §  5.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Leonnatus.  Battle  of  Crannon. 
End  of  the  Lamian  War.  §  6.  Death  of  Demosthenes.  ^  7.  Ambitious  Projects  of  Per- 
diccas.  His  Invasion  of  Egypt,  and  Death.  §  8.  Fresh  Division  of  the  Provinces  at 
Tripiiradisus.  Death  of  Antipater.  Polysperchon  becomes  Regent,  and  conciliates 
the  Grecian  States.  Death  of  Phocion.  ]  9.  War  between  Polysperchon  and  Cassan- 
der.  Ill-success  of  Polysperchon.  Cassander  becomes  Master  of  Macedonia,  and  puts 
Olympias  to  Death.  §  10.  Coalition  against  Antigonus.  Peace  concluded  in  b.  c.  311. 
Murder  of  Roxana  and  her  Son.  §  11.  Renewal  of  the  War  against  Antigonus.  De- 
metrius Poliorcetes  expels  the  Macedonians  from  Athens.  §  12.  Demetrius  Poliorce- 
tes  at  Cyprus.  Battle  of  Salamis.  Attempt  on  Egypt.  Siege  of  Rhodes.  §  13.  Bat- 
tle of  Ipsus,  and  Death  of  Antigonus.       .  .  .  .  .  .  .514 


CONTENTS. 


XXVll 


CHAPTER  XLVL 

FROM  THE  BATTLE   OF  IPSUS   TO   THE    CONQUEST   OP   GREECE  BY  THE 

ROMANS. 

§  1.  Proceedings  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  He  captures  Athens.  §  2.  Obtains  the 
Macedonian  Crown.  His  Flight  and  Death.  §  8.  Lysimachus  reigns  over  Macedonia. 
He  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Seleucus.  §  4.  Seleucus  assassinated  by  Ptolemy 
Ceraunus.  Invasion  of  the  Celts,  and  Death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus.  §  5.  Antigonus 
Gonatas  ascends  the  Macedonian  Throne.  Death  of  Pyrrhus  of  Epeirus.  Chremo- 
nidean  War.  §  6.  The  Achaean  League.  §  7.  State  of  Sparta.  Reforms  of  Agis  and 
Cleomenes.  The  Cleomenic  War.  §  8.  The  Mtdlian  League.  §  9.  The  Social  War. 
§  10.  War  between  Philip  and  the  Romans.  §  11.  Philopoemen.  §  12.  Second  War 
between  Philip  and  the  Romans.  Battle  of  Cynoscephaloe.  §  13.  Defeat  of  Antio- 
chus,  and  Subjugation  of  the  ^tolians  by  the  Romans.  §  14.  Extension  of  the  Achaean 
League.  Conquest  of  Sparta.  Death  of  Philopoemen.  §  15.  War  between  Perseus 
and  the  Romans.  Conquest  of  Macedonia.  §  16.  Proceedings  of  the  Romans  in 
Greece.  §  17.  Athens  and  Oropus.  War  between  the  Achaeans  and  Spartans. 
\  18.  The  Spartans  appeal  to  the  Romans,  who  reduce  Greece  into  a  Roman 
Province.  .  .  •  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  525 

CHAPTER    XLVII. 

HISTORY   OP   GRECIAN  ART  FROM   THE   END    OF    THE    PELOPONNESIAN 

WAR   TO   ITS   DECLINE. 

^  1.  Later  School  of  Athenian  Sculpture.  §  2.  Scopas.  §  3.  Praxiteles.  §  4.  Sicyo- 
nian  School  of  Sculpture.  Euphranor,  Lysippus.  §  5.  Sicyonian  School  of  Painting. 
Eupompus,  Paraphilus,  Apelles.  §  6.  Architecture.  §  7.  Period  after  Alexander  the 
Great.    School  of  Rhodes.    §  8.  Plunder  of  Greek  Works  of  Art  by  the  Romans.      .  639 

CHAPTER   XLVin. 

GRECIAN   LITERATURE   FROM   THE   END    OP   THE   PELOPONNESIAN   WAR 

TO    THE   LATEST   PERIOD. 

{  1.  The  Drama.  The  Middle  Comedy.  The  New  Comedy:  Philemon,  Menander. 
§  2.  Oratory.  Circumstances  which  favored  it  at  Athens.  §  3.  Its  Sicilian  Origin. 
\  4.  The  Ten  Attic  Orators :  Antiphon,  Andocides,  Lysias,  Isocmtes,  Isieus,  Machines, 
Lycurgus,  Demosthenes,  Hyi)ereides,  and  Dinarchus.  §  5.  Athenian  Philosophy :  Plato. 
§  6.  Sketch  of  his  Philosophy.  §  7.  The  Megarics,  Cyrenaics,  and  Cynics.  §  8.  The 
Academicians.  §  9.  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics.  §  10.  The  Stoics  and  Epicureans. 
§  11.  The  Alexandrian  School  of  Literature.  §  12.  Later  Greek  Writers:  Polybius, 
Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  Diodorus  Siculus,  Arrian,  Appian,  Plutarch,  Josephus, 
Strabo,  Pausanias,  Dion  Cassius,  Lucian,  Galen.  §  13.  The  Greek  Scriptures  and 
Fathers.    Conclusion.       ....  .....  646 


I    mj 


BOOK    VII. 


GREECE  FROM  THE  ROMAN  CONQUEST  TO  THE 

PRESENT  TBIE. 


CHAPTER   XLIX. 
GREECE   UNDER   THE   ROMANS. 

^  1.  Roman  Administration.  §  2.  Sylla,  ilithridatic  War.   §  3.  Cilician  Pirates.  §  4.  State 
of  Greece.    §  5.  Effects  of  the  Estabhshracnt  of  the  Roman  Empire.    §  6.  Hadrian's 


ZXVIU 


CONTENTS. 


5: 


Benefactions  to  Greece.  Antonmus,  Marcos  Aurelins,  Herodes  Atticns,  Caracalla. 
f  7.  Gothic  Invasion.  §  8.  Language,  Poetry,  Christianity.  \  9.  Decay  of  Pa- 
ganism. Popular  ElementB  of  Christianity.  §  10.  Boman  View  of  Christianity.  Tri- 
umph of  Cbriatiamt{r.       ••■•••...  661 

CHAPTER  L. 

FROM    THE    ACCESSION    OP    C0N8TANTINE   TO    THE    IMMIGRATION    0» 

THE  SLAVONIANS  INTO   GREECE. 

1 1.  Building  of  Constantinople.  \  2.  Effect  of  transferring  the  Seat  of  Government  to 
Byzantium.  §  3.  Local  Governments.  §  4.  The  Emperor  Julian.  §  5.  Separation  of 
the  Eastern  and  Western  Empires.  The  Goths.  New  Meaning  of  the  Name  Hellenes. 
Attila  and  the  Huns.    §  6.  Reign  of  Justinian.    ^  7.  Slavonians.         .  .  .  fi09 

CHAPTER  LL 

PARTITION   OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

f  1.  Conquests  of  the  Normans.  \  2.  Crusades.  Prankish  Domination  in  Greece.  §  3* 
Dukes  of  Athens.  §  4.  Origin  and  Progress  of  the  Turks.  ^  6.  Mohammed  II.  Prep- 
arations for  the  Capture  of  Constantinople.  §  6.  Capture  of  Constantinople.  §  7. 
Conquest  of  the  Morea.  §  8.  Conquest  of  Trebizond.  ^  9.  Byzantine  Writers,  their 
General  Characteristics.  §  10.  Zosimus,  Procopius,  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus, 
Nicephorus  Bryennius,  Anna  Comnena,  Laonicos  Chalcocondyles.       .  .  .  677 

CHAPTER    LIL 

GREECE  UNDER  THE  TURKS. 

4  1.  Effect  of  the  Fall  of  Constantinople  on  Western  Europe.  §  2.  Efforts  to  combine 
the  Christian  Powers  against  the  Turks.  §  3.  Greek  Literature  in  the  West  before 
the  Fall  of  Constantinople.  §  4.  Diffusion  of  Greek  Literature  after  the  Fall  of  Con- 
stantinople. §  5.  Wars  of  the  Venetians  with  the  Turks.  Battle  of  Lepanto.  Ex- 
pedition of  Morosini.  §  6.  Efforts  of  the  Turks  to  recover  the  Peloponnesus.  Peace 
of  Passarowitz.  §  7.  Turkish  Organization  of  Greece.  Extortions  of  the  Pachas. 
Taxes.  Hamtch.  Land  Tax.  Other  Burdens.  Condition  of  the  Rajahs.  §  8.  The 
iratdo/jui^ai/ia,  or  Levy  of  Children  for  the  Janizaries.  History  of  the  Janizaries. 
§  9.  General  Condition  of  Greece.  Greek  Islands.  §  10.  Preservation  of  the  Greek 
Nationality  during  the  Period  of  Turkish  Domination.  Arraatoloi,  Klephtai.  Char- 
acter of  the  Klephts.  Klephtic  Ballads.  ^  11.  Preparations  for  the  Revolution. 
Rhegas.    Coraes.  .........  698 

CHAPTER  Lm. 


( 


THE   GREEK  REVOLUTION. — KINGDOM    OP  HELLAS. 

I  1.  Movements  previous  to  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  Insurrection  of  1769.  Orloflf 
and  the  Russian  Fleet.  Naval  Expedition  of  Lampros,  in  1787.  Ali  Pacha,  An- 
droutsoe.  §  2.  Characteristics  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  as  sketched  by  Mr.  Tri- 
conpes.  §  3.  Opening  of  the  War.  Prince  Ypselantes.  Germanos,  Archbishop  of 
Patrae.  Scenes  at  Constantinople.  Defeat  at  Dragaschan.  §  4.  Death  of  Diakos  at 
Thermopylae.  \  p.  Capture  of  Tripolis  (Tripolitza).  Local  Goveniments.  First  Na- 
tional Assembly  at  Epidauros.  First  Constitution.  \  6.  Massacre  of  Scio.  §  7.  Second 
National  Assembly  at  Asti-os.  Marcos  Botzares.  §  8.  Efforts  in  Favor  of  the  Greeks. 
I  9.  Intervention  of  Mehemet  Ali,  Pacha  of  Egypt.  Loan.  \  10.  Philhellenes.  Gor- 
don, Fabvier,  Meyer,  Hastings,  General  Church,  Miller,  Howe,  Finlay,  Lord  Byron. 
1 11.  Siege  and  Capture  of  Mesolongi.    ^  l^*  Movements  subsequent  to  the  Fall  of 


CONTENTS. 


XXIX 


Mesolongi.  Siege  of  Athens.  Gouras  takes  Possession  of  the  Citadel.  Death  of 
Gocras.  Attempts  to  relieve  the  Garrison.  §  13.  National  Assembly  at  TrcBzene. 
Election  of  Capo  DTstrias  to  the  Presidency  of  Greece.  Karaiskakes.  §  14.  Bad 
Faith  of  the  Greeks.  Death  of  Karaiskakes.  His  Character.  §  15.  Battle  in  the 
Plain  of  Athens.  §  16.  Interference  of  the  European  Cabinets.  §  17.  Obstinacy  of 
the  Porte.  Battle  of  Navarino.  War  between  Russia  and  Turkey.  Cessation  of 
Hostilities.  §  18.  Attempts  to  settle  the  Affaurs  of  Greece.  Assassination  of  Capo 
D'Istrias.  Selection  of  Otho  of  Bavaria  as  King.  His  Arrival.  Organization  of 
Greece.  His  Marriage.  ^9- Constitution  of  1843.  §  20.  State  of  Education.  §21. 
Language.    §  22.  Literature.    §  23.  Popular  Poetry  and  Klephtic  Ballads      .  .  607 


Chronological  Table 
Index  .         . 


613 

657 


i«! 


H 


4 


f\ 


The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Tiew  of  Athens Frontispiece. 

Theatre  of  Dionysus  at  Athens Title-Page. 


4  I 


Paob 

Greek  and  Persian  Combatants.    From 
the  Frieze  of  the  Temple  of  Nik^  Ap- 

teros xiii 

The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens     .      xxx 
Vale  of  Tempe  in  Thessaly      ....      1 
Map  of  Greece,  showing  the  general  di- 
rection of  the  Mountain  Kanges     .    .      3 

ArchofTiryns 9 

Head  of  Olympian  Zeus 10 

Paris,  from*  the  iEglnetan  Sculptures    .    15 
Ajax,  from  the  Jiginetan  Sculptures    .    16 

Gate  of  Lions  at  Mycenoe 24 

Greek  Warrior  .1 29 

Hercules  and  Bull.     (From  a  bas-relief 

in  the  Vatican.) 30 

Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colouies  in  Asia 

Minor 35 

Temple  of  Ares  in  Halicamassus  ...    37 

Homer  enthroned 38 

Bust  of  Homer        44 

Primitive  Vessels  from  Athens  and  Argos    45 

Greek  Car  used  in  Games 53 

View  of  Mount  Taygetus  from  the  Site 

of  Sparta 54 

Head  of  Lycurgus 68 

Early  Greek  Armor,  from  Vase-Paint- 

•  mgs  . 69 

Messene 75 

Leaden  Sling-bullets  and  Arrow-heads, 
found  at  Athens,  Marathon,  and  Le- 

ontini 76 

Coin  of  Corinth 82 

Crcesus  on  the  Funeral  Pile     ....    83 
Buins  of  the  Temple  of  the  Olympian 

Zeus  at  Athens 97 

Com  of  Athens 107 

Ancient  Sculptures  from  Selinus     .    .  108 
Map  of  the  chief  Creek  Colonies  in 

Sicily 112 

Map  of  the  chief  Greek   Colonies  in 

Southern  Italy 115 

CSoin  of  Cyrene,  representing  on  the  re- 

the  SUphium      118 


Pagi 

AlciEus  and  Sappho.    From  a  Painting 

on  a  Vase 119 

Temple  at  iEgina,  restored 132 

Wall  at  Tirvns 138 

Wall  of  the 'Citadel  of  Argos  .  .  .  .133 
Wooden  Hut  in  Asia  Minor  ....  134 
Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  Columns  .  135 
Doric  Architecture.     From  Temple  at 

Phigalia 136 

Ionic  Architecture.    From  the  Erech- 

thenm 136 

Corinthian    Architecture.     From   the 

Moimment  of  Lysicrates  ....  137 
Cyrus,  from  a  bas-relief  at  Pasargadae  .  142 
Behistun  Rock,  on  which  are  inscribed 

the  exploits  of  Darius 153 

The  Plain  and  Tumulus  of  Jlarathon    .  160 

Battle  of  Marathon 164 

Bust  of  Miltiades 171 

View  of  Thermopylae 172 

Plan  of  Thennopyhe 179 

A  Greek  Warrior.    From  an  Ancient 

Vase 187 

Battle  of  Salamis 195 

Temple  of  K\k6  Apteros  (the  Wingless 

Victory),  on  the  Acropolis  at  Athens, 

restored 208 

Battle  of  Plataea 207 

Ruins  of  an  Ionic  Temple  in  Lycia  .    .  214 

Bust  of  Pindar 216 

Bust  of  Hero<lotus 228 

Front  of  tlie  Theseum  at  Athens  .    .    .  224 

Pericles  and  Aspasia       286 

The  Acropolis,  restored 248 

Bust  of  the  Poet  Sophocles  ....  254 
The  Propylaea  of  the  Acropolis,  restored  255 
Bust  of  the  Historian  Thucydides    ,    .  266 

The  Parthenon,  restored 266 

Statue  of  Theseus,  from  the  Pediment 

of  the  Parthenon 277 

From  the  Frieze  of  the  Parthenon.   Pan- 

athenaic  Procession 287 

Bay  of  Pylos     . 2«» 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


XXXI 


Page 
Plan  of  the  Neighborhood  of  Amphipo- 

lis  ••••••••••••    m\j  4 

Coin  of  Amphipolis 300 

Centaur  from  the  Metopes  of  the  Par- 
thenon   301 

Bust  of  Alcibiades 311 

Plan  of  Syracuse    ........  316 

Street  of  the  Tripods  at  Athens,  from  a 

bas-relief 324 

One  of  the  Caryatides  supporting  the 

Southern  Portico  of  the  Erechtheum    334 

Bust  of  the  Poet  Euripides 344 

ViewofPhyl<4 345 

Clio,  the  Muse  of  History 355 

The  Erechtheum  restored,  viewed  from 

the  Southwest  Angle 356 

Plan  of  Athens   ....*....  358 

Athens  and  its  Port  Towns 360 

Plan  of  the  Acropolis 367 

Coin  showing  the  Parthenon,  Athena 

Promachos,  and  the  Cave  of  Pan  .  .  370 
Theatre  of  Dionysus,  from  a  Coin  .  .  372 
Melpomend,  the  Muse  of  Tragedy  .  .375 
Thalia,  the  Muse  of  Comedy    ....  375 

Bust  of  Socrates 392 

The  Pactolus  at  Sardis 393 

Route  of  the  Ten  Thousand  ....  395 
Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates,  in 

the  Street  of  Tripods  at  Athens  ,  .  407 
View  of  Corinth  and  the  Acrocorin- 

thos 415 


FAcn 

Plan  of  Corinth 420 

Adventures  of  Dionysus,  from  the  Cho- 
ragic Monument  of  Lysicrates      426,  427 
The  Wind   Boreas,  froin  the    Horolo- 
gium  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestes    at 

Athens 438 

Ithome,  from  the  Stadium  of  Messene  .  439 

Bust  of  Plato 455 

View  of  Delphi  and  Jlount  Parnassus  .  466 

The  Plain  of  Chseronea 480 

Bust  of  Demosthenes 489 

Battle  of  Issus.    From  a  Mosaic  found 

at  Pompeii 490 

Bust  of  the  Poet  Menander     ....  513 
The  Group  of  Niobe.    From  the  Collec- 
tion in  the  Uffici  Palace  at  Florence  514 
Group  of  Dirce.    From  the  Museum  at 

Naples 525 

Apollo  Citharoedus.  From  the  Collection 

in  the  Vatican 538 

Group  of  the  Laocoon  in  the  Vatican    .  539 

Bust  of  Aristotle 546 

Acropolis  of  Athens  in  its  present  State  561 
Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Sophia  .  .  .  569 
Constantinople,  or  Stamboul  ....  577 
Side  View  of  tlie  Theseum      ....  593 

Castle  of  Patrae 607 

Mount  Olympus 642 

Colonial  Coin  of  Corinth 655 

Horologiura  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestes  at 
Athens 657 


4 


LIST    OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


XXXI 


The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens. 


"r'"TC!!"W    #^*|«f    ---|i--|.' •■-!!*  rt|h|f'|-|   A  ^T/^1^'0 


View  of  Athens 

Theatre  of  Dionysus  at  Athens 

Page 

Greek  and  Persian  Combatants.    From 
the  Frieze  of  tlie  Temple  of  Nik«5  An- 

teros xni 

The  Bema  of  the  Pnyx  at  Athens     .      xxx 
Vale  of  Tempc  in  Tlu'ssaly      ....      1 
Map  of  Greece,  showuii;  the  jjeneral  di- 
rection of  the  Jloiintain  Kanges     .    .      3 

Arcii  of  Tiryns 9 

Head  of  Olympian  Zens 10 

Paris,  from' tlie  iKirinctan  Scnlptures    .    15 
Ajax,  from  the  .Eirinetan  Sculptures     .    16 

Gate  of  IJons  at  Mycenie 24 

Greek  Warrior 29 

Hercules  and  Bull.     (From  a  bas-relief 

in  the  Vatican.) 30 

Map  of  the  cliief  Greek  Colonies  in  Asia 

Minor 35 

Temple  of  Ares  in  Ihilicarnussus  ...    37 

Homer  enthroned 38 

Bust  of  Ihnner        44 

Primitive  Vessels  from  Athens  and  Ari^os    45 

Greek  Car  used  in  Games 53 

View  of  Mount  Taygetus  from  the  Site 

of  Sparta    .    .    '. 54 

Head  of  Lycnrsns 68 

Early  Greek  Armor,  from  Vase-Paint- 

•   ings 69 

Messene 75 

Leaden  Sling-bullets  and  Arrow-heads, 
found  at  Athens,  ^hirathon,  and  Le- 

ontini 76 

Coin  of  Corinth 82 

Croesus  on  the  Funeral  Pile      ....    83 
Ruins  of  the  Temple  of  the  Olympian 

Zeus  at  Athens 97 

Coin  of  Athens 107 

Ancient  Sculptures  from  Selinus     .    .  108 
Map  of  the  chief   Creek   Colonies  in 

Sicily 112 

Map  of  the  chief   Greek    Colonies  in 

Southern  Italy 115 

Coin  of  Cyrene,  representing  on  the  re- 
verse the  Silphium       118 


jllil|ijllll|!IIMIlp^^^^^^ 


Frontispiece. 

Title-Page. 

Paob 

AlcoBus  and  Sappho.    From  a  Painting 

on  a  Vase 119 

Temi)le  at  ^flgina,  restored 132 

Wall  at  Tirvns 133 

Wall  of  the'Citadel  of  Ar-os  .  .  .  .133 
WtxMlen  Hut  in  Asia  Minor  ....  134 
Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  Columns  .  135 
I)oric  Architectui-e.     From  Temple  at 

Phigalia 136 

Ionic  Architecture.    From  the  Erech- 

theum 186 

Corinthian    Architecture.      From    the 

Monument  of  Lysicrates  ....  137 
('yru<,  Ir-.m  a  l)a-"-ivlief  at  ra<argad:e  .  142 
Behistun  IJock,  on  Avhich  are  inscribed 

the  exploits  of  Darius       153 

The  I'lain  and  Tumulus  of  Jhirathon    .  160 

Battle  of  Marathon 164 

Bust  of  Miltiades 171 

View  of  rhenn<»i»yla3 172 

Plan  of  Thonnupyhe 179 

A  Greek   Warrior.    From  an  Ancient 

Vase 18« 

Battle  of  Salamis 195 

Temple  of  Xiki^  Apteros  (the  Wingless 
Victory),  on  the  Acropolis  at  Athens, 

restoretl 203 

Battle  of  Plata-a 207 

lluins  of  an  Ionic  Temple  in  Lycia  .    .  214 

Itust  of  Pindar 215 

Bust  of  Herodotus 223 

Front  of  the  Theseum  at  Athens  .    .    .  224 

I'erides  and  Aspasia       235 

The  Acropolis,  restored 248 

Bust  of  the  Poet  Sophocles  .  .  .  .254 
The  Propyhea  of  the  Aeroi)olis,  restored  255 
Bust  of  tiie  Historian  Thncydides    .    .  266 

The  Parthenon,  restored 266 

Statue  of  Theseus,  from  the  Pediment 

of  the  Parthenon 277 

From  the  Frieze  of  the  Parthenon.    Pan- 

athenaic   Procession 287 

Bay  of  Pylos 289 


Page 
Plan  of  the  Neighborhood  of  Amphipo- 

lis  ••••••••••••       md*J  § 

Coin  of  Amphipolis 300 

Centaur  from  the  ]Metopes  of  the  Par- 
thenon   801 

Bust  of  Alcibiades 311 

Plan  of  Syracuse 316 

Street  of  the  Tripods  at  Athens,  from  a 

bas-relief 324 

One  of  the   Caryatides  supporting  the 

Southern  Portico  of  the  Erechtheum    334 

Bust  of  the  Poet  Euripides 344 

ViewofPhyle 345 

Clio,  the  Muse  of  History 355 

The  l'!rechtheum  restored,  viewed  from 

the  Southwest  Angle 356 

Plan  of  Athens   .........  358 

Athens  and  its  Port  Towns 360 

Plan  of  the  Acropolis 367 

Coin  showing  the   Parthenon,   Athena 

Promaclios,  and  the  Cave  of  Pan  .  .  370 
Theatre  of  Dionysus,  from  a  Coin  .  .  372 
Slelpomenc'*,  the  Muse  of  Tragedy  .  .  375 
Thalia,  the  Muse  of  Comedy    ....  375 

Bust  of  Socrates 392 

The  Pactolus  at  Sardis 393 

Route  of  the  Ten  Thousand  ....  395 
Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates,  in 

the  Street  of  Tripods  at  Athens  .  .  407 
View  of  Corinth  and   the  Acrocorin- 

thos 415 


Page 
Plan  of  Corinth 420 

Adventures  of  Dionysus,  from  the  Cho- 
ragic Moiunnent  ()f  Lysicrates       420,  427 
The   Wind    lioreas,   from    the    Horolo- 
gium  of   Andronicus   Cyrrliestes    at 

Athens ' 438 

Itlioine,  from  the  Stadium  of  Messene  .  439 

r>ust  of  Plato 455 

View  of  Del  I  (hi  and  Mount  Parnassus  .  466 

The  Plain  of  Clueronea 480 

F>ust  of  Demosthenes 489 

Battle  of  Issus.     From  a  Mosaic  found 

at  Pomj)eii 490 

P>ust  of  the  Poet  Menander      ....  513 
The  Grou])  of  Xiol)e.     From  the  Collec- 
tion in  the  UllicI  Palace  at  Florence  514 
Group  of  Dirce.    From  the  ^Museum  at 

Najdes 525 

Apollo  Citharanlus.  From  the  Collection 

in  the  Vatican 538 

Group  of  the  Laocoun  in  the  Vatican    .  539 

Bust  of  xVristotle 546 

Acropolis  of  Athens  in  its  present  State  561 
Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Sophia  .  .  .  569 
Constantinople,  or  Stamboul  ....  577 
Side  View  of  the  Theseum      ....  593 

Castle  of  PatrtB 607 

IMonnt  Olympus 642 

Colonial  Coin  of  Corinth 655 

Horologinm  of  Andronicus  Cyrrliestes  at 
Athens .    ,    .  657 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Tlf 


•iii 


I 


Vale  of  Tempe  in  Thessaly. 


INTRODUCTION. 


OUTLINES    OF   GRECIAN   GEOGRAPHY. 

1 1.  The  tliree  Peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe.  §  2.  Position  nn<l  Boundaries  of  Greece. 
§3.  Size  of  the  Country.  M-  N:imc.  §  5.  Xortliern  Greece:  The>;s:i]y  and  Epcinis. 
§  6.  Centnd  Greeee:  its  Principal  Divisions  and  Mountains.  §  7.  Eastern  Half  of  Central 
Greece:  Doris,  IMiocis,  Locris,  B(X»otia,  Attica,  Mepiris.  §  8.  Western  Half  of  Central 
Greece:  O/.olian  Locris,  /Etolia,  Acanumia.  §  9.  Peloponnesus:  Arcadia.  ^  10.  Achaia, 
Argolis,  Laconia,  Messenia,  Elis.  §  11.  The  Grecian  Islands.  §  12.  Influenceof  the  Phys- 
ical Geography  of  Greece  upon  the  Political  Destinies  of  the  Peoi)le.  §  13.  Likewise 
upon  their  Intellectual  Character.    §  14.   Rivers  and  Chief  Productions.     §  15.  Chmate. 

§  1.  Three  peninsulas,  vcr}^  different  in  form,  project  from  the  South 
of  Europe  into  the  ^lediterranean  Sea.  The  most  westerly,  that  of  Si)ain 
and  Portugal,  is  a  rpiadraugular  fiirure  united  to  the  maiidand  l)y  an  isth- 
mus. The  central  one,  that  of  Italy,  is  a  long  tonprue  of  land,  down  which 
runs  from  nortli  to  south  the  hackhond  of  the  Apennines.  The  most 
easterly,  of  which  Greece  forms  the  southern  part,  is  in  the  shape  of  a 


1 


a 
if 


ii 


1 1 


i 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


Vale  of  Tempe  in  Thessaly. 


INTRODUCTION. 


OUTLINES   OF   GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY. 


§  1.  The  three  Peninsulas  of  Southern  Europe.  §  2.  Position  and  Boundaries  of  Greece. 
4  3.  Size  of  the  Country.  §4.  Name.  \  5.  Northern  Greece:  Thessalyand  Epeinis. 
§  6.  Central  Greece:  its  Principal  Divisions  and  Mountains.  §  7.  Eastern  Half  of  Central 
Greece :  Doris,  Phocis,  Locris,  Boeotia,  Attica,  Megaris.  §  8.  Western  Half  of  Central 
Greece:  Ozolian  Locn's,  ^Etolia,  Acamania.  §  9.  Peloponnesus:  Arcadia.  §  10.  Achaia, 
Argolis,  Laconia,  Messenia,  Ells.  §  11.  The  Grecian  Islands.  §  12.  Influence  of  the  Phys- 
ical Geography  of  Greece  upon  the  Political  Destinies  of  the  People.  §  13.  Likewise 
upon  their  Intellectual  Character.    §  14.   Rivers  and  Chief  Productions.     §  15.  Climate. 

§  1.  Three  peninsulcos,  very  different  in  form,  project  from  the  South 
of  Europe  into  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  The  most  westerly,  that  of  Spain 
and  Portugal,  is  a  quadrangular  figure  united  to  the  mainland  by  an  isth- 
mus. The  central  one,  that  of  Italy,  is  a  long  tongue  of  land,  down  which 
runs  from  north  to  south  the  backbond  of  the  Apennines.  The  most 
easterly,  of  which  Greece  forms  the  southern  part,  is  in  the  shape  of  n 


mSTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Intbod. 


1 


triangle  wilh  its  base  extending  from  the  top  of  the  Adriatic  to  the  mouths 
of  the  river  Danube,  and  having  its  two  sides  washed  by  the  sea. 

§  2.  At  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude  a  chain  of  mountains  called  the 
Cambunian,  and  continued  under  the  name  of  Lingon,  runs  across  the 
peninsula  from  east  to  west,  and  forms  the  northern  boundary  of  Greece. 
At  a  time  when  the  Mediten-anean  was  the  great  highway  of  commerce 
and  civilization,  no  position  could  be  more  favorable  than  that  of  Greece. 
The  ^gean  Sea,  wliich  bathes  its  eastern  shores,  is  studded  with  numer- 
ous islands,  inviting  the  timid  mariner  fi-om  one  to  the  other,  and  thus 
establishing  an  easy  communication  between  Asia  and  Greece.  Towards 
the  south  it  faces  one  of  the  most  fertile  portions  of  Africa ;  and  on  the 
west  it  is  divided  from  Italy  by  a  narrow  channel,  wliich  in  one  part  is 
not  more  than  thirty  miles  in  breadth. 

§  3.  Greece,  which  commences  at  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  does 
not  extend  farther  than  the  thirty-sixth.  Its  greatest  length,  from  Mount 
Olympus  to  Cape  Tasnarum,  is  not  more  than  250  English  miles;  its 
greatest  breadth  from  the  western  coast  of  Acamania  to  Mai-athon  in 
Attica  is  only  180  miles.  Its  surface  is  considerably  less  than  that  of 
Portugal.  This  small  area  was  divided  among  a  number  of  independent 
states,  many  of  them  containing  a  territory  of  only  a  few  square  miles, 
and  none  of  them  larger  than  an  English  county.  But  it  is  not  the  mag- 
nitude of  their  territory  which  constitutes  the  greatness  of  a  people ;  and 
the  heroism  and  genius  of  the  Greeks  have  given  an  interest  to  the  insig- 
nificant spot  of  earth  bearing  then-  name,  which  the  vast  empires  of  Rus- 
sia and  China  have  never  equalled. 

§  4.  The  name  of  Greece  was  never  used  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country.  They  called  their  land  Ifenas,  and  themselves  Hellenes,  It  is 
from  the  Romans  that  we  have  derived  the  name  of  Greece;  though 
why  the  Romans  gave  it  a  different  appellation  from  that  used  by  the 
natives  cannot  be  determined.*  It  is,  however,  a  well-known  iiict,  that 
foreigners  frequently  call  a  people  by  a  name  different  from  the  one  in  use 
among  themselves.  Thus  the  nation  called  Germans  by  us  bear  the 
appellation  of  Dmtschm  among  themselves ;  and  the  people  whom  the 
Romans  named  Etruscans  or  Tuscans,  were  known  in  their  own  language 
by  that  of  Rmena. 

The  word  Hellas  signified  at  first  only  a  small  district  in  Thessaly,  the 
original  abode  of  the  Hellenes.  From  this  district  the  people,  and  along 
with  them  their  name,  gradually  spread  over  the  whole  country  south  of 
the  Cambunian  Mountains.  The  rude  tribes  of  Epeirus,  however,  were 
not  reckoned  among  the  Hellenes,  and  the  northern  boundary  of  Hellas 


t,\ 


*  The  Gweci,  TpaiKoif  were  one  of  the  ancient  tribes  living  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Dodona.  The  primitive  connection  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  North  of  Greece  and 
if  Italy  Tvas  probably  the  origin  of  the  prevalence  of  this  name  among  the  Romans.  —  Ed. 


Intbod.] 


OUTLINES    OF   GRECIAN   GEOGRAPHY. 


proper  was  a  line  drawn  from  the  Ambracian  Gulf  to  the  mouth  of  tlio 
river  Peneus.  The  term  Hellas  was  also  employed  in  a  more  extended 
sense,  to  signify  the  abode  of  the  Hellenes,  wherever  tliev  miglit  be  set- 
tled ;  and  accordingly  tlie  Grecian  cities  of  Cyrene  in  Africa,  of  SjTacuse 
in  Sicily,  and  of  Tarentum  *  in  Italy,  were  as  much  parts  of  Hellas  as 
Athens,  Sparta,  and  Corinth. 

§  5.  Midway  between  the  Ionian  and  JEgean  Seas  the  chain  of  moun- 
tains forming  the  northern  boundary  of  Greece  is  intersected  at  right  an- 


c 


MALEA.PR. 


Map  of  Greece,  showing  the  general  direction  of  the  Mountain  Ranges. 


1.  Thessaly. 

2.  Ept'irus. 

3.  Doris. 

4.  Phocis. 

6.  Locri  Epicnemidii. 
6.  Locri  Opuntii. 


7.  Boeotia. 

8.  Attica. 

9.  Megaria. 

10.  Locri  Ozols 

11.  ^tolia. 

12.  Acamania. 


13.  Arcadia. 

14.  Ach^a. 

15.  Argolis. 

16.  Laconia. 

17.  Mesaeuia. 


18.  Elis. 

19  Euboea. 

20.  Salamig. 

21.  i£gtna. 

22.  Cythem. 


*  CaUed  Taras  (Tapay)  by  the  Greeks. 


i 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Introd. 


Introd.] 


OUTLINES    OF   GRECIAN    GEOGIIAPIIV. 


3 


is 


triangle  witli  its  base  extending  from  the  top  of  the  Adnatic  to  the  mouths 
of  the  river  Danube,  and  having  its  two  sides  Avashed  by  the  sea. 

§  2.  At  tlie  fortieth  degi-ee  of  latitude  a  ehain  of  mountains  ealled  the 
Cambunian,  and  eontinued  under  the  name  of  Lingon,  runs  aeross  the 
peninsuUi  from  east  to  west,  and  forms  tlie  northern  boundary  of  Greece. 
At  a  time  when  the  ]Me(Uterran('an  was  the  great  highway  of  eommerce 
and  civilization,  no  position  could  be  more  favorable  than  that  of  Greece. 
The  ^gean  Sea,  which  bathes  its  eastern  shores,  is  studded  with  numer- 
ous islands,  inviting  the  timid  mariner  from  one  to  the  other,  and  thus 
establishinji  an  easv  connnunication  between  Asia  and  Greece.  Towards 
the  south  it  faces  one  of  the  most  fertile  portions  of  Africa  ;  and  on  the 
west  it  is  divided  from  Itidy  l)y  a  narrow  channel,  which  in  one  part  is 
not  more  than  thirty  miles  in  breadth. 

§  3.  Greece,  which  commences  at  the  fortieth  degree  of  hititude,  does 
not  extend  farther  than  the  thirty-sixth.  Its  greatest  length,  from  IVIount 
Olympus  to  Cape  Ttenarura,  is  not  more  than  250  English  miles;  its 
greatest  breadth  from  the  western  coast  of  Acarnania  to  Marathon  in 
Attica  is  only  180  miles.  Its  surface  is  considerably  less  than  that  of 
Portuijal.  This  small  area  was  divided  among  a  number  of  independent 
States,  many  of  them  containing  a  territory  of  onl^  a  few  square  miles, 
and  none  of  them  larger  than  an  English  county.  But  it  is  not  the  mag- 
nitude of  their  territory  which  constitutes  the  greatness  of  a  people;  and 
the  heroism  and  genius  of  the  Greeks  have  given  an  interest  to  the  insig- 
nificant spot  of  earth  beaiing  their  ntune,  which  the  vast  empires  of  Rus- 
sia and  Cliina  have  never  ectualled. 

§  4.  The  name  of  Greece  w  as  never  used  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
countrv.  Thev  called  their  land  Helhfs^  and  themselves  IMenes,  It  is 
from  the  Komans  tliat  we  have  derived  the  name  of  Greece;  though 
why  the  liomans  gave  it  a  different  appellation  from  that  used  by  tlie 
natives  cannot  be  determined.*  It  is,  however,  a  well-known  fact,  that 
forei«niers  frequently  call  a  peojjle  by  a  name  ditferent  from  the  one  in  use 
among  themselves.  Thus  the  nation  called  Germans  by  us  bear  the 
appellation  of  Deutscheti  among  tliemselves ;  and  the  pecqde  whom  the 
Romans  named  Etruscans  or  Tuscans,  were  known  in  their  own  kiiguage 
by  that  of  Rmena. 

The  wonl  Hellas  signified  at  first  only  a  small  district  in  Thessaly,  the 
original  abode  of  the  Hellenes.  From  this  district  the  people,  and  along 
with  them  their  name,  gradually  spread  over  the  whole  country  south  of 
the  Cambunian  Mountains.  The  rude  tribes  of  Epeirus,  h<)we\  «'r,  were 
not  reckoned  among  the  Hellenes,  and  the  northern  boundary  of  Hellas 


',, 


*  The  Grwci,  VpaiKol,  were  one  of  the  ancient  tribes  living  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Dodona.  The  i.riinitive  connection  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  North  of  Greece  and 
of  Italy  was  probably  the  origin  of  the  prevalence  of  tliis  name  among  the  Komans.  —  Ed. 


proper  was  a  line  drawn  from  the  Aml>racian  Gidf  To  tin-  mouth  of  the 
nver  Peneus.  The  term  Hellas  was  also  eirq)loyed  in  a  iiini-e  «*xtended 
sense,  to  signify  the  abode  of  the  Hellenes,  wlien'V<*r  X\w\  might  be  set- 
tled ;  and  acconlingly  the  Grecian  cities  of  Cyrene  in  Africa,  of  Syracuse 
in  Sicily,  an<l  of  Tarentum*  in  Italy,  were  as  much  parts  of  Hellas  as 
Athens,  Sparta,  and  Corinth. 

§  .").  ^Midway  between  the  Ionian  and  iEgean  Seas  the  diain  of  moun- 
tains forming  tlie  northern  boundary  of  Greece  is  intersected  at  riglit  an- 


• 


TJEfUARUM.P/t. 


=^AtACtA.PR 


Map  of  Greece,  showing  the  general  direction  of  the  ^lountain  Kanges. 


1.  Thossaly. 

2.  Epi'irus. 

3.  Ihtris. 

4.  I'hocis. 

6.  Locri  Kpioncinidii. 
6.  Locri  Opuntii. 


7.  Boeotia. 

8.  Attica. 

9.  Mejiaris. 

10.  liCXTi  Ozolie 

11.  JKtolia. 

12.  Acarnania. 


13.  Arcadia. 

14.  Achaia. 

15.  Argolis. 
1<5.  Lacoiiia. 
17.  Messtiuia. 


18.  Elis. 
19    Euboea. 

20.  Salamis. 

21.  JE\t\na. 

22.  Cythera. 


*  Called  Taras  (Tdpas)  by  the  Greeks. 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[IlTTBOD. 


gles  by  the  long  and  lofty  range  of  Pindus,  running  from  north  to  south, 
like  the  Apennines  of  the  Italian  peninsula.  From  Mount  Pindus  two 
lateral  branches  stretch  towards  the  eastern  sea,  running  parallel  to  ope 
another  at  the  distance  of  sixty  miles,  and  inclosing  the  plain  of  Thessali/, 
the  richest  and  largest  in  Greece.  The  southern  of  these  two  branches 
bore  the  name  of  Othrys ;  the  northern,  which  has  been  already  men- 
tioned under  the  name  of  the  Cambunian  Mountains,  tenninates  upon  the 
,  coast  in  the  lofty  summit  of  Olympus,  the  highest  in  all  Greece,  being 
D,700  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  scarcely  ever  free  from  snow. 
South  of  Oljmpus  another  range,  kno^m  under  the  successive  names  of 
Ossa  and  Pehon,  stretches  along  the  coast  parallel  to  that  of  Pindus. 
Thus  Thessaly  is  inclosed  between  four  natural  ramparts,  which  are  only 
broken  at  the  northeastern  extremity  by  the  celebrated  Vale  of  Tempe, 
between  OljTnpus  and  Ossa,  through  which  the  river  Peneus  finds  its  way 
into  the  sea. 

Pindus  forms  the  boundary  between  Thessaly  and  Epeinis.  The  latter 
country  contains  no  inclosed  plain  like  that  of  Thessaly,  but  is  covered 
by  rugged  ranges  of  mountains  running  from  north  to  south,  through 
which  the  Achelous,  the  largest  river  of  Greece,  flows  towards  the  Corin- 
thian Gulf. 

§  6.  At  about  the  thirty-ninth  degree  of  latitude  Greece  is  contracted 
into  a  kind  of  istlunus  by  two  opposite  gulfs,  the  Ambracian  on  the  west 
and  the  Malian  on  the  east.  Tliis  isthmus  separates  the  peninsula  of  Cen- 
tral Greece  from  the  mainland  of  Thessaly  and  Epeinis. 

Central  Greece,  again,  may  be  divided  into  two  unequal  halves,  the 
eastern  half  containing  the  countries  of  Doris,  Phocis,  Locris,  Bocotia, 
Attica,  and  Megaris,  the  western  comprising  OzoUan  Locris,  JEtolia,  and 
Acamania. 

A  little  above  the  thirty-ninth  degree  of  latitude  there  ffe  a  summit  in 
the  range  of  Pindus,  called  Mount  Tymphrestus,  from  which  ranges  of 
mountains  radiate,  as  from  a  centre,  in  all  directions.  On  the  east  two 
gigantic  arms  branch  off  towards  the  sea :  the  one  which  runs  nearly 
due  east  under  the  name  of  Othrys  kis  been  already  mentioned ;  the 
other,  which  bears  the  name  of  CEta,  has  a  southeasterly  direction,  and 
forms  the  northern  ban'ier  of  Central  Greece.  The  only  entrance  into 
Central  Greece  from  the  north  is  through  a  nan-ow  opening  left  between 
Mount  CEta  and  the  sea,  immortalized  m  history  under  the  naiS-a  of 
Thermopylae. 

South  of  Tymphrestus  the  chain  of  Pindus  divides  into  two  great 
branches,  and  no  longer  bears  the  same  name :  one  strikes  to  the  south- 
east under  the  names  of  Parnassus,  Hehcon,  Cithoeron,  and  Hymettus, 
and  finally  reaches  the  sea  at  Sunium,  the  southernmost  point  of  Attica ; 
the  other  diverges  to  the  southwest  under  the  names  of  Corax  and  the  Ozo- 
lian  Mountains,  and  joins  the  sea  near  the  entrance  of  the  Corinthian  Gulf. 


Inxbod.] 


OUTLINES    OF   GRECIAN    GEOGRAPHY. 


§  7.  In  the  highlands  between  Q^ta  and  Parnassus  is  a  nai-row  plain 
(sailed  Doris,  from  which  the  Dorians  are  said  to  have  issued  to  the  con- 
quest of  Peloponnesus.  Here  rises  the  river  Cephissus,  which  flows  into 
Phocis.  The  greater  part  of  Phocis  is  occupied  by  Parnassus,  which  rises 
to  the  height  of  8,000  feet,  but  between  this  mountain  and  those  of  East- 
em  Locris  is  a  fertile  plain  drained  by  the  Cephissus. 

From  the  eastern  extremity  of  Mount  (Eta  a  range  of  mountains  runs 
southwards  along  the  coast.  It  passes  through  the  country  of  the  Locrians, 
called  respectively  Epiciiemidian,  from  !Mount  Cuemis,  and  Opuntian, 
from  the  town  of  Opus.  Boeotia  extends  from  sea  to  sea,  but  it  is  sepa- 
rated from  the  Euboian  channel  by  a  continuation  of  the  Locrian  moun- 
tains and  from  the  CorintIiia:i  Gulf  by  the  lofty  range  of  Helicon,  cele- 
brated in  j)oetry  as  tlie  abode  of  the  Muses.  On  its  northern  frontier  the 
offshoots  of  Parnassus  and  the  Locrian  mountains  leave  only  a  narrow 
Oldening  through  which  the  Cej^hissus  flows  ;  and  on  the  south  the  country 
is  shut  in  by  the  lofty  barrier  of  Cithajron  and  Parnes,  which  separate  it 
from  Attica.  Bosotia  is  thus  a  large  hollow  basin,  inclosed  on  every  side 
by  mountains,  and  containing  a  considerable  quantity  of  very  fertile  land. 
The  Cephissus,  and  the  streams  which  descend  from  the  surrounding 
hills,  form  in  the  centre  of  the  country  the  lake  CopaTs,  which  finds  an 
outlet  for  its  waters  through  subterraneous  channels  in  the  lunestone 
mountains. 

Attica  is  in  the  form  of  a  triangle,  having  two  of  its  sides  washed  by  the 
sea  and  its  base  united  to  the  land.  The  range  of  Citlijeron  and  Parnes, 
which  forms  its  northern  boundary,  shuts  oflT  this  penmsula  from  the  rest  of 
Greece.  Cithairon  is  prolonged  towards  the  southwest,  skirting  the  shores 
of  the  Corinthian  Gulf  and  forming  the  mountainous  country  of  3fegaris. 
Here  it  rises  into  a  new  chain  under  the  name  of  the  Geranean  Mountams, 
which  stretch  across  Megaris  from  west  to  east,  parallel  to  Cithajron. 
These  mountains  sink  down  southwards  towards  the  Isthmus,  which  sepa- 
rates Central  Greece  from  Pelojwnnesus.  Here  the  Corinthian  Gulf  on  the 
west  and  the  Saronic  Gulf  on  the  east  penetrate  so  far  inland  as  to  leave 
only  a  narrow  neck  of  land  between  them,  not  more  than  four  miles  across 
at  its  narrowest  part.  The  Isthmus  is  comparatively  level,  but  inune- 
diately  to  the  south  rise  the  Onean  hills,  protecting  Peloponnesus  from 
invasion  by  land. 

§  8.  The  western  half  of  Central  Greece  consists,  as  already  said,  of 
Locris,  JEtolia,  and  Acarnania.  Locris,  called  Ozolian  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  eastern  district  of  this  name,  lies  upon  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  and  is  a 
wild  and  mountainous  country,  nearly  covered  by  the  offshoots  of  the  Pho- 
cian  Patnassus  and  the  -^tolian  Corax.  ^tolia  and  Acarnania,  sepa- 
rated by  the  river  Achelous,  are  also  mountainous,  the  greater  part  of  their 
surface  being  occupied  by  a  continuatioii  of  the  hills  of  Epeirus,  but  at  the 
same  time  containing  a  few  fertile  plains  upon  the  banks  of  the  Achelous. 


mSTORT   OF   GREECE. 


[Introd. 


ij 


:1 


I 


An  tliree  countries  were  the  haunts  of  rude  robber  tribes  even  as  late  as 
the  Peloponnesian  war. 

§  9.  The  Isthmus  which  connects  Central  Greece  with  the  southern 
{leninsula  is  so  small  in  comparison  with  the  outspread  form  of  the  latter, 
that  the  ancients  regarded  the  peninsula  as  an  island,  and  gave  it  the  name 
of  Peloponnesus,  or  the  island  of  Pelops,  from  the  mythical  hero  of  this 
name.  Its  form  was  compared  in  antiquity  to  the  leaf  of  the  plane-tree  or 
the  vine,  and  its  modem  name,  the  Morea,  was  bestowed  upon  it  from  its 
resemblance  to  the  leaf  of  the  mulberry. 

The  mountains  of  Peloponnesus  have  their  roots  in  the  centre  of  the 
country,  from  which  they  branch  out  towards  the  sea.  This  central  region, 
called  Arccdia,  is  the  Switzerland  of  the  peninsula.  It  is  surrounded  by 
a  ring  of  mountains,  forming  a  kind  of  natural  wall,  which  separates  it 
from  the  other  Peloponnesian  states.  These  mountains  are  unbroken  on 
the  northern,  eastern,  and  southern  frontiers,  and  it  is  only  on  the  western 
side  that  the  waters  of  the  Alpheus,  the  chief  river  in  the  peninsula,  find 
their  way  through  a  narrow  opening  towards  the  Ionian  Sea.  It  is  on  the 
northern  frontier  that  the  Arcadian  mountains  are  the  loftiest  and  most 
massive  ;  and  at  the  northeastern  extremity  of  the  country  Mount  Cyllene 
rises  to  the  height  of  7,788  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  a  grand  and 
majestic  object  as  seen  from  the  Isthmus  and  the  Corinthian  Gulf. 

§  10.  The  other  chief  divisions  of  Peloponnesus  were  Achaia,  Argolis, 
Laconia,  Messenia,  and  Ehs.  Achaia  was  a  narrow  slip  of  country  lying 
between  the  northern  barrier  of  Arcadia  and  the  Corinthian  Gulf.  It  is 
intersected  by  numerous  ranges  of  hills,  which  descend  from  the  Arcadian 
mountains,  and  either  run  out  into  the  sea  in  the  form  of  bold  promon- 
tories, or  subside  before  reaching  the  shore.  The  plams  thus  left  on  the 
coast,  and  the  valleys  between  the  mountains,  are  for  the  most  part  very 
fotile. 

Argolis  was  used  as  a  collective  term  to  signify  the  territories  of  several 
independent  states.  Of  these  the  most  important  were  Corinth  and  Sicyon, 
near  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  and  Argos,  situated  at 
the  heiid  of  the  Argolic  Gulf,  in  a  plain  ten  or  twelve  miles  in  length  and 
from  four  to  five  in  breadth.  The  remainder  of  Argolis  consisted  of  a 
rocky  peninsula  between  the  Saronic  and  Argohc  Gulfs,  containing  at  its 
eastern  extremity  the  ten-itories  of  Epidaurus,  Troezen,  and  Hermione. 

Laconia  and  Messenia  occupied  the  whole  of  the  south  of  Peloponnesus 
from  sea  to  sea.  Tliey  were  separated  by  the  lofty  range  of  Taygetus,  run- 
ning from  north  to  south  and  terminating  in  the  promontory  of  Tajnarum 
(now  Cape  Matapan),  the  southernmost  point  of  Greece  imd  Europe. 
Along  the  eastern  side  of  Laconia  the  range  of  Mount  Pamon  extends 
from  north  to  south  parallel  to  that  of  Taygetus,  and  terminates  in  the 
promontory  of  Malea.  Between  these  two  ranges  is  the  valley  of  the 
Einotas,  in  which  Sparta  stood,  and  which  south  of  this  city  opens  out 


Introd.] 


OUTLINES  OP  GRECIAN  GEOGRAPHY. 


into  a  plain  of  considerable  extent  towards  the  Laconian  Gulf.  Messenia 
in  like  manner  was  drained  by  the  Pamisus,  whose  plain  is  still  more 
extensive  and  fertile  than  that  of  the  Eurotas. 

Elis  was  the  region  between  the  western  barrier  of  Arcadia  and  the 
Ionian  Sea,  It  is  covered  to  a  great  extent  with  the  offshoots  of  the 
Arcadian  mountains,  but  contains  several  plains.  In  the  centre  of  the 
country  is  the  memorable  plain  of  Olpnpia,  tlirough  which  the  Alpheus 
flows,  and  in  which  the  city  of  Pisa  stood. 

§  11.  The  numerous  islands  wliich  line  the  Grecian  shores  were  occu- 
pupied  in  historical  times  by  the  Grecian  race.  Of  these  the  most  impor- 
tant was  Euhoea,  ninety  miles  in  length,  stretching  along  the  coasts  of 
Boeotia  and  Attica.  Through  it  ran  from  north  to  south  a  long  chain  of 
mountains,  which  may  be  regarded  as  a  continuation  of  the  range  of  Ossa 
and  Pelion.  South  of  Euboea  was  the  group  of  islands  called  the  Cyclades, 
lying  round  Delos  as  a  centre ;  and  east  of  these  were  the  Sporades,  near 
the  Asiatic  coast.  South  of  these  gi-oups  lay  the  two  large  islands  of  Crete 
and  Rhodes.  In  the  Saronic  Gulf  between  Attica  and  Arjrolis  were  the 
celebrated  islands  of  Salamis  and  jEgina,  the  former  reckoned  as  part  of 
Attica,  and  the  latter  long  the  rival  and  eyesore  of  Athens.  Off  the 
western  coast  of  Greece,  in  the  Ionian  Sea,  we  find  Corcyra  opposite 
Epeirus,  Cephallenia  and  Ithaca  opposite  Acamania,  and  Zacipithus  near 
the  coast  of  Elis  in  Peloponnesus.  Cythera  was  separated  by  a  narrow 
channel  from  the  southern  extremity  of  Laconia. 

§  12.  The  physical  features  of  the  country  exercised  an  important  influ- 
ence upon  the  political  destinies  of  the  people.  Greece  is  one  of  the  most 
mountainous  countries  of  Europe.  Its  surface  is  occupied  by  a  number  of 
small  plains,  either  entirely  surrounded  by  Umestone  mountains  or  open 
only  to  the  sea.  Mountains,  not  rivers,  have  in  all  ages  proved  the 
greatest  barriers  to  intercourse  between  neighboring  tribes.  This  was  the 
case  in  Greece,  and  thus  the  very  nature  of  the  land  tended  to  produce 
that  large  number  of  independent  states  which  is  one  of  the  most  striking 
phenomena  in  Grecian  history.  Each  of  the  principal  Grecian  cities  was 
founded  in  one  of  the  small  plains  ah-eady  described ;  and  as  the  moun- 
tains which  separated  it  from  its  neighbors  were  lofty  and  rugged,  it  grew 
up  in  solitary  independence,  and  formed  its  own  character  before  it  could 
be  affected  by  any  external  influence. 

The  mountainous  nature  of  the  country  also  protected  it  from  foreign 
invasion,  as  well  as  rendered  it  difficult  for  one  section  of  the  Grecian  race 
to  subdue  the  rest.  The  Vale  of  Temjje  between  Mounts  Ossa  and  Olym- 
pus, the  pass  of  Thermopylas  between  Northern  and  Central  Greece,  the 
passes  over  Mount  Cithaeron  between  Bojotia  and  Attica,  and  those  over 
the  Geranean  and  Onean  Mountains  on  either  side  of  the  Isthmus,  could 
easily  be  defended  by  a  handful  of  resolute  men  against  vastly  superior 
numbers. 


t 


,i 


I 


k: 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[IVTBOD. 


. 


But,  while  the  Grecian  states  were  separated  from  their  nearest  neigh- 
bors by  their  mountains,  the  sea  afforded  them  easy  intercourse  with  one 
another  and  with  the  rest  of  the  world.  One  of  the  most  striking  pecu- 
liarities of  the  geography  of  Greece  is  the  wonderful  extent  of  its  sea- 
coast.  In  this  respect  it  has  the  advantage  over  every  other  country 
of  Europe.  Although  its  surface  is  not  so  great  as  that  of  Portugal, 
its  line  of  coast  exceeds  that  of  the  whole  peninsula  of  Portugal  and 
Spain.  Not  only  is  it  surrounded  by  the  sea  on  every  side  except  on  its 
northern  frontier,  but  its  coast  is  also  broken  by  a  number  of  bays  and 
gulfs  running  far  into  the  land.  Thus  almost  every  Grecian  state  had 
ready  and  easy  access  to  the  sea,  and  Arcadia  was  almost  the  only  politi- 
cal division  that  did  not  |X)ssess  some  territory  upon  the  coast. 

§  13.  Of  all  natural  objects  the  mountains  and  the  sea  have  ever  been 
the  most  jwwerful  instruments  in  moulding  the  intellectual  character  of  a 
people.  The  Greeks  were  both  mountaineers  and  mai-iners,  and  as  such 
they  possessed  the  susceptibility  to  external  impressions,  the  love  of  free- 
dom, and  the  spirit  of  adventure,  which  have  always  characterized,  more 
or  less,  the  inhabitants  of  mountainous  and  maritime  districts.  The  poet- 
ical beauty  of  the  Grecian  mountauis  has  often  called  forth  the  admiration 
of  modem  travellers.  Their  craggy,  broken  forms  and  rich  silveiy  color 
give  to  the  Grecian  landscape  a  peculiar  charm,  and  justify  the  description 
of  the  poet  Gray,  when  he  speaks  of  Greece  as  a  land 

"  Where  each  old  poetic  mountam 
Inspiration  breathes  around." 

The  beauty  of  the  scenery  is  still  further  enhanced  by  the  gorgeous  atmos- 
phere in  which  every  object  is  bathed.  To  a  native  of  the  northern  lati- 
tudes of  Europe  nothing  is  more  striking  in  the  Grecian  climate  than  the 
transparent  clearness  of  the  air  and  the  brilliant  coloring  of  the  sky. 
When  Euripides  represents  the  Athenians  as 

"  Ever  delicately  marching 

Through  most peUucid air" * 

he  is  guaty  of  no  poetical  exaggeration,  and  the  violet  color  which  the 
Boman  poet  assigns  to  the  hiUs  of  Hymettus  f  is  literally  true. 

§  14.  Greece  is  deficient  in  a  regular  supply  of  water.  During  the 
autumnal  and  winter  months  the  rain,  which  falls  in  large  quantities,  fills 
the  crevices  in  the  limestone  of  the  hills  and  is  carried  off  by  torrents.  In 
summer  rain  is  almost  unknown,  and  the  beds  of  the  torrents  full  of  water 
in  the  winter  then  become  ravines,  perfectly  diy  and  overgrown  with 
shrubs.  Even  the  rivers,  which  are  partly  supplied  by  springs,  dwindle 
in  the  summer  into  very  insignificant  streams.    None  of  the  Grecian  rivers 

^iggKmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm .i.. m ■ ■■ .  .nkii. ■ i  m  «  ■■■M^^MMMMMMMMMMMMW^lg 

*  *Af  t  Bui  ^afurpordTov 

BaivovTis  &^pa>s  aWtpos —  Eurip.  Med.  829. 

f  "  Est  prope  ^Mrpareos  colles  florentis  Hymetti 
FoQS  sacer."  —  Ovid,  Art,  Amat,  3.  687. 


Intkod.] 


OUTLINES    OF   GRECIAN   GEOGRAPHY. 


are  navigable,  and  the  Achelous,  which  is  the  most  considerable  of  all,  has 
a  course  of  only  130  miles. 

The  chief  productions  of  Greece  in  ancient  times  were  wheat,  barley, 
flax,  wine,  and  oil.  The  hills  afforded  excellent  pasture  for  cattle,  and  in 
antiquity  were  covered  with  forests,  though  they  are  at  present  nearly  des- 
titute of  wood. 

In  almost  every  part  of  Greece  there  were  rich  veins  of  marble,  afford- 
ing materials  for  the  architect  and  the  sculptor,  such  as  hardly  any  other 
country  in  the  world  possesses.  The  limestone,  of  which  most  of  its  moun- 
tains is  composed,  is  well  adapted  for  military  architecture;  and  it  is  to 
this  hard  and  intractable  stone  that  we  owe  those  massive  polygonal  walls, 
of  which  the  remains  still  crown  the  summits  of  so  many  Grecian  hills. 
Laurium  near  the  southern  extremity  of  Attica  yielded  a  considerable 
quantity  of  silver,  but  otherwise  Greece  was  poor  in  the  precious  metals. 
Iron  was  found  in  the  range  of  Taygetus  in  Laconia,  and  copper  as  well  as 
iron  near  Chalcis  in  Euboea. 

§  15.  The  climate  of  Greece  appears  to  have  been  more  healthy  in 
ancient  times  than  it  is  at  present.  The  malaria  wliich  now  poisons  the 
atmosphere  in  the  summer  months  could  not  have  existed  to  the  same 
extent  when  the  land  was  more  thickly  peopled  and  more  carefully  cul- 
tivated. Owing  to  the  inequalities  of  its  surface,  to  its  lofty  mountains  and 
depressed  valleys,  the  climate  varies  greatly  in  different  districts.  In  the 
highlands  in  the  interior  the  winter  is  often  long  and  rigorous,  the  snow 
lying  upon  the  ground  till  late  in  the  spring,  wliUe  in  the  lowlmids  open 
to  the  sea,  severe  weather  is  almost  unknown.  The  rigor  of  winter  is  fre- 
quently experienced  in  the  highlands  of  Mantinea  and  Tegea  in  the  month 
of  March,  while  at  the  same  time  the  genial  warmth  of  spring  is  felt  in  the 
plains  of  Argos  and  Laconia,  and  almost  the  heat  of  summer  in  the  low 
grounds  at  the  head  of  the  Messenian  Gulf.  To  this  difference  in  climate 
the  ancients  attribnted  the  difference  iu  the  intellectual  character  of  the 
natives  of  various  districts.  Thus  the  dulness  of  the  Boeotians  was  ascribed 
to  the  dampness  and  thickness  of  their  atmosphere,  while  the  dry  and  clear 
air  of  Attica  was  supposed  to  sharpen  the  faculties  of  its  inhabitants. 


:. 


,1. 


Arch  of  Tiryns. 


2 


8 


HISTORY    OF   GREECE. 


[Intbod. 


Introd.] 


OUTLINES    OF   GRECIAN    GEOGRAPHY. 


t 


N 


But,  wMle  the  Grecian  states  were  separated  from  their  nearest  neigh- 
bors by  their  mountains,  tlie  sea  afforded  them  easy  intercourse  with  one 
another  and  with  the  rest  of  the  world.  One  of  the  most  striking  pecu- 
liarities of  the  geography  of  Greece  is  the  wonderful  extent  of  its  sea- 
coast.  In  this  respect  it  has  the  advantage  over  every  other  country 
of  Europe.  Although  its  surface  is  not  so  great  as  that  of  Portugal, 
its  line  of  coast  exceeds  that  of  the  whole  peninsula  of  Portugal  and 
Spain.  Not  only  is  it  surrounded  by  the  sea  on  every  side  except  on  its 
nortliern  frontier,  but  its  coast  is  also  broken  by  a  number  of  bays  and 
gulfs  running  far  into  the  land.  Thus  almost  every  Grecian  state  had 
ready  and  easy  access  to  the  sexi,  and  Arcadia  was  ahnost  the  only  politi- 
cal division  that  did  not  possess  some  territory  upon  the  coast. 

§13.  Of  all  natural  objects  the  mountains  and  the  sea  have  ever  been 
the  most  powerful  instruments  in  moulding  the  intellectual  character  of  a 
people.  The  Greeks  were  l>oth  mountaineers  and  marinei*s,  and  as  such 
they  possessed  the  suscei>tibility  to  external  impressions,  the  love  of  free- 
dom, and  the  spirit  of  adventure,  wliich  have  always  characterized,  more 
or  less,  the  inhabitants  of  mountainous  and  maritime  districts.  Tlie  poet- 
ical beauty  of  the  Grecian  mountains  has  often  called  forth  the  admiration 
of  modern  travellers.  Tlieir  cragg}',  broken  foi-ms  and  rich  silvery  color 
give  to  the  Grecian  landscape  a  peculiar  chai-m,  and  justify  the  description 
of  the  poet  Gray,  when  he  speaks  of  Greece  as  a  land 

"  AVhere  Cfich  old  jioetic  motintain 
luspinition  breathes  around." 

The  beauty  of  the  sceneiy  is  still  further  enhanced  by  the  gorgeous  atmos- 
phere in  which  eveiy  olyect  is  bathed.  To  a  native  of  the  northern  lati- 
tudes of  Europe  nothing  is  more  striking  in  the  Grecian  climate  than  the 
transparent  clearness  of  the  air  and  the  brilliant  coloring  of  the  sky. 
When  Euripides  represents  the  Athenians  as 

"  Ever  delicately  marching 

Tlirough  vao&t  pelhicid  air^^  * 

he  is  guilty  of  no  poetical  exaggeration,  and  the  violet  color  which  the 
Roman  j>oet  assigns  to  the  lulls  of  Ilymettus  t  is  literally  true. 

§  14.  Greece  is  deficient  in  a  regular  supi»ly  of  water.  During  the 
autumnal  and  winter  months  the  rain,  which  falls  in  large  quantities,  fills 
the  crevices  in  tlie  limestone  of  the  hills  and  is  carried  off  by  torrents.  In 
summer  rain  is  almost  unknown,  and  the  beds  of  the  torrents  full  of  water 
in  the  winter  then  become  ravines,  perfectly  dry  and  overgrown  with 
shi'ubs.  Even  the  rivers,  whieh  are  partly  supplied  by  si)rings,  dwindle 
in  the  sunmier  into  very  insignificant  streams.     None  of  the  Grecian  rivers 

■  II  - ■     — 

*  *Aet  fiia  XainTpoToTOV 

BaiVoKTCs  A^pcos  aWipos —  Eurip.  Med.  829. 

t  "  Est  prope  jmrjnireos  coUes  florentis  Hymetti 
Foas  sacer."  —  Ovid,  Art.  Amat.  3.  687. 


are  navigable,  and  the  Aclielous,  which  is  the  most  considerable  of  all,  luis 
a  course  of  onlv  130  miles. 

The  chief  })roductions  of  Greece  in  ancient  times  were  wheat,  barley, 
flax,  wine,  and  oil.  The  hills  afforded  excellent  pasture  for  cattl<\  and  in 
anti(][uity  were  co\ered  with  forests,  tliougli  the}'  are  at  present  nearly  des- 
titute of  wood. 

In  jdmost  every  part  of  Greece  there  were  rich  veins  of  marble,  afl^>i"d- 
ing  materials  for  the  areliitect  and  the  sculptor,  such  as  hardly  any  other 
country  in  the  world  j)os<«'sses.  The  limestone,  of  whieh  most  of  its  moun- 
tains is  comjiosed,  is  well  adapted  for  military  architecture;  and  it  is  to 
this  hard  nnd  intractable  stone  that  we  owe  those  massive  polygonal  walls, 
of  which  the  remains  still  crown  the  summits  of  so  manv  Greeitui  hills. 
Laurium  near  the  southern  extremity  of  Attica  yielded  a  considerable 
quantity  of  silver,  but  otherwise  Greece  was  poor  in  the  precious  metals. 
Iron  was  fijund  in  the  range  of  Taygetus  in  Laconia,  and  cop[)er  as  well  as 
iron  near  Chalcis  in  Eulnca. 

§  15.  The  climate  of  Greece  appears  to  have  been  more  healthy  in 
ancient  times  than  it  is  at  present.  The  midaria  which  now  poisons  the 
atmosphere  in  the  sunnner  months  could  not  have  existed  to  the  same 
extent  when  the  land  was  more  thickly  peopled  and  more  carefully  cul- 
tivated. Owing  to  the  inequalities  of  its  surface,  to  its  lofty  mountains  and 
depressed  valleys,  the  climate  varies  greatly  in  different  districts.  In  the 
highlands  in  tlie  interior  the  winter  is  often  long  and  rigorous,  the  snow 
lying  upon  the  ground  till  late  in  the  spring,  while  in  the  lowlands  open 
to  the  sea,  sevei  e  weatlu'r  is  almost  unknown.  The  rigor  of  winter  is  fre- 
quently experienced  in  the  highlands  of  ]Mantinea  and  Tegea  in  the  month 
of  March,  while  at  the  same  time  the  genial  wiuinth  of  spring  is  felt  in  the 
plains  of  Argos  and  Laconia.  aiid  ahnost  the  heat  of  sinnmer  in  tlie  low 
gi'ounds  at  the  liejid  of  the  JMessenian  Gulf.  To  this  difference  in  climate 
the  ancients  attribnted  the  difference  in  the  intellectual  charactt.'r  of  the 
natives  of  various  districts.  Thus  the  dulness  of  the  B(jeotians  was  ascribed 
to  the  dam[)ness  and  thickn(^•^s  of  their  atmos[)liere,  while  tlie  dry  and  clear 
air  of  Attica  was  supposed  to  sharpen  the  fiicultiea  of  its  uihabitants. 


Arch  of  Tiryns. 


Head  of  Olympian  Zeus. 


BOOK    I. 


THE    MYTHICAL    AGE. 


r«TT  A  ■PTT?!?      T 


;i 


THE  EAKLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  GREECE. 

1 1.  Legendary  Character  of  early  Grecian  History.  §  2.  Legends  of  the  Greeks  respecting 
their  Origin.  §  8.  The  Hellenes  and  their  Diffusion  in  Greece.  §  4.  Connection  of  the 
Hellenes  with  the  Indo-European  Stem.  {  5.  The  Pelasgians.  §  6.  Foreign  Settlers  la 
Greece.  §  7.  Egyptian  Colonies  of  Cecrops  and  Danaus.  §  8.  Phrygian  Colony  of  Pe- 
lops.    §  9.  Phoenician  Colony  of  Cadmus. 

§  1.  The  clouds  which  envelop  the  early  history  of  Greece  are  lighted 
up  by  the  brilliant  hues  of  Grecian  fable ;  but  the  reader  must  carefully 
guard  against  believing  in  the  reality  of  the  personages  or  of  the  events 
•commemorated  by  these  beautiful  legends.  Some  of  them,  it  is  true,  prob- 
ably sprang  out  of  events  which  actually  occurred,  and  may  therefore 
contain  a  kernel  of  historical  truth ;  but  we  have  no  means  of  distinguish- 
mg  between  what  is  true  and  what  is  false,  between  the  historical  facts  and 
iheir  subsequent  embeUishments.  Till  events  are  recorded  in  written 
documents,  no  materials  exist  for  a  trustworthy  history ;  and  it  was  not 
till  the  epoch  known  by  the  name  of  the  first  Olympiad,  corresponding  ta 
the  year  776  before  Christ,  that  the  Greeks  began  to  employ  writing  as  a 
means  for  perpetuating  the  memorjr  of  any  historical  facts.    Before  that 


Chap.  L] 


THE   EARLIEST   INHABITANTS. 


11 


period  everything  is  vague  and  uncertain ;  and  for  two  centuries  after- 
wards we  meet  with  only  a  few  isolated  events,  and  possess  nothing  in  the 
form  of  a  continuous  history.  But  even  the  mythical  age  must  not  be 
passed  over  entirely.  In  all  cases  the  traditions  oF  a  people  ai*e  worthy  of 
record  ;  and  this  is  especially  true  of  the  Greeks,  wliose  legends  moulded 
their  faitli  and  influenced  their  conduct  down  to  the  latest  times. 

§  2.  Few  nations  liave  paid  more  attention  to  their  geneulogy  than  the 
Greeks.  In  modern  times  fiunilies  are  ambitions  of  tracing  back  tlieu* 
origin  to  some  illustrious  ancestor ;  but  in  Greece  this  feeling  was  not  con- 
fined to  families,  but  pervaded  alike  all  associations  of  men.  Everj^  petty 
tribe  or  clan  claimed  descent  from  a  common  ancestor,  wliose  name  was 
borne  by  each  member  of  the  community.  This  ancestor  was  usually 
represented  as  the  son  or  immediate  descendant  of  a  god,  or  else  as  sprung 
fi*om  the  earth,*  which  was  in  such  cases  regarded  as  a  divine  being. 
Thus  the  Greek  people  considered  themselves  the  children  of  one  common 
father,  in  whose  name  they  gloried  as  the  symljol  of  fraternity.  Tliis 
ancestor  was  Hellen,  the  son  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha,  from  whom  the 
people  derived  the  name  of  Hellenes.  Hellen  had  three  sons,  Dorus, 
Xuthus,  and  iEolus.  Of  these  Dorus  and  ^olus  gave  their  names  to  the 
Dorians  and  iEolians  ;  and  Xuthus,  through  his  two  sons.  Ion  and  Achaeus, 
became  the  forefather  of  the  lonians  and  Acha?ans.  In  this  way  the  four 
great  divisions  of  the  Greek  race,  the  Dorians,  ^olians,  lonians,  and 
Achseans,  were  supposed  to  be  the  descendants  of  the  patriarch  Hellen. 

§  3.  The  descent  of  the  Hellenes  from  a  common  ancestor,  Hellen,  was 
a  fundamental  article  in  the  popular  faith.  It  was  a  general  practice  in 
antiquity  to  invent  fictitious  persons  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  names  of 
which  the  origin  was  buried  in  obscurity.  It  is  in  this  way  that  Hellen 
and  his  sons  came  into  being.  But  though  they  never  had  any  real  exist- 
ence, their  history  may  be  regarded  as  the  trathtional  history  of  the  races 
to  whom  they  gave  their  names.  Thus,  when  we  are  told  that  Hellen 
reigned  in  the  South  of  Thessaly,  near  the  foot  of  Blount  Othrys,  which 
was  the  part  of  Greece  first  called  Hellas,  we  may  conclude  that  the 
Greeks  believed  this  district  to  be  the  original  abode  of  their  race.  In 
like  manner  the  migrations  of  the  sons  of  Hellen  from  the  South  of  Thes- 
saly, and  their  settlements  in  the  different  parts  of  Greece,  represent  the 
current  belief  respecting  the  early  history  of  the  four  great  divisions  of  the 
race. 

-^k)lus  succeeded  his  father  Hellen  as  king  of  Hellas  in  Thessaly,  but 
his  descendants  occupied  a  great  part  of  Central  Greece,  as  far  as  the  Isth- 
mus of  Corinth,  and  also  took  possession  of  the  western  coast  of  Pelopon- 
nesus. The  iEolia'.is  were  the  most  widely  diffused  of  all  the  descendants 
of  Hellen.     Many  of  their  towns,  such  as  Corinth  and  lolcus  in  Thessaly 


; 


'    < 


f 


» 


• 


*  Hence  called  an  Autochthon  (AirroxBcov)* 


12 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  L 


'  i 


,1 


•W 


were  situated  upon  the  coast,  and  the  worship  of  Poseidon  (Neptune),  the 
god  of  the  sea,  prevailed  extensively  among  them. 

The  Aehneans  appear  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Hei'oic  Age  as  the  most 
warlike  of  the  Grecian  races.  At  that  time  they  are  represented  as  inhab- 
iting the  original  abode  of  the  Hellenes  in  Thessaly,  and  also  the  cities  of 
Mycena;,  Argos,  and  Sparta,  in  the  Peloponnesus.  The  most  distinguished 
of  the  Grecian  heroes  in  the  Trojan  war  were  Acha?ans ;  and  such  was 
the  celebrity  of  the  race  at  that  period,  that  Homer  frequently  gives  their 
name  to  the  whole  IxRly  of  the  Greeks. 

The  Dorians  and  lonians  are  of  far  less  unportance  in  the  ancient 
legends,  though  they  aften^ai-ds  became  the  two  leading  races  in  Greece, 
to  whom  the  Spartans  and  Athenians  respectively  belonged.  The  Dorians 
were  almost  confined  to  the  small  mountainous  district  named  after  them, 
lying  between  Thessaly  and  Phocis ;  the  lonians  were  found  chiefly  in 
Attica  and  along  the  nan-ow  slip  of  coast  in  the  North  of  Peloponnesus, 
which  in  historical  times  was  known  by  the  name  of  Achaia. 

§  4.  Such  was  the  general  belief  of  the  Greeks  respecting  the  early  dif- 
fusion of  their  race.  But  it  is  natural  for  us  to  go  farther  back,  and  to 
endeavor  to  ascertain  the  real  origin  of  the  people.  Now  the  only  sure 
and  certain  means  of  ascertaining  the  origin  of  any  people  is  a  knowledge 
of  its  language.  Tradition  misleads  as  often  as  it  guides  the  inquirer ;  and 
the  indications  afforded  by  mythology,  manners,  and  customs  are  frequently 
deceptive  and  alwfiys  vague.  Language,  on  the  other  hand,  is  an  endur- 
ing memorial ;  and,  whatever  changes  it  may  have  undergone  in  the  course 
of  ages,  it  rarely  loses  those  fundamental  elements  which  i^roclaim  its 
origin  and  affinities.  If  then  we  conduct  our  inquiry  into  the  origin  of  the 
Greek  people  by  means  of  their  language,  we  have  no  difficulty  in  coming 
to  a  satisfactory  conclusion.  The  Greek  language  is  a  member  of  that 
great  family  of  languages  to  which  modern  seliolars  have  given  the  name 
of  Indo-European.  The  various  nations  speaking  the  different  varieties  of 
this  language  were  originally  one  people,  inhabiting  the  high  table-land  of 
Central  Asia.  At  some  j^riod,  long  antecedent  to  all  profane  history,  they 
issued  from  their  primeval  seats,  and  spread  over  a  consideral^le  portion 
both  of  Asia  and  of  Europe.  In  Asia  the  ancient  Hindoos,  who  spoke 
Sanscrit,  and  the  Medes  and  Persians,  whose  language  was  the  Zend,  were 
the  two  principal  branches  of  this  people.  In  Europe  the  Germans,  Pelas- 
gians,  Slavonians,  and  Celts  were  the  four  chief  varieties.  It  is  foreign  to 
our  present  pur}X),*e  to  give  any  account  of  the  other  branches  of  the  Indo- 
European  fiimily  ;  but  a  few  remarks  must  be  made  upon  the  Pelasgians, 
from  whom  the  Greeks  derived  their  origin, 

§  5.  The  Pelasgians  are  represented  by  the  Greeks  themselves  as  the 
most  ancient  inhabitants  of  their  land.  The  primitive  name  of  Greece  is 
said  to  have  been  Pelasgia.  In  the  historical  period,  those  parts  of  Greece 
which  had  been  subject  to  the  fewest  changes  of  inhabitants  were  supposed 


Chap.  L] 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS. 


13 


to  be  peopled  by  the  descendants  of  the  Pelasgians.  This  was  especially 
the  case  with  Arcadia  and  Attica,  which  claimed  to  have  been  inhabited 
by  the  same  tribes  from  time  immemorial.  The  Pelasgians  were  spread 
over  the  Italian  as  well  as  the  Grecian  peninsula ;  and  the  Pelasgic  lan- 
guage thus  formed  the  basis  of  the  Latin  as  well  as  of  the  Greek.  It  is 
true  that  Herodotus  speaks  of  the  Pelasgic  as  a  foreign  language,  tottdly 
distinct  from  the  Greek ;  but  his  testimony  on  such  a  subject  is  not  enti- 
tled to  any  weight,  since  the  ancients  were  lamentably  deficient  in  philo- 
logical knowledge,  and  had  no  notion  of  the  affinity  of  languages. 

Of  the  Pelasgians  themselves  our  information  is  scanty.  They  were 
not  mere  barbarians.  They  are  represented  as  tilling  the  ground  and 
dwelling  in  walled  cities.*  Their  religion  api)ears  to  have  been  essen- 
tially the  same  as  the  religion  of  the  Hellenes.  Their  great  divinity  was 
Zeus,  the  national  Hellenic  god,  and  the  chief  seat  of  his  worship  was 
Dodona  in  Epirus.  Hence  Homer  gives  to  the  Dodongean  Jove  tlie  title 
of  Pelasgic ;  and  his  oracle  at  Dodona  was  always  regarded  as  the  most 
ancient  in  Greece. 

The  Pelasgians  were  divided  into  several  tribes,  such  as  the  Hellenes, 
Leleges,  Caucones,  and  others.  In  what  respects  the  Hellenes  were  supe- 
rior to  tlie  other  Pelasgic  tribes  we  do  not  know  ;  but  they  appear  at  the 
first  dawn  of  history  as  the  dominant  race  in  Greece.  The  rest  of  the 
Pelasgians  disappeared  before  them  or  were  incorporated  with  them ; 
their  dialect  of  the  Pelasgic  tongue  became  the  language  of  Greece ;  and 
their  worship  of  the  Olympian  Zeus  gradually  supplanted  the  more  ancient 
worship  of  the  Dodonoean  god. 

§  6.  The  civilization  of  the  Greeks  and  the  development  of  their  lan- 
guage bear  all  the  marks  of  home  growth,  and  probably  were  little  affected 
by  foreign  influence.  The  traditions,  however,  of  the  Greeks  would  point 
to  a  contrary  conclusion.  It  was  a  general  beHef  among  them,  that  the 
Pelasgians  were  reclaimed  from  barbarism  by  Oriental  strangers,  who  set- 
tled in  the  country  and  introduced  among  the  rude  inhabitants  the  first 
elements  of  civilization.  Many  of  these  traditions,  however,  are  not 
ancient  legends,  but  owe  their  origin  to  the  philosophical  speculations  of 
a  later  age,  which  loved  to  represent  an  imaginary  progress  of  society,  from 
the  time  when  men  fed  on  acorns  and  ran  wild  in  woods,  to  the  time  when 
they  became  united  into  political  conununities  and  owned  the  supremacy 
of  law  and  reason.  The  speculative  Greeks  who  vLsited  Egypt  in  the 
sixth  and  fifth  centuries  before  the  Christian  era  were  profoundly  im- 
pressed with  the  monuments  of  the  old  Egyptian  monarchy,  which  even  in 
that  early  age  of  the  world  indicated  a  gray  and  hoaiy  antiquity.  The 
Egyptian  priests  were  not  slow  to  avail  themselves  of  the  impression  made 
upon  their  visitors,  and  told  the  latter  many  a  wondrous  tale  to  prove  that 


•  /• 


*  A  fortified  town  was  called  Larissa  by  the  Pelasgians. 


y^ 


v  1  I 


14 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


(Cbap.  I. 


the  civilization,  the  arts,  and  even  the  reh'gion  of  the  Greeks,  all  came  from 
the  land  of  the  Nile.  These  tales  found  easy  believers ;  they  were  earned 
back  to  Greece,  and  repeated  with  various  modifications  and  embellish- 
ments ;  and  thus,  no  doubt,  arose  the  greater  number  of  the  traditions 
respecting  Egyptian  colonies  in  Greece. 

§  7.  Although  we  may  therefore  reject  with  safety  the  traditions  re- 
specting these  Egyptian  colonies,  two  are  of  so  much  celebrity  that  they 
cannot  be  passed  over  entirely  in  an  account  of  the  early  ages  of  Greece. 
Attica  is  said  to  have  been  mdebted  for  the  arts  of  civilized  life  to  Cecrops, 
a  native  of  Sais  in  Egypt.  To  him  is  ascribed  the  foundation  of  the  city 
of  Athens,  the  institution  of  mamage,  and  the  introduction  of  religious 
rites  and  ceremonies.  The  AcrojX)lis  or  citadel  of  Athens,  to  which  the 
original  city  was  confined,  continued  to  bear  the  name  of  Cecropia  even  in 
later  times.  Argos,  in  like  manner,  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  the 
Egyptian  Danaus,  who  fled  to  Greece  with  his  fifty  daughtei*s  to  escape 
from  the  persecution  of  their  suitors,  the  fifty  sons  of  his  brother  iEgyptus. 
The  Egyptian  stranger  was  elected  king  by  the  natives,  and  from  him  the 
tribe  of  the  Danai  derived  their  nsune,  which  Homer  frequently  uses  as  a 
general  appellation  for  the  Greeks.  The  only  fact  which  lends  any  coun- 
tenance to  the  existence  of  an  Eg}^ptian  colony  in  Greece  is  the  discovery 
of  the  remains  of  two  pyramids  at  no  great  distance  from  Argos  ;  but  this 
fonu  of  building  is  not  confined  to  Egypt.  Pyramids  are  found  in  India, 
Babylonia,  and  Mexico,  and  may  therefore  have  been  erected  by  tlie  early 
inhabitants  of  Greece  independently  of  any  connection  with  Egypt. 

§  8.  Another  colony,  not  less  celebrated  and  not  more  credible  than  the 
two  just  mentioned,  is  the  one  led  from  Asia  by  Pelops,  from  whom  the 
southern  peninsula  of  Greece  derived  its  name  of  Peloponnesus.  Pelops 
is  usually  represented  as  a  native  of  Sipylus  in  Phrygiii,  and  the  son  of  the 
wealthy  King  Tantalus.  By  means  of  his  riches,  which  he  brought  with 
him  into  Greece,  he  became  king  of  Mycenai  and  the  founder  of  a  power- 
ful dynasty,  one  of  the  most  renowned  in  the  Heroic  Age  of  Greece. 
From  him  was  descended  Agamemnon,  who  led  the  Grecian  host  against 
Troy. 

§  9.  The  case  is  different  with  the  Phoenician  colony,  which  is  said  to 
have  been  founded  by  Cadmus  at  Thebes  in  Boeotia.  AVe  have  decisive 
evidence  that  the  Phoenicians  planted  colonies  at  an  early  period  in  the 
islands  of  Greece  ;  and  it  is  only  natural  to  believe  that  they  also  settled 
upon  the  shores  of  the  mainland.  Wliether  there  was  such  a  person  as 
the  Phoenician  Cadmus,  and  whether  he  built  the  town  called  Cadniea, 
which  afterwards  became  the  citadel  of  Thebes,  as  the  ancient  legends 
relate,  cannot  be  determined  ;  but,  setting  aside  all  tradition  on  the  sub- 
ject, there  is  one  fact  which  proves  indisputably  an  early  intercourse  be- 
tween Phoenicia  and  Greece.  It  was  to  the  Phoenicians  that  the  Greeks 
were  indebted  for  the  art  of  writing ;  for  both  the  names  and  the  forms  o 


Chap.  I.] 


THE   EARLIEST   INHABITANTS. 


15 


the  letters  in  the  Greek  alphabet  are  evidently  derived  from  the  Phoe- 
nician. With  this  exception  the  Oriental  strangers  left  no  pennanent 
trace  of  their  settlements  in  Greece ;  and  the  population  of  the  countiy 
continued  to  be  essentially  Grecian,  uncontaminated  by  any  foreign  ele- 
ments. 


M 


Paris,  from  the  iEginetan  Sculptures.* 


♦  In  the  Glyptothek  at  Munich.  —  Ed. 


li 


I '  r 


;l 


lA 


Nl 


I 


fv 


u 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  IL 


i' 


ii 


j^ax,  from  the  ^ginetan  Sculptures.* 


CHAPTER  n. 


THE   GRECIAN  HEROES. 

« 
1 1.  Mythical  Character  of  the  Heroic  Age.  §  2.  Hercnles.  \  3.  Tlieseus.  §  4.  Miiios. 
f  6.  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts.  ^  6.  The  Seven  against  Thebes  and  the  Epigoni.  §  7.  The 
Trojan  War  as  related  in  the  Iliad.  §  8.  Later  Additions.  §  9.  Retiim  of  the  Grecian 
Heroes  from  Troy.  \  10.  Date  of  the  Fall  of  Troy.  ^  11.  Whether  the  Heroic  Legends 
contain  any  Historical  Facts.  §  12.  The  Homeric  Poems  present  a  Picture  of  a  Real 
State  of  Society. 


§  1.  It  was  iiniversally  believed  by  the  Greeks,  that  their  native  land 
was  in  the  earlier  ages  ruled  by  a  noble  race  of  beings,  possessing  a  super- 
human though  not  a  divine  nature,  and  superior  to  ordinary  men  in 
strength  of  body  and  greatness  of  soul.  These  are  the  Heroes  of  Grecian 
mythology,  whose  exploits  an<l  adventure?  foi-m  the  great  mine  from  which 
the  Greeks  derived  inexhaustible  materials  for  their  poetry,  — 

"  Presenting  Thebes  or  Pelops'  line, 
Or  the  tale  of  Troy  divine." 

According  to  mythical  chronology  the  Heroic  Age  constitutes  a  period 
of  about  two  hundred  years,  from  the  first  appearance  of  the  Hellenes  in 
Thessaly  to  the  return  of  the  Greeks  from  Troy.  Since  the  legends  of 
this  period  belong  to  mythology  and  not  to  history,  they  find  their  proper 

♦  In  the  Glyptothek  at  Munich.  —  Ed. 


';\1 


Chap.  II.] 


THE    GRECIAN  HEROES. 


17 


place  in  a  work  devoted  to  the  former  subject.  But  some  of  them  are  so 
closely  interwoven  with  the  historical  traditions  of  Greece  that  it  is  impos- 
sible to  pass  them  by  entirely.  Among  the  heroes  three  stand  conspicu- 
ously forth  :  Hercules,  the  national  hero  of  Greece  ;  Theseus,  the  hero  of 
Attica ;  and  Minos,  king  of  Crete,  the  principal  founder  of  Grecian  law 
and  civilization. 

§  2.  Of  all  the  Hetoic  families  none  was  more  celebrated  than  that  of 
Danaus,  king  of  Argos.     In  the  fifth  generation  we  find  it  personified  in 
Danae,  the  daughter  of  Acrisius,  whom  Zeus  wooed  in  a  shower  of  gold, 
and  became  by  her  the  father  of  Perseus,  the  celebrated  conqueror  of 
Medusa.     Perseus  was  the  ancestor  of  Hercules,  being  the  great-grand- 
father both  of  Alcmena  and  of  her  husband  Amphitryon.     According  to 
the  well-known  legend,  Zeus,  enamored  of  Alcmena,  assumed  the  form 
of  Amphitryon  in  his  absence,  and  became  by  her  the  father  of  Hercules. 
.  To  the  son  thus  begotten  Zeus  had  destined  the  sovereignty  of  Argos ;  but 
the  jealous  anger  of  Hera  (Juno)  raised  up  against  him  an  opponent  and 
a  master  in  the  person  of  Eurystheus,  another  descendant  of  Perseus,  at 
whose  bidding  the  greatest  of  all  heroes  was  to  achieve  those  wonderful 
labors  which  filled  the  whole  worid  with  his  fame.     In  these  are  realized, 
on  a  magnificent  scale,  the  two  great  objects  of  ancient  heroism,  —  the 
destruction  of  physical  and  moral  evil,  and  the  acquisition  of  wealth  and 
power.     Such,  for  instance,  are  the  labors  in  which  he  destroys  the  terri- 
ble Nemean  lion  and  Lernean  hydra,  carries  off  the  girdle  of  Ares  from 
Hippolyte,  queen  of  the  Amazons,  and  seizes  the  golden  apples  of  the 
Hesperides,  guarded  by  a  hundred-headed  dragon.  '  At  the  same  time, 
however,  we  perceive,  as  is  the  case  with  all  the  Grecian  heroes,  that  the 
extraordinary  endowments  of  Hercules  did  not  preserve  him  from  human 
weakness  and  error,  and  the  conseciuent  expiation  which  they  demanded. 
After  slaying  in  his  ungovernable  rage  his  friend  and  companion,  Iphitus, 
the  son  of  Eurytus,  he  is  seized  with  sickness,  becomes  the  slave  of  the 
Lydian  queen,  Omphale,  devotes  himself  to  effeminate  occupations,  and 
sinks  into  luxury  and  wantonness.     At  a  subsequent  period  another  crime 
produces  his  death.     The  rape  of  lole,  the  daughter  of  the  same  Eurytus 
whose  son  he  had  slain,  incites  his  wife  Deianlra  to  send  him  the  fatal 
shirt,  poisoned  with  the  blood  of  the  centaur,  Nessus.    Unable  to  endure 
the  torments  it  occasions,  he  repairs  to  Mount  OEta,  which  becomes  the 
scene  of  his  apotheosis.     As  he  lies  on  the  funeral  pile  there  erected  for 
him  by  Hyllus,  his  eldest  son  by  Deiamra,  a  cloud  descends  and  bears  hun 
off  amidst  thunder  and  lightning  to  Olympus,  where  he  is  received  among 
the  immortal  gods,  and,  being  reconciled  to  Hera,  receives  in  marriage  her 
daughter  Hebe,  the  goddess  of  youth. 

§  3.  Theseus  was  the  son  of  ^geus,  king  of  Athens,  and  of  ^thra, 
daughter  of  Pittheus,  king  of  Troezen.  On  his  return  to  Athens  JEgeus 
left  ^thra  behind  him  at  Troezen,  enjoining  her  not  to  send  their  son  to 

3 


i 


V 


IS 


mSTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  H. 


''  I 


Athens  till  he  was  strong  enough  to  lift  from  beneath  a  stone  of  prodigious 
weight  his  father's  sword  and  sandals,  which  would  serve  as  tokens  of  rec- 
ognition.    Theseus,  when  grown  to  manhood,  accomplished  the  appointed 
feat  with  ease,  and  took  the  road  to  Athens  over  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth, 
a  journey  beset  with  many  dangers  from  robbers,  who  barbarously  muti- 
kted  or  killed  the  unhappy  wayfarers  who  fell  into  their  hands.     But 
Theseus  overcame  them  all,  and  arrived  in  safety  at  Athens,  where  he  was 
recognized  by  iEgeus,  and  declared  his  successor.    Among  his  many  mem- 
orable achievements  the  most  famous  was  his  deliverance  of  Athens  from 
the  frightful  tribute  imposed  upon  it  by  Minos  for  the  murder  of  his  son. 
This  consisted  of  seven  youths  and  seven  maidens,  whom  the  Athenians 
were  compelled  to  send  every  nine  yeai-s  to  Crete,  there  to  be  devoured 
by  the  Minotaur,  a  monster  ^vith  a  human  body  and  a  bulFs  head,  which 
Minos  kept  concealed  in  an  inextricable  labyrinth.     The  third  ship  was 
already  on  the  point  of  sailing  with  its  cargo  of  innocent  victims,  when 
Theseus  offered  to  go  with  them,  hoping  to  put  an  end  for  ever  to  the 
horrible  tribute.     Ariadne,  the  daughter  of  Minos,  became  enamored  of 
the  hero,  and  having  supplied  him  with  a  clew  to  trace  the  windings  of  the 
labyrinth,  Theseus  succeeded  in  killing  the  monster,  and  in  tracking  his 
way  out  of  the  mazy  lair.     As  he  returned  towards  Athens,  the  pilot  for- 
got to  hoist  the  white  sail,  agreed  on  as  the  signal  of  success,  in  place  of 
ie  black  sail  usually  carried  by  the  vessel  which  bore  that  melancholy 
tribute,  whereupon  ^geus,  thinking  that  his  son  had  perished,  threw  him- 
self into  the  sea  wliich  afterwards  bore  his  name. 

Theseus,  having  now  ascended  the  throne,  proceeded  to  lay  the  founda- 
tions of  the  future  greatness  of  Athens.  He  united  into  one  political  body 
the  twelve  independent  states  into  which  Cecrops  had  divided  Attica,  and 
made  Athens  the  capital  of  the  new  kingdom.  In  order  to  accommodate 
the  increased  population  of  the  city,  he  covered  with  buildings  the  ground 
lying  to  the  south  of  the  Cecropian  citadel ;  and  in  commemoration  of  the 
union,  he  instituted  the  festivals  of  the  Panatheniea  and  Synoikia  in  honor 
of  Athena  (Minerva),  the  patron  goddess  of  the  city.  He  then  divided 
the  citizens  into  three  classes  ;  namely,  EupatridtB,  or  nobles,  Geomori, 
or  husbandmen,  and  Bemiurgi,  or  artisans.  He  is  further  said  to  have 
established  a  constitutional  government,  retaining  in  his  own  hands  only 
certain  definite  powers  and  privileges,  so  that  he  was  regarded  in  a  later 
age  as  the  founder  of  civil  equality  at  Athens.  He  al^^o  extended  the 
Attic  territory  to  the  confines  of  Peloponnesus,  and  established  the  games 
in  honor  of  Poseidon  (Neptune),  which  were  celebrated  on  the  isthnms. 
He  subsequently  engaged  in  a  variety  of  adventurcs  in  conjunction  with 
Hercules  and  Peirithous,king  of  the  Lapithie.  But  on  his  return  to  Athena 
after  these  exploits,  the  Athenians  refused  to  obey  him  any  longer,  where- 
upon he  retired  to  the  island  of  Scyros,  and  was  there  murdered  tlirough 
♦he  treachery  of  King  Lycomedes. 


Chap,  n.] 


THE   GRECIAN   HEROES. 


§  4.  Minos,  king  of  Crete,  whose  story  is  connected  with  that  of  The- 
seus, appears,  hke  him,  the  representative  of  an  historical  and  civil  state 
of  life.  Minos  is  said  to  have  received  the  laws  of  Crete  immediately 
from  Zeus ;  and  traditions  uniformly  represent  liim  as  king  of  the  sea. 
Possessing  a  numerous  fleet,  he  reduced  the  surrounding  islands,  especially 
the  Cyclades,  under  his  dominion,  and  cleared  the  sea  of  pirates.  A  later 
legend  recognizes  two  heroes  of  the  name  of  Minos  ;  one,  the  son  of  Zeus 
and  Europa,  who  after  liis  death  became  a  judge  in  the  lower  world,  and 
the  other  his  grandson,  who  held  the  dominion  of  the  sea. 

§  5.  If,  turning  from  the  exploits  of  individual  heroes,  we  examine 
the  enterprises  undertaken  by  a  collective  body  of  chiefs,  we  shall  again 
find  three  expeditions  more  celebrated  than  the  rest.  These  are  the 
Voyage  of  the  Argonauts,  the  War  of  the  Seven  against  Thebes,  and  the 
Siege  of  Troy. 

In  the  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts  the  JEolids  play  the  principal  part. 
Pelias,  a  descendant  of  JEolus,  had  deprived  his  half-brother  iEson  of  his 
dominion  over  the  kingdom  of  lolcus  in  Thessaly.  TMien  Jason,  son  of 
^son,  had  grown  up  to  manhood,  he  appeared  before  his  uncle  and  de- 
manded back  his  throne,  ^son  consented  only  on  condition  that  Ja^on 
should  first  fetch  the  golden  fleece  from  ^Ea,*  a  region  in  the  fiirthest  East, 
ruled  by  ^etes,  offspring  of  the  Sun-god.  Here  it  was  preserved  in  the 
grove  of  Ai-es  (Mars),  suspended  upon  a  tree,  and  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  a  sleepless  dragon. 

The  Argo,  a  ship  built  for  the  expedition,  gave  its  name  to  the  adven- 
turers, who,  under  the  conduct  of  Jason,  embarked  m  the  harbor  of  lolcus, 
for  the  purpose  of  bringing  back  the  fleece.  They  consisted  of  the  most 
reno^vned  heroes  of  the  tune.  Hercules  and  Theseus  are  mentioned  among 
them,  as  well  as  the  principal  leaders  in  the  Trojan  war.  Jason,  however, 
is  the  central  figure  and  the  real  hero  of  the  enterprise.  When  he  and  his 
companions  arrived,  after  many  adventures,  at  ^Ea,  Kmg  ^etes  promised 
to  deUver  to  liun  the  golden  fleece,  provided  he  yoked  two  fire-breatliing 
oxen  with  brazen  feet,  ploughed  with  them  a  piece  of  land,  sowed  in  the 
furrows  thus  made  the  remainder  of  the  teeth  of  the  dragon  slain  by  Cad- 
mus, and  vanquished  the  armed  men  that  would  start  from  his  seed.  Here 
also,  as  in  the  legend  of  Theseus,  love  played  a  prominent  part.  Medea, 
the  daughter  of  ^etes,  who  was  skilled  in  magic  and  supernatural  arts, 
furnished  Jason  with  the  means  of  accomplishing  the  labors  imposed 
upon  him  ;  and  as  her  father  still  delayed  to  surrender  the  fleece,  she  cast 
the  dragon  a.<leep  during  the  night,  seized  the  fleece,  and  set  sail  in  the 
Argo  with  her  beloved  Jason  and  his  companions.  iEetes  pursued  them ; 
but  after  many  long  and  strange  wanderings,  they  at  length  reached  lolcus 
in  safety. 


^K 


*  Identified  by  the  Greeks  of  a  later  age  with  Colchis. 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  II 


Chaf.  n.] 


THE   GRECIAN  HEROES. 


21 


} 


§  6.  In  the  Heroic  Age  Thebes  was  sikeaAy  one  of  the  principal  cities 
of  Greece.  Towards  the  close  of  this  period  it  became  the  scene  of  the 
last  struggles  of  a  fated  race,  whose  legendary  historj-  is  so  full  of  human 
crime,  of  the  obscure  warnings  of  the  gods,  and  of  the  inevitable  march 
of  fate,  as  to  render  it  one  of  the  favorite  subjects  of  the  tragic  poets  of 
Athens. 

Laius,  king  of  Thebes,  was  warned  by  an  oracle  to  beget  no  children, 
or  he  would  be  murdered  by  his  son.     He  neglected  the  prediction,  but  to 
obviate  its  effects  caused  his  son   CEdipus  by  Jocasta  to  be  exposed  to 
death.    The  uifant,  however,  was  saved  and  caiTied  to  Corinth,  where 
King  Polybus  reared  him  as  his  own.     Grown  up  to  manhood,  and  stung 
by  the  reproaches  which  he  heard  cast  upon  his  birth,  CEdipus  consulted 
the  Delphic  oracle  representing  his  parentage,  and  was  wamcd  by  it  not 
to  return  to  his  native  land,  as  he  was  there  destined  to  slay  his  father  and 
commit  incest  with  his  mother.     CEdipus,  believing  Polyl)us  to  be  his  real 
father,  now  avoided  Corinth  and  took  the  road  to  Thebes,  but  by  so  doing 
incurred  the  very  ftite  whicli  he  sought  to  avoid.     Meeting  Laius  in  a  nar- 
row road,  he  slew  him  in  a  quarrel,  and  then,  proceeding  to  Thebes,  obtained 
the  hand  of  his  mother,  Queen  Jocasta,  promised  as  a  reward  to  the  man  who 
should  solve  a  riddle  pi-oiioundcd  by  the  Sphinx,  a  monster  wliich  had  long 
infested  the  land,  but  which  was  driven  to  slay  itself  by  the  solution  of  its 
enigma.    Two  sons  and  two  daughters  were  the  fiiiit  of  the  incestuous 
marriage.     These  hoiTors  drew  down  a  pestilence  on  the  land,  and  in 
order  to  avert  it,  an  oracle  commanded  the  banishment  of  the  murderer  of 
LaYus.     The  inquiries  instituted  to  discover  the  guilty  man  revealed  the 
fatal  truth.    Jocasta  hangs  herself;  CEdipus,  unable  any  longer  to  bear 
the  Hght  of  day,  puts  out  his  eyes,  and  being  expelled  from  the  city  by  his 
two  sons,  Eteocles  and  Polynlces,  pronounces  upon  them  a  curse  wliich 
speedily  takes  effect.    In  a  struggle  for  undivided  dominion,  Polynices  is 
driven  out  of  Thebes  by  his  brother,  and,  repairing  to  Ai-gos,  obtains  the 
aid  of  King  Adrastus  to  reinstate  hun  in  his  rights.     Besides  that  monarch 
and  Polynices  five  other  heroes  join  the  expedition,  making  the  confederacy 
known  under  the  name  of  the  "  Seven  against  Thebes."     All  of  them 
except  Adrastus  are  slain,  whilst  Polynices  and  Eteocles  fiiU  by  each 
other's  hands. 

Ten  years  later  the  sons  of  the  allied  princes  undertake  another  expe- 
dition against  Thebes  in  order  to  avenge  their  fathers*  fate,  hence  called 
the  war  of  the  Epiffoni,  or  the  Descendants.  It  proved  successful 
Thebes  was  taken  and  razed  to  the  ground  after  the  greater  part  of  ita 
inhabitants  had  left  the  city  on  the  advice  of  the  prophet  Tiresias. 

§  7.  In  mythological  chronology  the  war  of  the  Epigoni  immediately 
precedes  the  expedition  against  Troy,  whose  legend  fonns  the  termination 
of  the  Heroic  age.  While  it  was  the  last,  it  was  also  the  greatest  of  all 
the  Heroic  achievements.  It  formed  the  subject  of  innumerable  epic  poems, 
and  has  been  immortahzed  by  the  genius  of  Homer. 


Paris,  son  of  Priam,  king  of  Ilium  or  Troy,  abused  the  hospitality  of 
Menelaus,  king  of  Sparta,  by  carrying  off  his  wife,  Helen,  the  most  beau- 
tiful woman  of  the  age.  All  the  Grecian  princes  looked  upon  the  outrage 
as  one  committed  against  themselves.  Responding  to  the  call  of  Mene- 
laus, they  assemble  in  arms,  elect  his  brother,  Agamemnon,  king  of  My- 
cenae, leader  of  the  expedition,  and  sail  across  the  ^gean  in  nearly 
twelve  hundred  ships  to  recover  the  faithless  fair  one.  Several  of  the 
confederate  heroes  excel  Agamemnon  in  fame.  Among  them  Achilles, 
chief  of  the  Tliessalian  Myrmidons,  stiuids  preeminent  in  strength,  beauty, 
and  valor,  whilst  Odysseus,  king  of  Itluica,  suq)asses  all  the  rest  in  the  men- 
tal qualities  of  counsel,  subtilty,  and  eloquence.  Thus,  though  by  02)posite 
endowments,  these  two  heroes  form  the  centre  of  the  group.  Next  to 
them  we  observe  the  aged  Nestor,  king  of  Pylus,  distinguished  for  his 
wisdom  and  experience ;  the  valiant  Diomcdes,  king  of  Argos,  son  of 
Tydeus,  slain  at  Thebes,  and  one  of  the  Epigoni ;  the  Telamonian  Aias 
(Ajax)  of  Salamis,  who,  though  somewhat  heavy  and  unwieldy,  is  next  to 
Achilles  in  person  and  fighting  power ;  and  lastly,  Idomeneus  of  Crete,  a 
grandson  of  JNIinos. 

Among  the  Trojans,  Hector,  one  of  the  sons  of  Priam,  is  most  distin- 
guished for  heroic  qualities,  and  forms  a  striking  contrast  to  his  hand- 
some but  effeminate  brother,  Paris.  Next  to  Hector  in  valor  stands  ^neas, 
son  of  Anchises  and  Aphrodite  (Venus).  Even  the  gods  take  part  in  the 
contest,  encouraging  their  favorite  heroes,  and  sometimes  fighting  by  their 
side  or  in  their  stead. 

It  is  not  till  the  tenth  year  of  the  war  that  Ilium  yields  to  the  inevitable 
decree  of  fiite,  and  it  is  this  year  which  forms  the  subject  of  the  Ihad. 
Achilles,  offended  by  Agamemnon,  abstains  from  the  wai*,  and  even  en- 
treats his  mother  Thetis  to  obtain  from  Zeus  (Jove)  victory  for  the  Tro- 
jans. Li  his  absence  the  Greeks  are  no  match  for  Hector.  The  Tro- 
jans drive  them  back  into  their  camp  and  are  already  setting  fire  to  their 
ships,  when  Achilles  gives  his  armor  to  his  friend  Patroclus,  and  allows 
him  to  charge  at  the  head  of  the  Myrmidons.  Patroclus  repulses  the 
Trojans  from  the  ships,  but  the  god  Apollo  is  against  liim,  and  he  falls 
under  the  spear  of  Hector.  Desire  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  friend 
proves  more  powerful  in  the  breast  of  AchiUes  than  anger  against  Aga- 
memnon. He  appears  again  in  the  field  in  new  and  gorgeous  armor, 
forged  for  him  by  the  god  Hephajstos  (Vulcan)  at  the  prayer  of  Thetis. 
The  Trojans  fly  before  him,  and  although  Achilles  is  aware  that  his  own 
death  must  speedily  follow  that  of  the  Trojan  hero,  he  slays  him  in  single 
combat. 

§  8.  The  Hiad  closes  with  the  burial  of  Hector.  The  death  of  Achilles 
and  the  capture  of  Troy  were  related  in  later  poems,  as  well  as  his  victo- 
ries over  Penthesilea,  queen  of  the  Amazons,  and  Memnon,  king  of  JEthi- 
opia.  •  The  hero  of  so  many  acliievements  perishes  by  an  aiTow  shot  bjr 


i( 


L! 


82 


HISTORY  OF  GHEECE. 


[Chap.  H 


Chap,  n.] 


THE   GRECIAN   HEROES. 


23 


1 


'} 


/I 


the  unwarlike  Paris,  but  directed  by  tlie  hand  of  Apollo.  The  noblest 
combatants  had  now  fiillen  on  either  side,  and  force  of  arms  had  proved 
unable  to  accomplish  what  stratagem  at  length  effects.  It  is  Odysseus 
(Ulysses)  who  now  steps  into  the  foreground  and  becomes  the  real  cpn- 
queror  of  Troy.  By  his  advice  a  wooden  horse  is  built,  in  whose  inside 
he  and  other  heroes  conceal  themselves.  The  infatuated  Trojans  admit 
the  horse  within  their  walls.  In  the  dead  of  night  the  Greeks  rush  out 
and  open  the  gates  to  their  comrades.  Ilium  is  deUvered  over  to  the 
sword,  and  its  glory  sinks  in  ashes. 

§  9.  The  return  of  the  Grecian  leaders  from  Troy  forms  another  series 
of  poetical  legends.  Several  meet  with  tragical  ends.  Agamemnon  is 
murdered,  on  his  arrival  at  3Iycena;,  by  his  wife,  Clytiemnestra,  and  her 
paramour,  ^gisthus.  Diomedes,  who  also  finds  his  house  defiled,  is  driven 
from  Argos  and  settles  in  Italy.  But  of  these  wanderings  the  most  cele- 
brated and  interesting  are  those  of  Odysseus  (Ulysses),  which  form  the 
subject  of  the  Odyssey.  After  twenty  years*  absence  he  an-ives  at  length 
in  Ithaca,  where  he  slays  the  numerous  suitors  who  devoured  his  substance 
and  contended  for  the  hand  of  his  wife,  Penelope. 

§  10.  It  has  been  already  stated  that  the  Trojan  war  closes  the  Heroic 
age,  and  the  poet  Hesiod  relates  that  the  divine  race  of  heroes  was  ex- 
hausted before  the  walls  of  Tliebes  and  on  the  plain  of  Ilium.  As  the 
Trojan  war  was  thus  supposed  to  mark  an  epoch  in  Grecian  history,  great 
pains  were  taken  in  the  later  periods  of  antiquity  to  fix  its  date.  That  of 
Eratosthenes,  a  grammarian  at  Alexandria,  enjoyed  most  credit,  which 
placed  the  fall  of  that  city  four  hundred  and  seven  years  before  the  first 
Olympiad,  and  consequently  in  the  year  1184  B.  c. 

§  11.  In  relating  the  legends  of  the  Heroic  Age  we  have  made  no  at- 
tempt to  examine  their  origin,  or  to  deduce  from  them  any  historical  facts. 
All  such  attempts  are  in  our  opinion  vain  and  fruitless.  Whether  there 
were  real  persons  of  the  name  of  Hercules,  Theseus,  and  Minos  can  neither 
be  afl^rmed  nor  denied.  Our  only  reason  for  beUeving  in  their  existence 
is  the  tradition  of  the  Greeks  respecting  them  ;  and  knowing  how  worth- 
less is  tradition,  especially  when  handed  down  by  a  rude  and  unlettered 
people,  we  cannot  accept  the  Grecian  heroes  as  real  personages  upon  such 
evidence,  ft  has  been  supposed  by  many  modern  writers,  that  the  won- 
derful storj'  of  the  Argonauts  took  its  rise  from  the  adventurous  voyages 
of  early  Greek  mariners  to  the  coasts  of  the  Euxine  ;  that  the  expeditions 
of  the  "  Seven  against  Thebes "  and  their  descendants  reiiresented  in  a 
legendary  form  an  actual  contest  between  Argos  and  Thebes ;  and  that 
the  Homeric  tale  of  the  Trojan  war  was  based  upon  historical  facts.  But 
for  such  statements  we  have  no  authority.  They  are  at  the  best  only  prob- 
able conjectures.  While,  therefore,  we  do  not  deny  the  possibihty  of  an 
historical  Trojan  war,  we  cannot  accept  it  as  a  fact  supported  by  trustwor- 
thy evidence,  since  Homer  is  our  sole  authority  for  it. 


§  12.  Although  the  Homeric  poems  cannot  be  received  as  a  record  of 
historical  persons  and  events,  yet  they  present  a  valuable  picture  of  the 
institutions  and  manners  of  a  real  state  of  society.  Homer  lived  in  an 
age  in  which  antiquarian  research  was  unkno\NTi ;  his  poems  were  ad- 
dressed to  unlettered  hearers,  and  any  description  of  life  and  manners 
which  did  not  correspond  to  the  state  of  things  around  them  would  have 
been  unintelligible  and  uninteresting  to  his  contemporaries.  In  addition 
to  this,  there  is  an  artless  simplicity  in  his  descriptions  which  forces  upon 
every  reader  the  conviction  that  the  poet  drew  his  pictures  from  real  life, 
and  not  from  an  antiquated  past  or  from  imaginary  ideas  of  his  own.  The 
description  which  he  gives  of  the  government,  manners,  society,  and  cus- 
toms of  his  age  demands  our  attentive  consideration,  since  with  it  our 
knowledge  of  the  Greek  people  commences. 


I' 


t 


M 


f 


h 


HISTOKr  OF   GREECE. 


[CllAP.  Ill 


Gate  of  Lions  at  MycensB. 
CHAPTER  III. 

STATE   OF   SOCIETY    OF   THE   HEROIC   AGE. 

1 1.  Political  Condition  of  Greece.  —  The  Kings.  ^  2.  The  Bcruli,  or  Council  of  Chieft. 
f  3.  The  Agora,  or  General  Assembly  of  Freemen.  §  4.  The  Condition  of  common 
Freemen  and  Slaves.  §  5.  State  of  Social  and  Moral  Feeling.  §  6.  Simplicity  of  Man- 
ners. §  7.  Advances  made  in  Civilization.  §  8.  Commerce  and  the  Arts.  §  9.  Th« 
Physical  Sciences.    §  10.  The  Art  of  War. 

§  1.  In  the  Heroic  Age  Greece  was  already  divided  into  a  number  of 
independent  states,  each  governed  by  its  own  king.  The  authority  of  the 
king  was  not  Hmited  by  any  laws ;  his  power  resembled  that  of  the  pa- 
triarchs in  the  Old  Testament ;  and  for  the  exercise  of  it  he  was  respon- 
sible only  to  Zeus,  and  not  to  his  people.  It  was  fi-om  the  01}Tnpian  god 
that  his  ancestors  had  received  the  supremacy,  and  he  transmitted  it,  as  a 
divine  inheritance,  to  his  son.  He  had  the  sole  command  of  his  people  in 
war,  he  ai^lministered  to  them  justice  in  peace,  and  he  offered  up  on  their 
behalf  prayers  and  sacrifices  to  the  gods.  He  was  the  general,  judge,  and 
priest  of  his  people.  They  looked  up  to  him  with  reverence  as  a  being  of 
divine  descent  and  divine  appointment;  but  at  the  same  time  he  was 
obliged  to  possess  personal  superiority,  both  of  body  and  mind,  to  keep 
aJive  this  feeling  in  his  subjects.  It  was  necessary  that  he  should  be 
brave  in  war,  wise  in  counsel,  and  eloquent  in  debate.  If  a  king  became 
weak  in  body  or  feeble  in  mind,  he  could  not  easily  retain  his  posi- 
tion; but  as  long  as  his  personal  qualities  commanded  the  respect  of 
Ws  subjects,  they  quietly  submitted  to  acts  of  violence  and  caprice.  An 
ample  domain  was  assigned  to  him  for  his  support,  and  he  received  fre- 
quent presents  to  avert  his  enmity  and  gam  his  favor. 


Chap.  HI.] 


SOCIETY   OP   THE   HEROIC   AGE. 


25 


Although  the  king  was  not  restrained  in  the  exercise  of  his  po^ver  by 
any  positive  laws,  there  were,  even  in  the  Heroic  Age,  two  bodies  which 
must  practically  have  limited  his  authority,  and  which  became  in  republi- 
can Greece  the  sole  depositaries  of  political  power.  These  were  the  Boiile, 
or  council  of  chiefs,  and  the  Agora,  or  general  assembly  of  freemen. 

§  2.  The  king  was  surrounded  by  a  limited  number  of  nobles  or  chiefs, 
to  whom  the  title  of  Basihus  was  given,  as  well  as  to  the  monarch  himself. 
Like  the  king,  they  traced  their  descent  from  the  gods,  and  foi-med  his 
Boide,  or  Council,  to  which  he  announced  the  resolutions  he  had  aheady 
formed,  and  from  which  he  asked  advice.  The  BouU  possessed  no  veto 
upon  the  measures  of  the  king,  and  far  less  could  it  originate  any  measure 
itself.  This  is  strikingly  shown  by  the  submissive  manner  in  which  Nes- 
tor tenders  his  advice  to  Agamemnon,  to  be  adopted  or  rejected,  as  the 
«  king  of  men  "  might  choose,*  and  by  the  description  which  Homer  fre- 
quently gives  of  the  meetings  of  the  gods  in  Olympus,  which  are  evidently 
taken  from  similar  meetings  of  men  upon  earth.  In  heaven,  Zeus,  like 
the  Homeric  king,  presides  in  the  councils  of  the  gods  and  listens  to  their 
advice,  but  forms  liis  own  resolutions,  which  he  then  communicates  to  them. 

§  3.  When  the  king  had  announced  his  determination  to  the  Council,  he 
proceeded  with  his  nobles  to  the  Agora.  The  king  occupied  the  most 
important  seat  in  the  assembly,  with  the  nobles  by  his  side,  while  the 
people  sat  in  a  circle  around  them.  The  king  opened  the  meeting  by 
announcing  his  intentions,  and  the  nobles  v,  ere  then  allowed  to  address  the 
people.  But  no  one  else  had  the  right  to  speak ;  no  vote  was  taken  ;  the 
people  simply  listened  to  the  debate  between  the  chiefs  ;  and  the  assembly 
served  only  as  a  means  for  promulgating  the  intentions  of  the  king.  It  is 
true  that  this  assembly  formed  a  germ,  out  of  which  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people  subsequently  sprang ;  but  in  the  Heroic  Age  the  king  was  the  only 
person  who  possessed  any  political  power,  and  Homer  expresses  the  gen- 
eral feeling  of  his  time  in  the  memorable  lines,  —  "  The  rule  of  many  is  not 
a  good  thing:  let  us  have  only  one  ruler,  one  king,  — him  to  whom  Zeus 
has  given  the  sceptre  and  the  authority."  t  There  was  another  imi^rtant 
purjwse  for  which  the  Agora  was  summoned.  It  was  in  the  Agora  that 
justice  was  administered  by  the  king,  sometimes  alone  and  sometimes  with 
the  assistance  of  his  nobles.  It  may  be  remarked  in  passing,  that  this  pub- 
lic administration  of  justice  must  have  had  a  powerful  tendency  to  check 
corruption  and  secure  righteous  judgments. 

§  4.  The  Greeks  in  the  Heroic  Age  were  divided  into  the  three  classes 
of  nobles,  common  freemen,  %  and  slaves.  §  The  nobles  were  raised  far 
above  the  rest  of  the  community  in  honor,  power,  and  wealth.  They  were 
distinguished  by  their  warlike  prowess,  their  large   estates,   and   their 


*Iliad,ix.  95-101. 
I  d^/ioff,  Xttoi. 


tlliad,ii.  203-206. 


24 


niSTOUY   OF   GREKCE. 


Gate  of  Lions  at  Slycenae. 


CHAPTER  HI. 


•'f 


STATE    OF    SOCIETY    OF    THE    HEROIC    ACE. 

^1.  Political  Condition  of  Greece.  — Tlie  Kinjrs.  §2.  Tlie  liotil^,  or  Council  of  Chiefs. 
48.  The  Afpra^  or  General  As«tembly  of  Freonien.  §4.  The  Condition  of  coninion 
Freemen  and  Slaves.  ^  5.  State  of  Sr)cial  and  Moral  Feelinj^.  §  6.  Simplicity  of  Man- 
ners. §  7.  Advances  made  in  Civilization.  §  8.  Commerce  and  the  Arts.  \  9.  The 
Physical  Sciences.    §  10.  The  Art  of  War. 

§  1.  In  tlie  Heroic  Age  Greece  was  already  divided  into  a  number  of 
independent  states,  each  governed  by  its  own  king.  Tlie  authority  of  the 
king  was  not  limited  by  any  laws;  his  ix)wer  resembled  that  of  the  pa- 
triai-ehs  in  the  Old  Testament ;  and  for  the  exercise  of  it  he  w;is  respon- 
sible only  to  Zens,  and  not  to  his  [)eople.  It  was  from  the  ()lymi)ian  god 
that  liis  ancestors  had  received  the  supremacy,  and  he  transmitte*!  it,  as  a 
divine  inheritance,  to  his  son.  He  had  the  sole  command  of  his  ])eople  ill 
war,  he  administered  to  tlieni  justice  in  peace,  and  he  oft'ered  up  on  their 
behalf  prayers  and  sacrifices  to  the  gods.  He  was  the  general,  judge,  and 
priest  of  his  people.  They  looked  up  to  liim  with  reverence  as  a  being  of 
divine  descent  and  divine  a[»pointment ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  was 
obliged  to  possess  personal  superiority,  botli  of  body  and  mind,  to  keep 
alive  this  feeling  in  his  subjects.  It  Avas  net-essary  that  he  sh(»uld  be 
brave  in  war,  wise  in  counsel,  and  eloquent  in  deljate.  If  a  king  became 
weak  in  bixly  or  feeble  in  mind,  he  could  not  easily  retain  his  posi- 
tion;  but  as  long  as  his  jiersonal  qualities  conuuanded  the  respect  of 
his  subjects,  they  quietly  submitted  to  acts  of  violence  and  caprice.  An 
ample  domain  was  assignecl  to  him  for  liis  sup[K)rt,  and  he  received  fre- 
quent presents  to  avert  his  enmity  and  gain  his  favor. 


Chap.  III.] 


SOCIETY    OF   THE   HEROIC   AGE. 


25 


Although  the  king  was  not  restrained  in  the  exercise  of  his  power  by 
any  positive  laws,  there  were,  even  in  the  Heroic  Age,  two  bodies  which 
must  practically  have  limited  his  authority,  and  which  became  in  republi- 
can Greece  the  sole  depositaries  of  political  power.  These  were  the  JJ^juU, 
or  council  of  chiefs,  and  the  A(/ora,  or  general  assembly  of  freemen. 

§  2.  The  king  was  surrounded  by  a  limited  number  of  nobh's  or  chiefs, 
to  whom  the  title  oi' Basikus  was  given,  as  well  as  to  the  monarch  himself. 
Like  the  king,  they  traced  their  descent  from  the  gods,  and  formed  his 
Boule,  or  Council,  to  which  he  aimounced  the  resolutions  he  had  already 
formed,  and  from  which  he  asked  advice.  The  BouU  i)0ssessed  no  veto 
uijon  the  measures  of  the  king,  and  far  less  could  it  originate  any  measure 
itself  This  is  strikingly  shown  by  the  submissive  maimer  in  which  Nes- 
tor tenders  his  advice  to  Agamemnon,  to  be  adopted  or  rejected,  as  the 
"king  of  men"  might  choose,*  and  by  the  description  which  Homer  fre- 
quently gives  of  the  meetings  of  the  gods  in  Olympus,  which  are  e\  idently 
taken  from  similar  meetings  of  men  uiX)n  earth.  In  heaven,  Zeus,  like 
the  Homeric  king,  presides  in  the  councils  of  the  gods  and  listens  to  their 
advice,  but  forms  his  own  resolutions,  which  he  then  communicates  to  them. 

§  3.  When  the  king  had  announced  his  determination  to  the  Council,  he 
proceeded  with  his  nobles  to  the  Agora,  Tlie  king  occu[)ied  the  most 
important  seat  in  the  assembly,  with  the  nobles  by  his  side,  while  the 
people  sat  in  a  circle  around  them.  The  king  opened  the  meeting  by 
annoimcing  his  intentions,  and  the  nobles  were  then  allowed  to  address  the 
people.  But  no  one  else  had  the  right  to  speak ;  no  vote  was  taken  ;  the 
people  simply  listened  to  the  debate  between  the  chiefs  ;  and  tlie  assembly 
served  oidy  as  a  means  for  promulgating  the  intentions  of  the  king.  It  is 
ti'ue  that  this  assembly  formed  a  germ,  out  of  which  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people  subsequently  sprang ;  but  in  the  Heroic  Age  the  king  was  the  only 
person  who  possessed  any  political  power,  and  Homer  ex[)resses  the  gen- 
eral feeling  of  his  time  in  the  memoral)le  Hues,  —  "  The  rule  of  mauy  is  not 
a  good  thing :  let  us  have  only  one  ruler,  one  king,  —  him  to  whom  Zeus 
ha*  given  the  sceptre  and  the  authority."  t  There  Avas  another  importimt 
puri)ose  for  which  the  Agora  was  summoned.  It  was  in  the  Agora  that 
justice  was  administered  Ijy  the  king,  sometimes  alone  and  sometimes  with 
the  assistance  of  his  nobles.  It  may  be  remarked  in  passing,  that  this  pub- 
lic administration  of  justice  must  have  had  a  powerful  tendency  to  check 
corruption  and  secure  righteous  judgments. 

§  4.  The  Greeks  in  the  Heroic  Age  were  divided  into  the  three  classes 
of  nobles,  common  freemen,  J  and  slaves.  §  The  nobles  were  raised  far 
above  the  rest  of  the  community  in  honor,  power,  and  wealth.  They  Avere 
distinguished   by  their  warlike  prowess,  their  large    estates,   and   their 


-J 


* 


*  Iliad,  ix.  95  - 101. 
t  d^^ws,  Xaot. 


tlliad,ii.  203-206. 
k  Bfiwef. 


26 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  IH 


9 


J 


numerous  slaves.  The  condition  of  the  general  mass  of  freemen  is  rarely 
mentioned.  They  possessed  portions  of  land  as  their  own  property,  wliich 
they  cultivated  themselves :  hut  there  was  another  class  of  \Mx>r  freemen, 
called  Thetes,  who  had  no  land  of  their  own,  and  who  worked  for  hire  on 
the  estates  of  others.  Among  the  freemen  we  find  certain  professional 
persons,  whose  acquirements  and  knowledge  raised  them  ahove  their  class, 
and  procured  for  them  the  respect  of  the  nobles.  Such  were  the  seer,  the 
bai'd,  the  herald,  and  likewise  the  smith  and  the  carpenter,  since  in  that 
age  a  knowledge  of  the  mechanical  arts  was  confined  to  a  few. 

Slavery  was  not  so  prevalent  in  the  Heroic  Age  as  in  republican 
Greece,  and  it  appears  in  a  less  odious  aspect.  The  nobles  alone  pos- 
sessed slaves,  and  they  treated  them  with  a  great  degree  of  kindness, 
which  frequently  secured  for  the  masters  their  affectionate  attachment. 

§  5.  The  state  of  social  and  moral  feeling  in  the  Heroic  Age  presents 
both  bright  and  dark  features.  Among  the  Greeks,  as  among  every 
people  which  has  just  emerged  from  barbarism,  the  family  relations  are 
the  grand  sources  of  lasting  union  and  devoted  attachment.  The  pater- 
nal authority  was  highly  reverenced,  and  notliing  was  so  much  dreaded 
as  the  curse  of  an  offended  father.  All  the  members  of  a  family  or 
a  clan  were  connected  by  the  closest  ties,  and  were  bound  to  revenge 
with  their  united  strength  an  injury  offered  to  any  individual  of  the  race. 
The  women  were  allowed  greater  liberty  than  they  possessed  in  repub- 
Bcan  Greece ;  and  to  Penelope,  Andromache,  and  other  women  of  the 
Heroic  Age,  there  is  an  interest  attaching,  which  we  never  feel  in  the 
women  of  the  historical  period.  The  wife  occupied  a  station  of  great  dig- 
nity and  influence  in  the  family,  but  was  purchased  by  her  husband  from 
her  parents  by  valuable  presents,*  a  custom  which  prevailed  among  the 
ancient  Jews  and  the  barbarous  nations  of  Germany.  In  the  Heroic  Age, 
as  in  other  early  stages  of  society,  we  find  the  stranger  treated  with  gen- 
erous hospitality.  The  chief  welcomes  him  to  his  house,  and  does  not 
inquire  his  name  nor  the  object  of  his  journey  till  he  has  placed  before 
him  his  best  cheer.  If  the  stranger  comes  as  a  suppliant,  he  has  a  still 
greater  claim  upon  his  host,  —  although  this  tie  may  expose  the  latter  to 
difficulty  and  danger,  and  may  even  bring  upon  him  the  hostility  of  a  more 
powerful  neighbor ;  for  Jove  punishes  without  mercy  the  man  who  dis- 
regards the  prayer  of  a  suppliant. 

The  three  facts  we  have  mentioned  —  the  force  of  the  family  relations, 
hospitality  to  the  stranger,  and  protection  to  the  supphant  —  foi-m  the 
bright  features  in  the  social  and  moral  feelings  of  the  age.  We  now  turn 
to  the  darker  side  of  the  picture. 

The  poems  of  Homer  represent  a  state  of  society  in  which  the  protec- 
tion of  law  is  practically  unknown.    The  chief  who  cannot  defend  himself 

*  Called  MvOf  or  cdi^a. 


Chap.  HI.] 


SOCIIiTT   OF  THE   HEROIC   AGE. 


27 


is  plundered  and  maltreated  by  his  more  powerful  neighbor.  The  occupa- 
tion of  a  pirate  is  reckoned  honorable ;  homicides  are  of  frequent  occur- 
rence ;  and  war  is  conducted  with  the  most  ferocious  cruelty.  Quarter  is 
rarely  given ;  the  fallen  foe  is  stripped  of  his  armor,  wliich  becomes  the 
spoil  of  his  conqueror,  and  if  the  naked  corpse  remains  in  the  power  of  the 
ktter,  it  is  cast  out  to  beasts  of  prey.  The  poet  ascribes  to  his  greatest 
heroes  savage  brutalities.  Achilles  sacrifices  twelve  human  victims  on  the 
tomb  of  Patroclus,  and  drags  the  corpse  of  Hector  ai'ound  the  walls  of 
Troy,  while  the  Greek  chiefs  pierce  it  with  their  spears. 

§  6.  The  society  of  the  Heroic  Age  was  marked  by  simplicity  of  manners. 
The  kings  and  nobles  did  not  consider  it  derogatory  to  their  dignity  to  acquire 
skill  in  tlie  manual  arts.  Ulysses  is  represented  as  building  his  own  bed- 
chamber and  constructing  his  own  raft,  and  he  boasts  of  being  an  excellent 
mower  and  i)loughman.  Like  Esau,  who  made  savory  meat  for  his  father 
Isaac,  the  Heroic  chiefs  prepared  their  own  meals  and  prided  themselves 
on  their  skill  in  cookery.  Kings  and  private  persons  partook  of  the  same 
food,  which  was  of  the  simplest  kind.  Beef,  mutton,  and  goat's  flesh  were 
the  ordinary  meats,  and  cheese,  flour,  and  sometimes  fruits,  also  formed  part 
of  the  banquet.  Bread  was  brought  on  in  baskets,  and  the  guests  were 
supphed  with  wine  diluted  with  water.  Before  drinking,  some  of  the  wine 
was  poured  on  the  ground  as  a  libation  to  the  gods,  and  the  guests  then 
pledged  each  other  ^nth  their  cups.  But  their  entertainments  were  never 
di«oT°aced  by  intempemnce,  like  those  of  our  Northern  ancestors.  The 
enjoyment  of  the  banquet  was  heightened  by  the  song  and  the  dance,  and 
the  chiefs  took  more  delight  in  the  lays  of  the  mmstrel  than  in  the  excitmg 
mfluence  of  the  wine. 

The  wives  and  daughters  of  the  chiefs,  in  like  manner,  did  not  deem  it 
beneath  them  to  discharge  various  duties  which  were  afterwards  regarded 
as  menial.  Not  only  do  we  find  them  constantly  employed  in  weavmg, 
spinning,  and  embroidery,  but,  like  the  daughters  of  the  patriarchs,  they 
fetch  water  from  the  well  and  assist  their  slaves  m  washmg  garments  m 

the  river. 

§  7.  Although  the  Heroic  Age  is  strongly  marked  by  martial  ferocity 
and  simplicity °of  habits,  it  would  be  an  error  to  regaixi  it  as  one  essentially 
rude  and  barbarous.  On  the  contraiy,  the  Greeks  in  this  early  period  had 
ah-eady  made  considerable  advances  in  civilization,  and  had  successfiiUy 
cultivated  many  of  the  arts  which  contribute  to  the  comfort  and  refine- 
ment of  life.  Instead  of  living  in  scattered  villages  like  the  barbarians  of 
Gaul  and  Germany,  they  were  collected  in  fortified  towns,  which  were  sur- 
rounded  by  walls  and  adorned  with  palaces  and  temples.  The  houses  of 
the  nobles  were  magnificent  and  costly,  glittering  with  gold,  silver,  and 
bronze,  while  the  nobles  themselves  were  clothed  in  elegant  garments  and 
protected  by  highly-wrought  amior.  From  the  Phoenician  merchants  they 
obtamed  the  finest  productions  of  the  Sidonian  loom,  as  well  as  tin,  m)n, 


i 


I 


<v 


28 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


I 


1 1 


i'l 


[Chap.  m. 


and  electnim.  They  travelled  with  rapidity  in  chariots  drawn  by  high- 
bred steeds,  and  they  navigated  the  sea  with  ease  in  fifty-oared  galleys. 
Property  in  land  was  transmitted  from  father  to  son  ;  agriculture  was  ex- 
tensively practised,  and  vineyards  carefully  cultivated.  It  is  true  that 
Homer  may  have  occasionally  drawn  uj)on  his  imagination  in  his  brilliant 
pictures  of  the  palaces  of  the  chiefs  and  of  their  mode  of  Hving,  but  the 
main  features  must  liave  been  taken  from  life,  and  we  possess  even  in  the 
present  day  memorials  of  the  Heroic  Age  which  strikingly  attest  its  grand- 
eur. The  remains  of  Mycenoe  and  Tiiyns  and  the  emissaries  of  the  lake 
Copais  belong  to  this  perioil.  The  massive  ruins  of  these  two  cities,  and 
the  sculptured  lions  on  the  gate  of  Mycena?,  still  excite  the  wonder  of  the 
beholder.*  The  emissaries  or  tunnels  which  the  inhabitants  of  Orchome- 
nus  constructed  to  carry  off  the  waters  of  the  lake  Copais,  in  Boeotia, 
are  even  more  striking  proofs  of  the  civilization  of  the  age.  A  people  who 
felt  the  necessity  of  such  works,  and  who  possessed  sufficient  industry  and 
skill  to  execute  them,  must  have  already  made  great  advances  in  social 

life.t 

§8.  Commerce,  however,  was  little  cultivated,  and  was  not  much 
esteemed.  It  was  deemed  more  honorable  for  a  man  to  enrich  himself  by 
fobbery  and  piracy  than  by  the  arts  of  peace.  The  trade  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean was  then  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Phoenicians,  who  ex- 
changed the  commodities  of  the  East  for  the  landed  pix)duce  and  slaves  of 
the  Greek  chiefs.  Commerce  was  carried  on  by  barter ;  for  coined  money 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  poems  of  Homer.  Statuary  was  already  culti- 
vated in  this  age,  as  we  see  from  the  remains  of  Mycena?,  already  men- 
tioned; and  although  no  jmiutings  are  spoken  of  in  Homer,  yet  his  descrip- 
tions of  the  works  of  embroidery  prove  tliat  his  contemporaries  must  have 
been  acquainted  with  the  art  of  design.  l\liether  the  Greeks  were 
acquainted  at  this  em'ly  period  with  the  art  of  writing  is  a  question  that 
has  given  rise  to  much  dispute,  and  which  will  demjind  our  attention  when 
we  come  to  speak  of  the  origin  of  the  Homeric  poems*  Poetry,  however, 
was  cultivated  with  success,  though  yet  confined  to  epic  strains,  or  the  nar- 
ration of  the  exploits  and  atlventures  of  the  Heroic  chiefs.  The  bard  sung 
his  own  song,  and  was  always  received  with  welcome  and  honor  in  the 
palaces  of  the  nobles. 

§  9.  In  the  state  of  society  already  described,  men  had  not  yet  begim  to 
study  those  phenomena  of  nature  which  form  the  basis  of  the  physical 
sciences  They  conceived  the  earth  to  be  a  plane  surface  surrounded  by 
an  ever-flowing  river  called  Oceanus,  from  which  every  other  river  and 
sea  derived  their  waters.  The  sky  was  regarded  as  a  solid  vault  sup- 
ported by  Atlas,  who  kept  heaven  and  earth  asunder.     Their  geographical 

♦  See  drawings  on  pp.  9,  24. 

f  One  of  these  tunnels  is  nearly  four  English  miles  in  length,  with  numerous  shafts  lit 
iown  into  it.    One  shaft  is  about  150  feet  deep. 


Chap.  HI.] 


SOCIETY   OF   THE   HEROIC    AGE. 


29 


knowledge  was  confined  to  the  shores  of  Greece  and  Asia  !Minor  and  the 
principal  islands  of  the  iEgean  Sea.  Beyond  those  limits  all  was  uncer- 
tain and  obscure.  Italy  appears  to  have  been  unknown  to  Homer,  and 
Sicily  he  peoples  with  the  fabulous  Cyclops.  Libya,  Egypt,  and  Phoe- 
nicia were  known  only  by  vague  hearsay,  while  the  Euxine  is  not  men- 
tioned at  all.* 

§  10.  In  the  battles  of  the  Heroic  Age,  as  depicted  in  the  poems  of 
Homer,  the  chiefs  are  the  only  important  combatants,  while  the  people  are 
introduced  as  an  almost  useless  mass,  frequently  put  to  rout  by  the  prowess 
of  a  single  hero.  The  chief  is  mounted  in  a  war-chariot  drawn  by  two 
liorses,  and  stands  by  the  side  of  his  charioteer,  who  is  frequently  a  friend. 
He  carries  into  battle  two  long  spears,  and  wears  a  long  sword  and  a  short 
dagger ;  his  person  is  protected  by  shield,  helmet,  breastplate,  and  greaves. 
In  the  .wars,  as  in  the  political  system,  of  the  Heroic  Age,  the  chiefs  are 
everything  and  the  people  nothing. 


*  This  is  rather  too  strongly  expressed.    Phoenicia  and  Egypt  were  doubtless  well  known 


to  the  Greeks  in  the  Heroic  Age.  —  Ed. 


Grcfek  Warrior. 


\\ 


I 

¥1 


HISTORY  OF  6BEECE. 


[Chaf.  rv; 


f 


Hercules  and  Bull.    (From  a  bas-relief  in  the  Vatican.) 


CHAPTER    IV. 


.i 


BETUKN   OF   THE  HERACLEID^  INTO  PELOPONNESUS,  AND   FOUNDATION 

OF  THE   EARLIEST   GREEK    COLONIES. 

1 1.  The  Mythical  Character  of  the  Narrative  of  these  Events.  §  2.  Migration  of  the  Boeo- 
tians from  Thessaly  into  Boeotia.  §3.  Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians. 
f  4.  The  Legendary  Account  of  this  Event.  The  Invasion.  ^  5.  The  Legendary  Ac- 
count continued.  The  Division  of  Peloponnesus  among  tlie  Conquerors.  §  6.  Remarks 
upon  the  Legendary  Account.  §  7.  Foundation  of  the  Greek  Colonies  in  Asia  Minor. 
§  8.  The  .Eolic  Colonies.  §  9.  The  Ionic  Colonies.  §  10.  The  Doric  Colonies.  §  11.  Col- 
onization of  Crete  by  the  Dorians.    \  12.  Conclusion  of  the  Mythical  Age. 

§  1.  At  the  commencement  of  Grecian  history  in  the  first  Olympiad  we 
find  the  greater  part  of  Peloponnesus  occupied  by  tribes  of  Dorian  con- 
queroi-s,  and  the  western  shores  of  Asia  Minor  covered  by  Greek  colonies. 
The  time  at  which  these  settlements  were  made  is  quite  uncertain.  They 
belong  to  a  period  long  antecedent  to  all  historical  records,  and  were  known 
t©  the  Greeks  of  a  later  age  by  tradition  alone.  The  accounts  given  of 
them  are  evidently  fabulous,  but  at  the  same  time  these  stories  are 
founded  upon  a  basis  of  historical  truth.  That  Peloponnesus  was  at 
some  early  period  conquered  by  the  Dorians,  and  that  Greek  colonies 
were  planted  in  Asia,  are  facts  which  admit  of  no  dispute  ;  but  whether 
the  iXHiquest  of  Peloponnesus  and  the  colonization  of  Asia  3Iinor  took 
place  in  the  manner  and  at  the  time  described  by  the  ancient  legends,  is  a 
very  different  question.  These  legends  are  not  entitled  to  more  credit 
than  those  of  Hercules  and  Theseus,  although  they  are  proved  in  these 


Ohap  IV.] 


RETURN    OF  THE   HERACLEID^. 


31 


particular  cases  to  have  been  fashioned  out  of  real  events  ;  for,  as  we  have 
already  said,  it  is  impossible  to  separate  the  historical  facts  from  the  sub- 
sequent embellishments. 

§  2.  Before  relating  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians,  we 
must  say  a  few  words  respecting  an  earlier,  though  less  celebrated,  migra- 
tion, namely,  that  of  the  Boeotians  from  Thessaly  into  Boeotia.  The  Tlies- 
saJians  were  a  rude  and  uncivilized  race,  who  originally  dwelt  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Epirus,  called  Thesprotia,  from  which  they  migrated  into  the 
country  named  after  them,  Thessaly.  These  Thessalian  conquerors  either 
subdued  or  expelled  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  country.  The  Boeo- 
tians, who  inhabited  the  fertile  district  of  iEolis,  in  the  centre  of  Thessaly, 
wandered  southwards  into  the  country  called  after  them  Boeotia,  where 
they  drove  out  in  tlieir  turn  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  land.  Accord- 
ing to  mythical  chronology  this  event  happened  in  1124  b.  c,  or  sixty 
years  after  the  fall  of  Troy. 

§  3.  The  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians  is  said  to  have 
taken  place  twenty  years  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Boeotians  from  Thes- 
saly, and  was  accordingly  placed  in  1104  b.  c.  We  have  alreax:ly  seen 
that  these  dates  are  of  no  historical  value  ;  and  the  Dorian  conquest  of 
Peloponnesus  probably  took  place  after  the  time  of  Homer,  since  neither 
in  the  Iliad  nor  in  the  Odyssey  do  we  find  any  traces  of  Dorians  in  Pelo- 
ponnesus. The  Dorians  were  a  warlike  tribe  in  Northern  Greece,  who 
had  frequently  changed  their  homes,  and  who  at  length  settled  in  a  moun- 
tainous district  between  Thessaly,  Locris,  and  Pliocis.  They  now  appear 
for  the  first  time  in  Grecian  history.  They  had  no  share  in  the  glories  of 
the  Heroic  Age  ;  their  name  does  not  occur  in  the  Iliad,  and  they  are  only 
once  mentioned  in  the  Odyssey  as  a  small  portion  of  the  many  tribes  of 
Crete  :  but  they  were  destined  to  form  in  historical  times  one  of  the  most 
important  elements  of  the  Greek  nation.  Issuing  from  their  mountain 
fastnesses,  they  overran  the  greater  part  of  Peloponnesus,  destroyed  the 
ancient  Achiean  monarchies,  and  expelled  or  reduced  to  subjection  the 
original  inhabitants  of  the  land,  of  which  they  became  the  undisputed  mas- 
ters. This  brief  statement  contains  all  that  we  know  for  certain  respect- 
ing this  celebrated  event.     We  now  proceed  to  give  the  mythical  account. 

§  4.  The  Dorians  were  led  to  the  conquest  of  Pelopomiesus  by  the 
Heracleid«,  or  descendants  of  the  mighty  hero,  Hercules.  Hence  this 
migration  is  called  the  Return  of  the  Heracleidae.  The  children  of  Her- 
cules had  long  been  fugitives  upon  the  earth.  They  had  made  many 
attempts  to  regain  possession  of  the  dominions  in  the  Peloponnesus  of 
which  their  great  sire  had  been  deprived  by  Eurystheus,  but  hitherto 
without  success.  In  their  last  attempt,  Hyllus,  the  son  of  Hercules,  had 
perished  in  smgle  combat  with  Echemus  of  Tegea ;  and  the  Heracleidae 
had  become  bound  by  a  solemn  compact  to  renounce  their  enterprise  for  a 
hundred  years.     This   period  had  now  expired;  and  the  great-grand- 


I 


82 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  IV. 


sons  of  Hyllus  —  Temenus,  Crespliontes,  and  Aristodemus  —  resolved  to 
make  a  fresh  attempt  to  recover  their  hirthright.  They  were  assisted  in 
the  enterprise  by  the  Dorians.  This  people  espoused  their  cause  in  con- 
sequence of  the  aid  which  Hercules  himself  had  rendered  to  the  Dorian 
king,  iEgimius,  when  the  latter  was  hard  pressed  in  the  contest  with  the 
Lapitha;.  The  invaders  were  wjimed  by  an  oracle  not  to  enter  Pelopon- 
nesus by  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  but  across  the  mouth  of  the  Corinthian 
Gulf.  The  inhabitants  of  the  northern  coast  of  the  gulf  were  favorable  to 
their  enterprise.  Oxylus,  king  of  the  iEtolians,  became  their  guide  ;  and 
the  Ozolian  Locrians  granted  them  a  port  for  building  their  fleet,  from 
which  memorable  circumstance  the  harbor  was  soon  afterwards  called 
Naupactus.*  Here  Aristodemus  was  struck  by  lightning  and  died,  leav- 
ing twin  sons,  Eurysthenes  and  Procles ;  but  his  remaining  brothers 
crossed  over  the  gulf  in  safety,  landed  in  Achaia,  and  marched  against 
Tisamenus,  son  of  Orestes,  then  the  mast  powerful  monarch  in  Pelopon- 
nesus. A  single  battle  decided  the  contest.  Tisamenus  was  defeated,  and 
retired  with  a  portion  of  his  Acha?an  subjects  to  the  northern  coast  of 
Peloponnesus,  then  occupied  by  tlie  lonians.  He  expelled  the  lonians, 
and  took  ^wssession  of  the  country,  which  continued  henceforth  to  be  in- 
habited by  the  Achajans,  and  to  be  called  after  them.  The  lonians  with- 
drew to  Attica,  and  the  greater  part  of  them  afterwards  emigi-ated  to  Asia 
Minor. 

§  5.  The  Heracleida;  and  the  Dorians  now  divided  between  them  the 
dominions  of  Tisamenus  and  of  the  other  Achiean  princes.  The  kingdom 
of  Elis  was  given  to  Oxylus  as  a  recompense  for  his  services  as  their 
guide ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  Temenus,  Cresphontes,  and  the  infant 
sons  of  Ai-istodcmus  should  draw  lots  for  Argos,  Sparta,  and  Messenia. 
Argos  fell  to  Temenus,  Sparta  to  the  sons  of  Aristodemus,  and  Messe- 
nia to  Cresphontes. 

The  settlement  of  the  conquerors  in  their  new  territories  is  said  to  have 
been  made  with  scarcely  any  opposition.  The  Epeans,  who  inhabited 
Elis,  submitted  to  Oxylus  and  his  iEtolians  after  theu-  king  had  been  killed 
in  single  combat  by  one  of  the  jEtolian  chiefs.  From  this  time  the 
Epeans  disap[)ear  from  history,  and  their  place  is  supplied  by  the  Eleans, 
who  are  represented  as  descendants  of  the  iEtolian  conquerors. 

The  share  of  Temenus  originally  comprehended  only  Argos  and  its  im- 
mediate neighborhood ;  but  his  sons  and  sons-in-law  successively  occupied 
Trcezen,  Epidaurus,  iEgina,  Sicyon,  and  Plilius,  which  thus  became  Doric 
states. 

The  sons  of  Aristodemus  obtained  possession  of  Sparta  by  the  treason 
of  an  Achaean,  named  Philonomus,  who  received  as  a  recompense  the 
neighboring  town  and  territory  of  Amyclae.    Tlie  towns  are  said  to  have 


•  From  vavst  "a  ship,"  and  the  root  nay,  which  occurs  in  m^yw/At,  "  fasten"  "build.* 


Chap.  IV.] 


COLONIES  m  ASIA  MINOR. 


33 


submitted  without  resistance,  with  the  exception  of  Helos,  the  inhabitants 
of  which  were,  as  a  punishment,  reduced  to  slavery,  thus  giving  rise  to  the 
class  of  slaves  or  serfs  called  Helots. 

Messenia  yielded  to  Cresphontes  without  a  struggle.  Melanthus,  who 
ruled  over  the  country  as  the  representative  of  the  race  of  the  PyKan 
Nestor,  withdrew  to  Attica  with  a  portion  of  his  subjects. 

Corinth  was  not  conquered  by  the  Dorians  till  the  next  generation. 
One  of  the  descendants  of  Hercules,  named  Hippotes,  had  put  to  death  the 
seer  Carnus,  when  the  Heracleida?  were  on  the  point  of  embarking  at  Nau- 
pactus.  He  had  in  consequence  been  banished  for  ten  years,  and  was  not 
allowed  to  take  part  in  the  enterprise.  His  son,  Aletes,  who  derived  his 
name  from  his  long  wanderings,  subsequently  attacked  Cormth  at  the 
head  of  a  body  of  Dorians.  The  mighty  dynasty  of  the  Sisyphids  was 
expelled,  and  many  of  the  JEolian  inhabitants  emigrated  to  forcign  lands. 

§  6.  Such  are  the  main  features  of  the  legend  of  the  Return  of  the 
Heracleidae.  In  order  to  make  the  story  more  striking  and  impressive,  it 
compresses  into  a  single  e|X)ch  events  which  probably  occupied  several 
generations.  It  is  in  itself  improbable  that  the  brave  Acha3ans  quietly 
submitted  to  the  Dorian  invaders  after  a  momentary  stiniggle.  We  have, 
moreover,  many  indications  that  such  was  not  the  fact,  and  that  it  was 
only  gradually  and  after  a  long-protracted  contest  that  the  Dorians  became 
undisputed  masters  of  the  greater  part  of  Peloponnesus.  The  imagina- 
tion loves  to  assign  to  one  cause  the  results  of  numerous  and  different  ac- 
tions. Thus  in  our  own  history  we  used  to  read  that  the  conquest  of  Eng- 
land by  the  Normans  was  completed  by  the  battle  of  Hastings,  m  which 
Harold  fell,  whereas  we  now  know  that  the  Saxons  long  continued  to 
offer  a  foiinidable  resistance  to  the  Norman  invaders,  and  that  the  latter 
did  not  become  undisputed  masters  of  the  country  for  two  or  tlu-ee  genei'- 
ations. 

That  portion  of  the  tradition  which  makes  the  Dorians  to  have  been  con- 
ducted into  Peloponnesus  by  princes  of  Achaean  blood,  may  safely  be  rejected, 
notwithstanding  the  general  belief  of  the  fact  in  ancient  times.  The  Dori- 
ans, as  we  have  already  seen,  were  poor  in  mythical  renown  ;  and  it  would 
appear  that  the  royal  family  at  Sparta,  though  of  Dorian  origin,  claimed 
Hercules  as  their  founder  in  order  to  connect  themselves  with  the  ancient 
glories  of  the  Achaean  race.  They  thus  became  the  representatives  of 
Agamemnon  and  Orestes  ;  and  in  the  Persian  war  the  Spartans  on  one 
occasion  laid  claim  to  the  supreme  command  of  the  Grecian  forces  in  con- 
sequence of  this  connection.  We  cannot  err  in  supposing  the  story  to  be 
a  febrication  of  later  times,  seeing  that  there  ai*e  such  obvious  reasons  for 
its  forgery,  and  such  inherent  improbability  in  its  truth. 

§  7.  The  foundation  of  the  Greek  colonies  in  Asia  Minor  is  closely  con- 
nected in  the  legends  ^rith  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians. 
There  is  nothing  improbable  in  the  statement,  that  the  original  inhabitants, 


1 


i. 


I 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  IV. 


who  liad  been  dislodged  by  the  invaders,  sought  new  homes  on  the  coasts 
of  Asia  Minor ;  but  in  this  case,  as  in  the  conquest  of  Peloponnesus,  many 
separate  occurrences  are  unquestionably  grouped  into  one.  The  stream 
of  migration  probably  continued  to  flow  across  the  -^gean  from  Greece  to 
Asia  Minor  for  several  generations.  New  adventurers  constantly  joined 
the  colonists  who  were  already  settled  in  the  country,  and  thus  in  course 
of  time  the  various  Greek  cities  were  founded,  wliich  were  spread  over 
the  western  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  from  the  Propontis  on  the  north  to  Lycia 
on  the  south.  These  cities  were  divided  among  the  three  great  races  of 
^olians,  lonians,  and  Dorians,  —  the  iEolians  occupying  the  northern 
portion  of  the  coast,  together  with  the  islands  of  Lesbos  and  Tenedos, 
the  lonians  the  central  part,  with  the  islands  of  Chios,  Samos,  and  the 
Cyclades,  *and  the  Dorians  the  southwestern  comer,  with  the  islands  of 
Khodes  and  Cos. 

§  8.  The  iEolic  colonies  are  said  to  have  been  the  earliest.  Achaeans^ 
who  had  been  driven  out  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians,  were  led  by 
their  native  princes,  the  descendants  of  Orestes,  to  seek  new  homes  in  the 
East.  In  Boeotia  they  were  joined  by  a  part  both  of  the  original  inhabit- 
ants of  the  country  and  of  their  Boeotian  conquerors.  From  the  latter,  who 
were  JEk>lians,  the  migration  is  called  the  -^olic,  but  sometimes  also  the 
Boeotian.  The  united  body  of  emigrants,  however,  still  continued  under 
the  command  of  the  Achfean  princes.  They  embarked  at  the  port  of 
Aulis,  from  which  Agamemnon  had  sailed  against  Troy.  They  first  oc- 
cupied Lesbos,  where  they  founded  six  cities  ;  and  a  detachment  of  them 
settled  on  the  opposite  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  from  the  foot  of  Mount  Ida  to 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Hermus.  Smyrna  was  originally  an  ^olic  city, 
but  it  afterwards  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  lonians.  In  the  historical 
times  there  were  eleven  JEolic  cities  on  the  mainland,  but  of  these  Cyme 
was  the  only  one  which  rose  to  importance.* 

§  9.  The  Ionic  migration  was  more  important  than  the  preceding  one, 
and  gave  rise  to  some  of  the  most  flourishing  cities  in  the  Hellenic  world. 
It  derived  its  name  from  the  lonians,  who  had  been  expelled  by  the 
Aclijeans  from  their  homes  on  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  and  had  taken  refuge 
in  Attica.  The  lonians,  however,  appear  to  have  formed  only  a  small  part 
of  the  emigrants.  Inhabitants  from  many  other  parts  of  Greece,  who  had 
been  driven  out  of  their  native  countries,  had  also  fled  to  Attica,  which  is 
said  to  have  afforded  protection  and  welcome  to  all  these  fugitives.  The 
small  territory  of  Attica  could  not  permanently  support  this  increase  of 
population  ;  and  accordingly  these  strangers  resolved  to  follow  the  exam- 
ple of  the  .^k>lians  and  seek  new  settlements  in  the  East.  They  were  led 
by  princes  of  the  family  of  Codrus,  the  last  king  of  Attica.    In  their  pa»- 


♦  The  names  of  the  eleven  JEolic  cities  were  Cyme,  Temnoe,  Larissa,  Neon-Tlchot, 
Mgatf  Myrina,  Grynlnm,  Cilia,  Notinm,  ^giroessa,  Pitane. 


CfHAP.  IV.] 


COLONIES   IN   ASIA  MINOR. 


35 


gage  across  the  ^gean  Sea  they  colonized  most  of  the  Cyclades  ;  and  in 
Asia  Minor  they  took  possession  of  the  fertile  country  from  the  Hermus 
to  the  Mseander,  which  was  henceforth  called  Ionia,  and  also  of  the  neigh- 
boring islands  of  Chios  and  Samos.  In  this  district  we  find  twelve  inde- 
pendent states  in  later  times,  all  of  which  adopted  the  Ionic  name,  not- 
withstanding the  diversity  of  their  origin,  and  were  united  by  the  common 
worship  of  the  god  Poseidon  (Xeptune)  at  the  great  Pan-Ionic  festival.* 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  these  cities  were  really  founded  at  different 
periods  and  by  different  emigrants,  although  their  origin  is  ascribed  to  the 
great  legendary  migration  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  and  which  is 
referred  by  chronologists  to  one  special  year,  one  hundred  and  forty  years 
after  the  Trojan  war. 


Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies  in  Asia  Minor. 


♦  The  names  of  the  twelve  Ionic  cities,  enumerated  from  south  to  north,  were  Miletus, 
Mylis,  Priene,  Samos,  Ephesus,  Colophon,  Lebedns,  TeOs,  Erythrae,  Chios,  Clazomenae, 
Phocsea.    To  these  twelve  Smyrna  was  afterwards  added. 


86 


HISTOBT  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  IV. 


It 


i 

r 


§  10.  The  Doric  colonies  in  the  southwestern  corner  of  Asia  Elinor 
and  in  the  neighboring  islands  may  be  traced  in  like  manner  to  the  con- 
quest of  Peloijonnesus  by  the  Dorians.  In  the  general  change  of  popula- 
tion and  consequent  emigrations  caused  by  this  important  event,  some  of 
the  Doric  chiefs  were  also  induced  to  quit  the  country  they  had  recently 
subdued,  and  to  lead  bodies  of  their  own  countrymen  and  of  the  conquered 
Achfeans  to  Asia.  The  most  celebrated  of  the  Doric  migrations  was  that 
conducted  by  the  Argive  Althajmenes,  a  descendant  of  Temenus,  who, 
after  leaving  some  of  his  followers  at  Crete,  proceeded  with  the  remainder 
to  the  island  of  Rhodes,  where  he  founded  the  three  cities  of  Lindus, 
lalysus,  and  Camirus.  About  the  same  time  Dorians  settled  in  the  neigh- 
boring island  of  Cos,  and  founded  the  cities  of  Hahcamassus  and  Cnidus 
on  the  mainland.  These  six  colonies  formed  a  confederation,  usually 
called  the  Doric  Hexapolis. 

§  11.  Doric  colonies  were  also  founded  in  mythical  times  in  the  islands 
of  Crete,  Melos,  and  Thera.  The  colonization  of  Crete  more  particularly 
deserves  our  attention,  on  account  of  the  similaiity  of  the  institutions  of  its 
Doric  cities  to  those  of  Sparta.  There  were  Dorians  in  Crete  m  the  tune 
of  the  Odyssey,  but  their  chief  migrations  to  this  isknd  took  place  in  the 
third  generation  after  their  conquest  of  Peloponnesus.  Of  these  two  are 
expressly  mentioned,  one  conducted  under  the  auspices  of  Sparta,  and  the 
other  by  the  Argive  Althajmenes.  Of  the  latter  we  have  already  spoken ; 
the  former  consisted  chiefly  of  Minyans,  who  had  been  settled  at  AmyclsB 
by  the  Achaean  Philonomus,  to  whom  the  Spartans  had  granted  this  city 
on  account  of  his  treachery,  as  has  been  already  related.  These  ]Minyans, 
having  revoked  against  Sparta,  were  sent  out  of  the  country  as  emigrants, 
but  accompanied  by  many  Spartans.  They  gailed  towaixls  Crete,  and  in 
their  jmssage  settled  some  of  their  number  m  the  island  of  Melos,  which 
remained  faithful  to  Lacedoemon,  even  in  the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war.  In  Crete  they  founded  Gortys  and  Lyctus,  which  are  mentioned  as 
Spartan  colonies.  The  Doric  colonists  in  Crete  were  anxious  to  connect 
themselves  with  the  mythical  glories  of  Minos,  and  consequently  ascribed 
their  political  and  social  institutions  to  this  celebrated  hero.  Hence  the 
tradition  arose  that  the  Spartan  institutions  were  borrowed  by  Lycurgus 
from  those  of  Crete ;  but  it  seems  more  pi-obable  that  their  similarity  was 
owing  to  their  common  origin,  and  that  the  Dorians  of  Crete  brought  from 
the  mother  countiy  usages  which  they  sought  to  hallow  by  the  revered 

name  of  Minos. 

§  12.  The  Return  of  the  Heracleidse  and  the  foundation  of  the  above- 
mentioned  colonies  foi-m  the  conclusion  of  the  Mythical  Age.  From  this 
time  to  the  commencement  of  authentic  history  in  the  first  Olympiad,  there 
is  a  period  of  nearly  three  hundred  years,  according  to  the  common  chro- 
nology. Of  this  long  period  we  have  scarcely  any  record.  But  this  ought 
not  to  excite  our  surprise.    The  subjects  of  mythical  narrative  are  drawn, 


Chap.  IV.] 


COLONIES    IN   ASIA   MINOR. 


37 


not  from  recent  events,  but  from  an  imaginaiy  past,  which  is  supposed  to 
be  separated  from  the  present  by  an  indefinite  number  of  years.  Origi- 
nally no  attempt  was  made  to  assign  any  particular  date  to  the  grand  events 
of  the  Mythical  Age.  It  was  sufficient  for  the  earlier  Greeks  to  believe 
that  their  gods  and  heroes  were  removed  from  tliem  by  a  vast  number  of 
generations ;  and  it  was  not  till  a  later  time  that  the  literary  men  of 
Greece  endeavored  to  count  backwards  to  the  Mythical  Age,  and  to  affix 
dates  to  the  chief  events  in  legendary  Greece. 


Temple  of  Ares  in  Halicamassus. 


i!   :; 


■fl 


1^. 


36 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  IV. 


It 
if 

i 


\4 


§  10.  The  Doric  colonies  in  the  soutliwesteni  comer  of  Asia  Minor 
and  in  tlie  neighlioriiig  isliiiuls  may  be  traced  in  like  manner  to  the  con- 
quest of  reloiKHinesus  by  the  Dorians.  In  the  general  change  of  popula- 
tion and  conse(iuent  emigrations  caused  by  this  important  event,  some  of 
the  Doric  diiet's  were  also  induced  to  quit  the  countiy  they  had  recently 
subdued,  and  to  lead  boiUes  of  their  own  countiymen  and  of  the  conquered 
AcluiMins  to  Asia.  The  most  celebrated  of  the  Doric  migrations  was  that 
conducted  by  the  Ar.uiv<-  Althaiiieiies,  a  descendant  of  Temenus,  who, 
after  leaving  some  of  his  followers  at  Crete,  proceeded  with  the  remainder 
to  the  island  of  Khodes,  where  he  founded  the  three  cities  of  Lindus, 
lalysus,  and  Camlru^.  About  the  same  time  Dorians  settled  in  the  neigli- 
boriiif?  island  of  Cos,  and  Ibunded  the  cities  of  llalicarnassus  and  Cnidus 
on  the  mahiland.  These  six  colonies  formed  a  confederation,  usually 
called  the  Doric  Hexajwlis. 

§  11.  Doric  colonies  were  also  founded  in  mythical  times  in  the  islands 
of  Crete,  Melos,  and  Thera.  The  colonization  of  Crete  more  particularly 
deserves  our  attention,  on  account  of  the  similarity  of  the  institutions  of  its 
Doric  cities  to  those  of  Si>arta.  There  were  Dorians  in  Crete  in  the  time 
of  the  Odyssey,  but  their  chief  migrations  to  this  island  took  place  in  tlie 
thii-d  generation  after  their  conquest  of  Peloponnesus.  Of  these  two  are 
expressly  mentioned,  one  conducte«l  under  the  auspices  of  Si)arta,  and  the 
other  by  the  Ai-give  Altha^menes.  Of  the  latter  we  have  already  spoken ; 
the  foraier  consisted  cliietiy  of  ^linyans,  who  had  been  settled  at  Amydai 
bv  the  Achaan  Phil(»n.)nms,  to  whom  the  Spartans  had  granted  this  city 
on  account  of  his  treachery,  as  has  been  already  related.  Tliese  :Minyans, 
having  revolted  against  Sparta,  were  sent  out  of  the  country  as  emigrants, 
but  acconq.anied  by  many  Spartans.  They  sailed  towards  Crete,  and  in 
their  pas>a<re  settled  .-oiue  of  their  numlx^r  in  the  island  of  ^lelos,  which 
remaine.l  faithful  to  LacedaMuon,  even  in  the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war.  In  Crete  they  founded  Gortys  and  Lyctus,  which  are  mentioned  as 
Spartan  ('(.loiiie^.  The  Doric  colonists  in  Civte  were  anxious  to  connect 
themselves  with  th('  niytliical  glmies  of  ^Minos,  and  C(Miseqiiently  ascribed 
their  political  and  soriid  institutions  to  this  celebrated  hero.  Hence  the 
trailition  arose  that  the  Spartan  institutions  were  liorrowed  l)y  Lyeurgus 
from  those  of  Crete;  but  it  seems  more  probable  that  their  similarity  was 
owing  to  their  common  origin,  and  that  the  Dorians  of  Crete  l)rought  from 
tlie  motlier  country  usages  which  they  sought  to  hallow  by  the  revered 

name  of  Minos. 

§  12.  The  Return  of  the  Ileracleidtx' and  the  foundation  of  the  above- 
mentioned  colonies  ibrm  tlie  conclusion  of  the  Mythical  Age.  From  this 
time  to  the  commencement  of  authentic  history  in  the  first  Olympiad,  tliere 
is  a  perio«l  of  nearly  three  liunilred  years,  according  to  the  common  cliro- 
nolo^-v.  Of  this  long  \m'm\  we  have  scarcely  any  reconl.  But  this  ouglit 
not  to  excite  our  suri)rise.     The  subjects  of  mytliical  narmtive  are  drawn, 


,' '  'i 


Chap.  IV.] 


COLONIES    IN   ASIA   MINOR. 


37 


not  from  recent  events,  but  from  an  imaginary  past,  which  is  supposed  to 
be  separated  from  the  present  by  an  indefinite  nunilx  r  of  years.  Origi- 
nally no  attempt  was  made  to  assign  any  i>arii(u]ar  tlatc  to  the  grand  events 
of  the  ^fythical  Age.  It  was  sniru-iint  for  the  earlier  Crrceks  to  believe 
that  their  gods  and  hcnws  were  removed  fmni  tli<  in  by  a  va-t  number  of 
crenerations ;  and  it  was  not  till  a  later  time  that  the  litf'rary  men  of 
Greece  endeavored  to  count  l)aekwards  to  the  3Iythieal  Age,  and  to  aiTix 
dates  to  the  chief  events  in  legendary  Greece. 


hi 


Temple  of  Ares  in  Halicamassus. 


HISTORY  OF  GBEECE. 


[Chap.  V 


k 


I 


J 


OfKOYNENH  XPONOSIAIAI OAYIZEIAOMHPOZ  MYpOZ 

Homer  enthroned. 

CHAPTER    V. 

THE   POEMS   OF  HOMEB. 

§  1.  Importance  of  the  Subject.  §  2.  Rise  Of  Poetry  in  Greece.  Epic  Ballads  preparatory 
to  the  Epopee.  ^  8.  The  Poems  of  the  Epic  Cycle,  in  which  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey 
were  included.  §4.  Diversity  of  Opinions  respecting  the  Life  and  Date  of  Homer. 
1 5.  Iliad  and  Odyssey  recited  to  Public  Companies  by  the  Rhapsodists.  §  6.  A  stand- 
ard Text  of  the  Poems  first  formed  by  Feisistratus.  ^  7.  Modem  Controversy  respecting 
the  Origin  of  the  Homeric  Poems.  Prolegomena  of  Wolf.  4  S*  'r**^  Uitid  and  the  Odys- 
sey were  originally  not  committed  to  writing.  4  ^'  They  were  preserved  by  the  Rhap- 
sodists. §  10.  They  did  not  consist  originally  of  separate  Lays,  but  were  composed  by 
one  Poet,  as  is  shown  by  their  Poetical  Unity. 

§  1.  No  history  of  Greece  would  be  complete  without  some  account  of 
the  poems  of  Homer,  and  of  the  celebrated  controvei-sy  to  which  they  have 
given  rise  in  modem  times.  Homer  was  called  by  the  Greeks  themselves 
ITie  Poet.  The  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  the  Greek  Bible.  They 
were  the  ultimate  standard  of  appeal  on  all  matters  of  religious  doctrine 
and  early  history.  They  were  learnt  by  boys  at  school,  they  were  the 
study  of  men  in  their  riper  years,  and  even  in  the  time  of  Socrates  there 
were  Athenian  gentk*men  who  could  repeat  both  poems  by  heart.  In 
whatever  part  of  the  ancient  world  a  Greek  settled,  he  carried  with  him  a 
love  for  the  great  poet ;  and  long  after  the  Greek  people  had  lost  their 


Chaf.  v.] 


POEMS    OF  HOMEB. 


39 


i 


independence  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  continued  to  maintain  an  undi- 
minished hold  upon  their  affections.  No  production  of  profane  litei-ature 
has  exercised  so  wide  and  long-continued  an  influence,  and  consequently 
the  history  of  these  poems  demands  and  deserves  our  careful  attention. 

§  2.  The  origin  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  cannot  be  understoal  with- 
out a  short  account  of  the  rise  of  poetry  in  Greece.     Among  the  Greeks, 
as  among  all  other  nations,  poetry  was  cultivated  before  pi*ose.     The  first 
poetical  compositions  appear  to  have  been  hymns  addressed  to  the  gods,  or 
simple  ballads  recounting  the  adventures  and  exploits  of  some  favorite 
hero.     We  have  already  seen  that  the  Greeks  of  the  Heroic  Age  were 
passionately  fond  of  poetry,  and  that  the  entertainments  of  the  nobles  were 
enlivened  by  the  songs  of  the  bard.     Originally  these  songs  appear  to 
have  been  short,  unconnected  lays.     They  may  be  regarded  as  epic  poems 
in  the  more  indefinite  sense  of  the  term,  since   they  perpetuated  and 
adorned  the  memory  of  great  men  or  great  deeds.     The  next  miportant 
step  in  the  progress  of  popular  poetry  was  to  combine  these  separate  ep- 
ical songs  into  one  comprehensive  whole.     Such  a  poem  may  be  called  an 
Epopee,  and  presents  a  much  more  advanced  state  of  the  art.     It  requires 
crenius  of  a  far  higher  order,  a  power  of  combination  and  construction,  not 
needed  in  poems  of  the  former  class.     Short  epical  poems  appear  to  have 
existed  before  the  time  of  Homer,  as  we  may  infer  from  the  Lay  of  the 
Trojan  Horse,  sung  by  the  bard  Demodocus  in  the  Odyssey ;  but  the  con- 
struction of  the  epopee,  or  the  epic  poem  in  the  nobler  sense,  is  probably 
to  be  attributed  to  the  genius  of  Homer. 

§  3.  A  large  number  of  these  epic  poems  were  extant  in  antiquity. 
We  know  the  titles  of  more  than  thirty  of  them.     Then-  subjects  were  all 
taken  from  the  Greek  legends.     They  were  arranged  by  the  grammarians 
of  Alexandria,  about  the  second  century  before  the  Christian  era,  in  a 
chronological  series,  beginning  with  the  intermai-riage  of  Heaven   and 
Earth,  and  concluding  with  the  death  of  Odysseus  by  the  hands  of  his  son 
Telegonus.     This  collection  was  known  by  the  name  of  the  Epic  Cycle, 
and  the  poets  whose  works  formed  part  of  it  were  called  Cyclic  poets. 
The  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  comprised  in  the  Cycle,  and  consequently 
the  name  of  Cyclic  poet  did  not  originally  carry  with  it  any  association  of 
contempt.     But  as  the  best  poems  in  the  Cycle  were  spoken  of  by  them- 
selves or  by  the  titles  of  their  separate  authors,  the  general  name  of  Cyclic 
poets  came  to  be  applied  only  to  the  worst,  especially  as  many  of  the 
inferior  poems  in  the  Cycle  appear  to  have  been  anonymous.     Hence  we 
can  understand  why  Horace  *  and  others  speak  in  such  disparaging  terms 
of  the  Cyclic  writers,  and  how  the  mferiority  of  the  Cychc  poems  is  con- 
trasted  with  the  excellence  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey,  although  the 
latter  had  been  originally  included  among  them. 

♦  "  Nec  sic  incipies,  ut  scriptor  cyclicus  olim."  —  Hon  Ars  Poet.  137. 


m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  V. 


i 


wWi 


i 


I  «. 


!• 


r' 


§  4.  All  these  poems  are  now  lost  with  the  exception  of  the  Iliad  and 
<he  Odyssej,  which  stood  out  prominently  above  all  the  others.  Through- 
out the  flourishing  period  of  Greek  hterature  these  unrivalled  works  were 
universally  regarded  as  the  productions  of  a  single  mind.  At  a  later  time 
some  of  the  Alexandrine  grammarians  attributed  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey 
to  two  different  authors ;  but  this  mnovation  in  the  popular  beUef  was  never 
regarded  with  much  favor,  and  obtained  few  converts.  *  Although  an- 
tiquity was  nearly  unanimous  in  ascribing  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  to  Homer, 
there  was  very  little  agreement  respecting  the  place  of  his  birth,  the  details 
of  his  life,  or  the  time  in  which  he  hved.  Nor  is  this  surprising.  His 
poems  were  the  productions  of  an  age  in  which  writing  was  either  totally 
unknown  or  at  all  events  little  practised,  and  which  was  unaccustomed  to 
anytliing  like  liistorical  investigation.  Seven  cities  laid  claim  to  his  birth,t 
and  most  of  them  had  legends  to  tell  respecting  his  romantic  parentage,  his 
alleged  blindness,  and  his  life  of  an  itinerant  bard  acquainted  with  poverty 
and  sorrow.  It  cannot  be  disputed  that  he  was  an  Asiatic  Greek ;  but 
this  is  the  only  fact  in  his  life  which  can  be  regarded  as  certain.  Several 
of  the  best  writers  of  antiquity  supposed  him  to  have  been  a  native  of  the 
island  of  Chios,  whei-e  there  existed  a  poetical  gens  or  fraternity  of 
Homerids,  who  traced  their  descent  from  a  divine  progenitor  of  this  name. 
Most  modem  scholars  beheve  Smyrna  to  have  been  his  birthplace.  The 
discrepancies  respectmg  his  date  are  no  less  worthy  of  remark.  The  dif- 
ferent epochs  assigned  to  him  offer  a  diversity  of  nearly  five  hundred  years. 
Herodotus  places  Homer  four  hundred  years  before  himself,  according  to 
which  he  lived  about  B.  c.  850.  This  date,  or  a  little  later,  appears  more 
probable  than  any  other.  He  must  be  placed  before  the  first  Olympiad, 
or  B.  c.  776  ;  while,  if  we  suppose  him  to  have  lived  very  long  before  that 
epoch,  it  becomes  still  more  wonderful  that  his  poems  should  have  come 
down  from  such  an  age  and  society  to  historical  tunes. 

§5.  The  mode  in  which  these  poems  were  preserved  has  occasioned 
great  controversy  in  modem  times.  On  this  point  we  shall  speak  pres- 
ently; but  even  if  they  were  committed  to  ^vriting  by  the  poet  himself, 
and  were  handed  down  to  posterity  in  this  manner,  it  is  certain  that  they 
were  rarely  read.  We  must  endeavor  to  reahze  the  difference  between 
ancient  Greece  and  our  own  tunes.  Durmg  the  most  flourishing  period 
of  Athenian  literature,  manuscripts  were  indifferently  written,  without 
division  mto  parts  and  without  marks  of  punctuation.  They  were  scarce 
and  costly,  could  only  be  obtained  by  the  wealthy,  and  only  read  by  those 
who  had  had  considerable  literary  trainmg.  Under  these  cmiumstances  the 
Greeks  could  never  become  a  reading  people ;  and  thus  the  great  mass 

*  The  grammarians  who  maintained  the  separate  origin  of  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey 
called  Charizontes  (x<»p«Co»^«5)  or  Separatists. 

t  "  Smyrna,  Chios,  Colophon,  Salamis,  Ithodos,  Argoe,  Athensj 
Orbis  de  patria  certont,  Homere,  tua." 


Chap.  V.] 


POEMS   OF  HOMER. 


41 


even  of  the  Athenians  became  acquainted  with  the  productions  of  the  lead- 
ing poets  of  Greece  only  by  hearing  them  recited  at  their  solemn  festivals 
and  on  other  public  occasions.     This  was  more  strikingly  the  case  at  an 
earlier  period.     The  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  were  not  read  by  individuals 
in  private,  but  were  sung  or  recited  at  festivals  or  to  assembled  companies. 
Tliey  were  addressed  to  the  ear  and  feelings  of  a  sympathizing  multitude ; 
and  much  of  the  impression  which  they  produced  must  have  been  owing  to 
the  talent  of  the  reciter,  and  would  have  disappeared  altogether  in  solitary 
reading.     The  bard  originally  sung  his  own  lays  to  the  accompaniment  of 
his  lyre.     He  was  succeeded  by  a  body  of  professional  reciters,  called 
Ehapsodists,*  who  rehearsed  the  poems  of  others.     They  employed  no 
musical  accompaniment,  and  depended  solely  for  effect  upon  voice  and 
manner.     They  travelled  from  town  to  town,  bearing  in  their  hands  a 
laurel  branch  or  wand  as  their  badge  of  otfice ;  and  many  of  them  seem  to 
have  acquired  great  excellence  in  their  art.     We  do  not  know  at  what 
tune  the  rhapsodist  succeeded  to  the  bard ;  but  the  class  of  professional 
reciters  must  have  arisen  as  epic  poetry  ceased  to  be  produced ;  and  it  is 
certain  that  before  the  time  of  Solon  the  epic  poems  were  recited  exclu- 
sively by  the  Rhapsodists,  either  in  short  fragments  before  private  com- 
panies, or  as  continuous  poems  at  public  festivals. 

§  6.  In  early  times  the  Rhapsodists  appear  to  have  had  exclusive  pos- 
session of  the  Homeric  poems.  But  in  the  seventh  century  before  the 
Christian  era,  literary  culture  began  to  prevail  among  the  Greeks ;  and 
men  of  education  and  wealth  were  naturally  desirous  of  obtaining  copies  of 
the  great  poet  of  the  nation.  From  this  cause  copies  came  to  be  circulated 
among  the  Greeks ;  but  most  of  them  contained  only  separate  portions  of  the 
poems,  or  single  rhapsodies,  as  they  were  called.  Entire  copies  of  such  ex- 
tensive works  must  have  been  very  rare  at  this  early  period  of  literature. 
The  way  in  which  the  separate  parts  should  be  arranged  seems  to  have 
given  rise  to  some  dispute ;  and  it  was  found  that  there  were  numerous 
variations  in  the  text  of  different  copies.  The  very  popularity  and  wide 
extension  of  the  poems  contributed  to  the  corruption  of  the  text.  Since  the 
Hiad  and  the  Odyssey  were  the  recognized  standard  of  early  history  and 
mythology,  each  tribe  was  anxious  that  honorable  mention  should  be  made 
of  their  heroes  and  their  race  in  these  poems,  and  endeavored  to  supply 
such  omissions  by  interpolating  passages  favorable  to  themselves.  The 
Rhapsodists  also  introduced  alterations,  and,  in  order  to  gratify  their  vanity, 
mserted  lines  of  their  own  composition.  From  these,  causes,  as  well  as 
from  others,  we  can  easily  account  for  the  variations  found  in  the  text  by 


i 


♦  The  etymology  of  the  word  Rhapsodist  (payjrabos)  is  uncertain  ;  some  deriving  it 
from  the  staff  or  wand  of  office  (^pd^BoSj  or  panls) ,  and  others  from  pdirrftv  aotSiyr  to 
denote  the  coupling  together  of  verses  without  'any  considerable  pauses,  —  the  even,  un- 
bn>ken  flow  of  the  epic  poem  as  contrasted  with  lyric  verses. 


"1 


m 


HISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  V 


Ml 


'I 


I 


the  reading  class  which  began  to  be  formed  in  the  seventh  century.  The 
discovery  of  these  varieties  naturally  led  to  measures  for  establishing  a 
standard  text  of  the  national  poet.  Solon  is  said,  to  have  introduced  im- 
proved regulations  for  the  public  recitations  of  the  poems  at  the  Athenian 
festivals  ;  but  it  is  to  Peisistratus,  the  tyrant  or  despot  of  Athens,  that  the 
great  merit  is  ascribed  of  collecting  and  arranging  the  poems  in  their 
present  form,  in  order  that  tliey  might  be  recited  at  the  great  Panathenaic 
festival  at  Athens.  It  is  expressly  stated  by  Cicero,*  that  Peisistratus  is 
"  reputed  to  have  aminged  the  books  of  Homer,  previously  in  a  state  of 
confusion,  in  the  form  in  which  we  now  possess  them  " ;  and  this  statement 
is  supported  by  the  testimony  of  other  ancient  writers.  From  this  time, 
therefore,  (about  b.  c.  530,)  we  may  conclude  that  the  Greeks  possessed  a 
standard  text  of  their  great  poet,  which  formed  the  basis  of  all  subsequent 
editions. 

§  7.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  whole  of  antiquity,  with  scarcely  an 
exception,  regarded  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  as  the  productions  of  the 
one  poet,  called  Homer.  This  opinion  continued  to  be  held  by  almost  all 
modem  scholars  down  to  the  year  1795,  when  the  celebrated  German  Pro- 
fessor, F.  A.  Wolf,  published  his  Prolegomena,  or  Prefatory  Essay  to  the 
Biad.  In  tliis  work  he  maintained  the  startling  hypothesis  that  neither  the 
Iliad  nor  the  Odyssey  was  composed  as  a  distinct  whole,  but  that  they 
originally  consisted  of  separate  epical  ballads,  each  constituting  a  single 
poem,  and  that  these  separate  lays,  which  had  no  common  purpose  nor 
fixed  arrangement,  were  for  the  first  time  reduced  to  writing  and  formed 
into  the  two  great  poems  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  by  Peisistratus  and 
his  friends.  Stmnge  and  startling  as  this  theory  seems,  it  was  not  entirely 
new.  The  substance  of  it  had  been  already  propounded  by  Vico,  a  Nea- 
poUtan  writer  of  great  originality,  and  by  our  own  great  countryman, 
Bentley ;  t  but  their  opinions  had  not  been  supported  by  arguments,  and 
were  soon  forgotten.  Accordingly,  the  publication  of  Wolf's  Essay  took 
the  whole  literary  world  by  surprise,  and  scarcely  any  book  in  modem 
times  has  effected  so  complete  a  revolution  in  the  opinions  of  scholars. 
Even  those  who  were  the  most  opposed  to  his  views  have  had  their  own 
<^inions  to  some  extent  modified  by  the  arguments  which  he  brought 
forward,  and  no  one  has  been  able  to  establish  the  old  doctrine  in  its 
original  integrity.  It  is  impossible  in  the  present  work  to  enter  into  the 
details  of  the  controversy  to  which  Wolf's  Essay  has  given  rise.  We  can 
only  endeavor  to  give  a  sketch  of  his  principal  arguments  and  of  the  chief 


*De  Oratore,  iii.  34. 

t  Vico  died  in  1744.  The  wonla  of  Bentley  are:  "  Homer  wrote  a  sequel  of  songs  and 
liiapsodies,  to  be  sung  by  himself,  for  small  earnings  and  good  cheer,  at  festivals  and  other 
days  of  merriment;  the  Iliad  he  made  for  the  mes^i,  the  Odysseis  for  the  other  sex.  These 
kxMe  songs  were  not  collected  together  into  the  form  of  an  epic  poem  until  five  hundred 
years  after." 


Chap.  V.] 


POEMS    OF   HOMER. 


48 


objections  of  his  opponents,  stating  at  the  same  tune  the  opinion  which 
seems  to  us  the  most  probable. 

§  8.  The  first  argument  which  Wolf  brought  forward  to  support  his 
position  was,  that  no  written  copies  of  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  could  be 
shown  to  have  existed  during  the  earUer  times  to  which  their  composition 
is  referred,  and  that,  without  writing,  such  long  and  complicated  works 
could  neither  have  been  composed  nor  transmitted  to  posterity.  In  order 
to  prove  this,  he  entered  into  a  minute  discussion  concerning  the  age  of  the 
art  of  writing.  It  is  sufficient  to  state  here  a  few  of  the  more  important 
results  at  which  he  arrived.  In  early  times  the  Greeks  had  no  easy  and 
convenient  materials  for  writing,  such  as  must  have  been  indispensable  for 
long  manuscripts  like  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey.  Moreover,  the  traces  of 
writing  in  Greece  are  exceedingly  rare,  even  in  the  seventh  century  be- 
fore the  Christian  era,  and  we  have  no  remaining  inscriptions  earlier  than 
the  40th  Olympiad  (b.  c.  620).  In  the  Homeric  poems  themselves  there 
is  not  a  single  trace  of  the  art  of  writing.*  We  find  no  mention  of  any 
epita^^h  or  inscription  ;  coins  are  unknown,  and  even  the  supercargo  of  a 
ship  has  no  written  list  of  his  cargo,  but  is  obliged  to  remember  it.t  I» 
addition  to  this,  the  absence  of  the  letter  called  Digamma  in  the  text  of  the 
poems  is  a  strong  proof  that  they  were  not  originally  committed  to  writing. 
This  letter  existed  at  the  time  of  the  composition  of  the  poems,  and  was 
constantly  employed  by  the  poet,  but  it  had  entirely  vanished  from  the 
language  when  they  were  first  written. 

§  9.  It  seems,  therefore,  necessary  to  admit  the  former  part  of  Wolf's 
first  argument,  that  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  Avere  originally  not  written ; 
but  does  it  therefore  follow,  that  without  this  means  such  long  poems 
could  neither  have  been  composed  nor  handed  down  to  posterity  ?  These 
two  questions  are  not  necessarily  connected,  though  they  have  been  usual- 
ly discussed  together.  Those  who  have  maintained  the  original  unity  of 
the  Iliad  and  Odyssey,  in  opposition  to  Wolf,  have  generally  thought  it  in- 
cumbent upon  them  to  prove  that  the  poems  were  written  from  the  begin- 
ning. But  this  appears  to  us  quite  unnecessary.  In  the  present  day  the 
memory  has  become  so  much  weakened  by  the  artificial  aid  of  writing,  that 
it  may  be  difficult  for  us  to  conceive  of  the  production  of  a  long  work 
without  such  assistance.  But  there  is  nothing  impossible  in  it.  Even 
modern  poets  have  composed  long  poems,  and  have  preserved  them  faith- 
fully in  their  memories,  before  committing  them  to  writing.  It  must  also 
be  recollected,  that  poetry  was  the  profession  of  the  ancient  bards  ;  that  it 
was  not  the  amusement  of  their  leisure  hours,  but  that  they  devoted  to  it 


*  The  only  passage  in  which  letters  are  supposed  to  be  mentioned  is  in  the  Iliad,  vi.  168; 
but  hei-e  the  cr)\iara  Xvypd  are  supposed  by  Wolf  and  others  to  signify  pictorial,  and  not 
alphabetical  characters. 

t  He  is  <l>6pTov  ^vfjfiav.    Odyss.  viii.  164. 


I' 


44 


HISTORY  OF  GBEECE. 


[Chap.  V. 


'r 


i 


an  the  energies  of  their  hearts  and  souls.  The  poems  which  they  thus 
composed  were  treasured  up  in  the  memories  of  their  faithful  disciples, 
and  were  handed  down  to  posterity  by  the  Rhapsodists,  whose  lives  were 
also  devoted  to  this  object  Tlie  recollection  of  these  poems  was  rendered 
easier  by  the  simple  nature  of  the  story,  by  the  easy  structure  of  the 
verse,  by  the  frequent  recurrence  of  the  same  words,  phrases,  and  similes, 
and  by  the  absence  of  abstract  ideas  and  reflective  thouglits.  Accord- 
ingly, we  believe  that  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  might  have  been  com- 
posed and  might  have  been  handed  down  to  posterity  without  being 
written. 

§  10.  The  second  argument  employed  by  Wolf  to  maintain  his  hy- 
pothesis was  derived  from  an  examination  of  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  them- 
selves. He  endeavored  to  show  that  the  only  unity  of  the  poems  arises 
from  their  subjects,  and  that  the  numerous  contradictions  found  in  them 
plainly  prove  that  they  could  not  have  been  the  productions  of  a  single  mind. 
The  Trojan  war  and  the  wanderings  of  Ulysses  (Odysseus),  he  remarks,  had 
formed  the  subjects  of  numerous  epic  ballads,  and  it  was  only  because 
they  had  happened  to  fit  into  one  another  that  they  were  combined  into 
two  comprehensive  poems  by  Peisistratus  and  his  hterary  friends.  A 
modem  disciple  of  his  school  has  gone  so  far  as  to  attempt  to  resolve  the 
Iliad  into  the  original  independent  lays  out  of  which  he  supposes  the  poem 
to  have  been  formed.  Now  it  is  evident  that  this  question  can  only  be 
settled  by  a  minute  examination  of  the  structure  of  the  poems,  for  which 
there  is  no  space  in  the  present  work.  We  can  only  state,  that  the  best 
modem  scholars,  with  very  few  exceptions,  have  come  to  a  conclusion 
directly  contrary  to  Wolf's  dai-ing  theory.  Some  of  the  ablest  critics  in 
modern  times  have  directed  their  attention  to  this  subject,  and  wliile  they 
have  not  denied  the  existence  of  interpolations,  more  or  less  extensive,  in 
both  poems,  the  general  result  has  been  to  establish  their  poetical  unity, 
and  to  vindicate  their  claim  to  be  the  greatest  models  of  the  epic  art. 


Bust  of  Homer. 


Primitive  Vessels  from  Athens  and  Argos. 

BOOK    II. 

GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES. 

B.  C.  776-500. 


■  \ 
*  I 


CHAPTER    VI. 

GENERAX   SURVEY   OF  THE   GREEK  PEOPLE. 

4  1.  Nature  of  the  Subject.  §  2.  The  Chief  Ties  which  bound  the  Greeks  together. 
Community  of  Blood  and  of  Language.  §  3.  Community  of  Rehgious  Rites  and  Fes- 
tivals  h  4.  Tlie  Ampliictyonic  Council.  §  5.  The  Olj-mpic  Games.  §  6.  The  Pyth.an 
Ncmean,  and  Isthmian  Games.  §  7.  The  Influence  of  these  Festivals  §  8.  I'^Auence  oj 
tlie  Oracle  of  ApoUo  at  Delphi.  §  9.  Community  of  Manners  and  Character.  §  10.  The 
Independent  Sovereignty  of  each  City  a  settled  Maxrni  in  the  Greek  Mmd. 

§  1.  The  present  Book  will  contain  the  History  of  Greece  from  the 
fii-st  Olympiad,  or  the  year  776  B.  c,  to  the  commencement  of  the  revolt 
of  the  Ionic  Greeks  from  Persia,  in  the  year  500  b.  c. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  early  part  of  tliis  period  is  very  scanty,  and  con- 
sists of  only  a  small  number  of  solitary  facts,  wliich  have  little  or  no  con- 
nection with  one  another.  The  division  of  Greece  intx)  a  number  of  small 
mdependent  states  is  a  circumstance  that  causes  great  difficulties  to  the  his- 
torian Unlike  the  history  of  Rome,  which  is  confined  to  an  account  of 
the  ori-in  and  development  of  a  single  people,  the  history  of  Greece  from 
its  coimnencement  to  its  close  suffers  to  a  greater  or  a  less  extent  from  a 
want  of  unity  in  its  subject.     This  is  strikingly  the  case  with  the  first  two 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  V. 


I 


,  v 


m 


all  the  eaergies  of  tlieir  hearts  and  souls.  The  poems  which  they  thus 
composed  were  treasured  up  in  the  memories  of  tlieir  faithful  disciples, 
and  were  handed  down  to  posterity  by  the  Rliajisotlists,  whose  lives  were 
also  de¥Oted  to  this  object.  The  recollection  of  these  poems  was  rendered 
easier  by  the  simple  nature  of  the  story,  by  tlic  easy  structure  of  the 
verse,  by  the  fre<]uent  recurrence  of  the  same  words,  [ihrases,  and  similes, 
and  by  the  absence  of  al)stnict  ideas  mid  reflective  thoughts.  Accord- 
ingly, we  b*  lit  ve  that  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey  might  have  been  com- 
posed and  might  have  been  handed  down  to  posterity  without  being 
written. 

§  10.  The  second  argifiiefit  employed  by  Wolf  to  maintain  his  hy- 
pothesis was  derived  from  an  examination  of  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  them- 
selves. He  endeavored  to  show  that  the  onlv  unitv  of  the  poems  arises 
from  their  subjects,  and  that  the  numerous  contradictions  i\nn\d  in  them 
plainly  prove  that  they  could  not  have  been  the  productions  of  a  single  mind. 
The  Trojan  war  and  the  wanderings  of  Ulysses  (Odysseus),  he  remarks,  had 
formed  the  sulyects  of  numerous  epic  ballads,  and  it  was  only  because 
they  ha<l  liappened  to  fit  into  one  another  that  they  were  combined  into 
two  comijrehensive  poems  by  Peisistratus  and  his  literary  friends.  A 
modern  disciple  of  his  school  has  gone  so  far  as  to  attempt  to  resolve  the 
Iliad  into  the  original  independent  l.iys  out  of  which  lie  sujiposes  the  poem 
to  have  been  formed.  Now  it  is  evident  that  this  question  can  only  be 
settled  by  a  minute  examination  of  the  structure  of  the  poems,  for  which 
there  is  no  space  in  the  present  work.  We  can  only  state,  that  the  best 
modern  scholars,  with  very  few  excej>tions,  have  come  to  a  conclusion 
directly  contrary  to  Wolf's  daring  theory.  Some  of  the  ablest  critics  in 
modern  times  liave  directed  tlieir  attention  to  this  subject,  and  while  they 
have  not  denied  the  existence  of  inteqjolations,  more  or  less  extensive,  in 
both  poems,  the  general  result  has  been  to  establish  their  poeticid  unity, 
and  to  vindicate  their  claim  to  be  the  greatest  models  of  the  epic  art. 


Bust  of  Homer. 


Primitive  Vessels  from  Athens  and  Argos. 


BOOK    II. 
GROWTH     OF    THE     GRECIAN    STATES. 


B.  C.  776-500. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

GENERAL  SURVEY  OF  THE  GREEK  PEOPLE. 

4  1.  Nature  cf  the  Subject.  §  2.  The  Chief  Ties  which  bound  the  Greeks  together. 
Community  of  Blood  and  of  La,i.<^iage.  ^  3.  Community  of  Rehg.ous  Rites  and  fes- 
tivals. H-  The  Amphietyonic  Council.  §  5.  The  Olpnpic  Games  ^s  6  lie  Pythian 
Nemean  and  Isthmian  Games.  ^  7.  The  Intlncnce  of  tlic.c  Festivals.  §  •  I"«uenc.  of 
tlie  Oracle  of  Apollo  at  Delphi.  §  9.  Community  of  Manners  and  Character.  §  10.  The 
Independent  Sovereignty  of  each  City  a  settled  Maxim  in  the  Greek  Mind. 

§  1.  The  present  Book  will  contain  the  History  of  Greece  from  the 
jfii'st  Olympiad,  or  the  year  776  b.  c,  to  the  commencement  of  the  revolt 
of  the  Ionic  Greeks  from  Persia,  in  the  year  500  b.  c. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  early  part  of  tliis  period  is  very  scanty,  and  con- 
sists of  only  a  small  number  of  solitmy  facts,  wliich  have  little  or  no  con- 
nection with  one  another.  The  division  of  Greece  into  a  number  of  small 
independent  states  is  a  circumstance  that  causes  great  difficulties  to  the  his- 
torian. Uidike  the  history  of  Rome,  wliich  is  confined  to  an  account  of 
the  ori-in  and  development  of  a  single  people,  the  history  of  Greece  from 
its  commencement  to  its  close  suffers  to  a  greater  or  a  less  extent  from  a 
want  of  unity  in  its  subject.     Tliis  is  strikingly  the  case  with  the  first  two 


46 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  VI. 


™ 


h 


ml 


centuries  of  the  period  narrated  in  the  present  Book ;  and  it  is  not  till  we 
come  to  its  close,  that  we  are  able  to  present  a  connected  history  of  the 
Grecian  nation.  It  was  the  Persian  invasions  of  Greece  which  first  im- 
pressed the  leading  Greek  states  with  the  necessity  of  uniting  together 
against  the  common  foe ;  and  since  the  military  resources  of  Sparta  were 
then  confessedly  superior  to  those  of  all  the  other  Greeks,  they  naturally 
intrusted  to  her  the  conduct  of  the  war.  In  this  way  Grecian  history 
acquires  a  unity  of  interest  which  is  altogether  wanting  in  the  earlier 
times.  There  are,  however,  some  facts  during  the  earlier  period  which 
claim  our  attention.  Of  these  the  most  important  are  the  growth  of  Sparta 
and  Athens;  the  number  of  despots  who  arose  in  the  vaiious  Grecian 
cities ;  the  foundation  and  progress  of  the  numerous  colonies  planted  on 
the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  and  its  connected  seas ;  and,  last  of  all, 
the  origin  and  progress  of  literature  and  art. 

Before  we  proceed  to  give  an  account  of  these  events,  it  may  be  useftd 
to  take  a  general  survey  of  the  Greeks  in  the  earlier  period  of  their  his- 
tory, and  to  point  out  the  various  causes  which  united  them  as  a  people, 
notwithstanding  their  separation  into  so  many  independent  communities. 

§  2.  The  chief  ties,  which  bound  together  the  Grecian  world,  were  com- 
munity of  blood  and  language,  community  of  religious  rites  and  festivals, 
and  community  of  manners  and  character.  Of  these  the  first  and  the 
most  imix)rtant  was  the  possession  of  a  common  descent  and  a  common 
language.  The  Greeks  were  all  of  the  same  race  and  parentage ;  they 
all  considered  themselves  descendants  of  Hellen ;  and  they  all  described 
men  and  cities  which  were  not  Grecian  by  the  term  Barbarian,  This 
word  has  passed  into  our  o>\ti  language,  but  with  a  very  different  idea ;  for 
the  Greeks  applied  it  indiscriminately  to  every  foreigner,  to  the  civilized 
inhabitants  of  Eg}'pt  and  Persia,  as  well  as  to  the  rude  tribes  of  Scythia 
and  Gaul.  Originally  it  seems  to  have  expressed  repugnance  to  one 
using  a  foreign  language ;  but  as  the  Greeks  became  in  course  of  time 
superior  in  intelligence  to  the  surrounding  nations,  it  conveyed  also  a 
notion  of  contempt.  Notwithstanding  the  various  dialects  employed  in 
different  parts,  there  was,  throughout  the  Grecian  world,  suflScient  uniform- 
ity in  the  language  to  render  it  everywhere  intelligible  to  a  Greek ;  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  wide-spread  popularity  of  the  Homeric 
poems  in  early  times  powerfully  assisted  in  maintaining  the  same  type  of 
language  among  the  different  Greek  races. 

§  3.  The  second  bond  of  union  was  a  community  of  religious  rites  and 
festivals.  From  the  earliest  times  the  Greeks  appear  to  have  worshipped 
the  same  gods ;  but  originally  there  were  no  religious  meetings  common  to 
the  whole  nation.  Such  meetings  were  of  gradual  growth.  They  were 
either  formed  by  a  number  of  neighboring  towns,  which  entered  into  an 
association  for  the  periodical  celebration  of  certain  religious  rites,  or  they 
grew  out  of  a  festival  originally  confined  to  a  single  state,  but  which  was 


Chap.  VI.] 


AMPHICTYONIC    COUNCIL. 


4t 


gradually  extended  to  the  inhabitants  of  other  cities,  till  at  length  it  be- 
came open  to  the  whole  Grecian  world.  Of  the  foi-mer  class  we  have  an 
example  in  the  Amphictyonies,  of  the  latter  in  the  Olympic,  Pythian, 
Nemean,  and  Isthmian  games. 

§  4.  The  word  Amphictyony  is  usually  derived  from  the  mythical  hero 
Amphictyon ;  but  the  name  pi-obably  signifies  only  residents  around  and 
neighbors,*  and  was  used  to  designate  a  religious  association  of  neighbor- 
ing tribes  or  cities,  who  were  accustomed  to  meet  at  fixed  times  to  offer 
sacrifices  to  the  god  of  a  particular  temple,  which  was  supposed  to  be  the 
common  property  and  under  the  common  protection  of  all.  There  were 
many  religious  associations  of  this  kind  in  Greece ;  but  there  was  one  of 
so  much  celebrity,  that  it  threw  all  the  others  into  the  shade,  and  came  to 
be  called  the  Amphictyonic  Council.  This  assembly  seems  to  have  been 
originally  of  small  importance ;  and  it  acquired  its  superiority  over  other 
similar  associations  by  the  wealth  and  grandeur  of  the  Delphian  temple,  of 
which  it  was  the  appointed  guardian.  It  held  two  meetings  every  year, 
one  in  the  spring  at  the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi,  and  the  other  in  the 
autumn  at  the  temple  of  Demeter  (Ceres)  at  Thermopylae.  Its  members, 
who  were  called  The  Amphictyons,t  consisted  of  sacred  deputies  sent  from 
twelve  tribes,  each  of  which  contained  several  independent  cities  or  states. 
The  deputies  were  composed  of  two  classes  of  representatives  from  each 
tribe,  —  a  chief  called  Hieromnemon,  and  subordinates  named  Pylagoras. 
The  names  of  these  twelve  tribes  are  not  the  same  in  all  accounts,  but  they 
were  probably  as  follows:  Thessalians,  Boeotians,  Dorians,  lonians, 
Perrhrebians,  Magnetes,  Locrians,  (Etaeans,  Achseans,  Phocians,  Dolopes, 
and  Malians.  These  names  are  of  themselves  sufficient  to  prove  the  great 
antiquity  of  the  Council.  Several  of  the  tribes  here  mentioned  scarcely 
ever  occur  in  the  historical  period ;  and  the  fact  of  the  Dorians  standing 
on  an  equality  with  the  Dolopes  and  the  Malians,  shows  that  the  Council 
must  have  existed  before  the  Dorian  conquest  of  Peloponnesus.  The 
tribes  represented  in  it  stood  on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality,  two  votes 
being  given  by  the  deputies  from  each  of  the  twelve. 

Of  the  duties  of  the  Amphictyonic  Council  nothing  will  give  us  a  better 
idea  than  the  oath  taken  by  its  members.  It  ran  thus :  "  VTe  wiU  not 
destroy  any  Amphictyonic  town,  nor  cut  it  off  from  running  water,  in  war 
or  peace :  if  any  one  shall  do  so,  we  will  march  against  him  and  destroy 
his  city.  If  any  one  shall  plunder  the  property  of  the  god,  or  shall  be  cog- 
nizant thereof,  or  shall  take  treacherous  counsel  against  the  tilings  in  his 
temple  at  Delphi,  we  will  punish  him  with  foot,  and  hand,  and  voice,  and 
by  every  means  in  our  power."     We  tlius  see  that  the  main  duties  of  the 


\; 


'. 


♦  The  original  form  of  the  name  seems  to  have  been  ^AfKJtiKTiovlai  not  *A/x</)t*CTVowa. 
The  word  dfic^ticTiovef  signifies  those  that  dwell  round  or  near. 

♦  Oi  *AfKplKrV0V€S* 


48 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE, 


[Chap.  VI. 


I  ♦ 


CouncU  were  to  restrain  acts  of  aggression  against  itg  members,  and  to 
preserve  the  rights  and  dignity  of  the  temple  of  Delphi.  It  is  true  that 
the  Amphietyons  sometunes  took  a  larger  view  of  their  functions ;  but 
these  were  only  employed  for  political  purposes  when  they  could  be  made 
subservient  to  the  views  of  one  of  the  leading  Grecian  states.  They  were 
never  considered  as  a  national  congress,  whose  duty  it  was  to  protect  and 
defend  the  common  mterests  of  Greece.  If  such  a  congress  had  ever 
existed,  and  its  edicts  had  commanded  the  obedience  of  the  Greeks,  the 
history  of  the  nation  would  have  had  a  different  course ;  the  Macedonian 
kings  would  probably  have  remained  in  their  subordinate  condition,  and 
united  Greece  might  even  have  defied  the  legions  of  conquering  Rome. 

The  Amphictyonic  Council  is  rarely  mentioned,  except  in  connection 
with  the  Delphian  temple ;  but  when  the  rights  of  the  god  had  been  vio- 
lated, it  invoked  the  aid  of  the  different  members  of  the  league.  Of  this 
we  have  a  memorable  instance  in  the  earlier  period  of  Greek  history. 
The  Phocian  town  of  Crissa  was  situated  on  the  heights  of  Mount  Par- 
nassus, near  the  sanctuary  of  the  god,  which  belonged  to  this  town  in  the 
most  ancient  times.*  It  possessed  a  fertile  and  valuable  territory,  extend- 
ing down  to  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  on  which  it  had  a  port  called  Cirrha. 
Gradually  the  port  seems  to  have  grown  into  importance  at  the  expense  of 
the  town :  while  at  the  same  time  the  sanctuary  of  the  god  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Dorian  tribe  of  the  Delphians,  and  expanded  into  a  town 
under  the  name  of  Delphi.  It  was  at  the  port  of  Cirrha  that  most  of  the 
strangers  landed  who  came  to  consult  the  god ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  this 
place  availed  themselves  of  their  position  to  levy  exorbitant  tolls  upon  the 
pilgrims,  and  to  iU-use  them  in  other  ways.  In  consequence  of  these 
outrages  the  Amphietyons  resolved  to  punish  the  Cirrhteans ;  and  after 
waging  war  agamst  them  for  ten  years  (b.  c.  595-585),  the  Council  at 
length  succeeded,  chiefly  by  the  assistance  of  the  Thessalians  and  Athe- 
nians, in  taking  the  guilty  city.  It  is  related,  but  on  rather  suspicious 
authority,  that  the  city  was  taken  by  a  stratagem  of  Solon,  who  poisoned 
the  waters  of  the  river  Pleistus,  which  flowed  through  the  place.  Cirrha 
was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  its  territory  —  the  rich  Cinha?an  or  Crissjean 
plain  —  was  consecrated  to  the  gotl,  and  curses  imprecated  upon  any  one 
who  should  cultivate  it.  Thus  ended  the  First  Sacred  War,  as  it  is 
usually  called ;  and  the  spoils  of  the  city  were  employed  by  the  victorious 
allies  m  founding  the  Pythian  games. 

§  5.  The  four  great  festivals  of  the  Olympic,  Pythian,  Isthmian,  and 


♦  Crissa  was  situated  at  the  foot  of  Blount  Parnassus,  where  it  descends  precipitously  to  the 
Griswan  Plain.  The  present  narae  is  Chrj'so.  The  situation  is  one  of  remarkable  beauty, 
havinj;  the  lofty  heights  of  Parnassus  in  the  rear,  and  between  it  and  the  Corinthian  Gulf, 
the  beautiful  Crissrean  Plain,  with  its  picturesque  olive-groves  and  fertile  field?,  watered  by 
the  Pleistus.  There  are  considerable  remains  of  th«  ancient  walls,  which,  as  well  as  the 
existiBg  name,  serve  to  identify  the  place.  —  Ei>. 


L 


Chap.  VI.] 


NATIONAL  FESTIVALS. 


49 


Nemean  games  were  of  greater  efficacy  than  the  Amphictyonic  Council  in 
promoting  a  spirit  of  union  among  the  various  branches  of  the  Greek  race, 
and  in  keeping  alive  a  feeling  of  their  common  origin.     They  were  open 
to  all  persons  who  could  prove  their  Hellenic  blood,  and  were  frequented 
by  spectators  from  all  parts  of  the  Grecian  world.     The  most  ancient  as 
well  as  the  most  famous  of  these  festivals  was  that  celebrated  at  01}iiipia, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Alpheus,  in  the  territory  of  Elis,  and  near  the  ancient 
temple  of  the  01ym[)ian  Zeus.     The  origin  of  this  festival  is  lost  in  the 
Mythical  Ages.     It  is  said  to  have  been  revived  by  Ii)hitus,  king  of  Elis, 
and  Lycurgus,  the  Si)artan  legislator,  in  the  year  776  b.  C  ;  and  accord- 
ingly, when  the  Greeks  at  a  later  time  began  to  use  the  Olympic  contest 
as  a  chronological  era,  this  year  was  regarded  as  the  first  Olympiad.     It 
continued  to  maintain  its  celebrity  for  many  centuries  after  the  extinction 
of  Greek  freedom  ;  and  it  was  not  till  304  A.  D.  that  it  was  finally  abol- 
ished l)y  the  Emperor  Theodosius.     It  was  celebrated  at  the  end  of  every 
four  years,*  and  the  interval  which  elapsed  between  each  celebration  was 
called  an  Olympiad.      The   whole  festival  was  under  the  management 
of  the  Eleans,  who  appointed  some  of  their  own  number  to  preside  as 
judges,  under  the  name  of  the  Ilellanodicie.t     During  the  month  in  which 
it  was  celebrated  all  hostilities  were  suspended  throughout  Greece.     The 
temtory  of  Elis  itself  was  considered  especially  sacred  during  its  con- 
tmuance,  and  no  armed  force  could  enter  it  without  incurring  the  guilt  of 
sacrilege.    The  number  of  spectators  was  veiy  great ;  and  consisted  not  only 
of  those  who  were  attracted  by  i)rivatc  interest  or  curiosity,  but  of  depu- 
ties t  fi'om  the  different  Greek  states,  who  vied  Avith  one  another  in  the 
number  of  their  offerings  and  the  s[)lendor  of  their  general  appearance,  in 
order  to  sup[>ort  the  honor  of  their  native  cities.     At  first  the  festival  was 
confined  to  a  single  day,  and  consisted  of  nothing  more  than  a  match  of 
runners  in  the  stadium  ;  but  in  course  of  time  so  many  other  contests 
were  introduced,  that  the  games  occupied  five  days.     They  comprised 
various  trials  of  strength  and  skill,  such  as  wresthng,  boxing,  the  Pancra- 
tium  (boxing  and  wrestling  combined),  and  the  complicated  Pentathlum 
(including  jumping,  running,  the  quoit,  the  javelin,  and  wrestling),  but  no 
combats  with  any  kind  of  weapons.     There  were  also  horse-races  and 
chariot-races ;  and  the  chariot-race,  with  four  full-groAvn  horses,  became 
one  of  the  most  popular  and  celebrated  of  all  the  matches. 

The  only  prize  given  to  the  conqueror  was  a  garland  of  wild-olive  ;  but 
this  was  valued  as  one  of  the  dearest  distinctions  m  life.     To  have  his 


*  The  festival  was  called  by  the  Greeks  a  Peniaetsris  (TrewaeTT/pis),  because  it  was 
celebrated  every  Jtftk  year,  according  to  the  ancient  mode  of  tlie  reckoning.  In  the  same 
manner,  a  festival'which  occurred  at  the  end  of  every  two  years  was  said  to  be  celebrated 
every  third  year,  and  Avas  called  a  Tneteris  {rpifrrjpis). 

t  *EXXaj/o3/icai. 

}  Called  Theaii  {Qe^opoi). 


i 


50 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  VI. 


Chap.  VL] 


ORACLE   OF   APOLLO   AT  DELPHI. 


51 


\ 


name  proclaimed  as  victor  before  assembled  Hellas  was  an  object  of  am 
bition  with  tlie  noblest  and  the  wealthiest  of  the  Greeks.  Such  a  person 
was  considered  to  have  conferred  everlasting  glory  upon  his  family  and 
his  countiy,  and  was  rewarded  by  his  fellow-citizens  with  distinguished 
honors.  His  statue  was  generally  erected  in  the  Altis  or  sacred  grove  of 
Zeus  at  Olympia ;  and  on  his  return  home  he  entered  his  native  city  in  a 
triumphal  pmcession,  in  which  his  praises  were  sung,  frequently  in  the 
loftiest  strains  of  poetry.  He  also  received  still  more  substantiid  rewards. 
He  was  generally  relieved  from  the  pa>Tnent  of  taxes,  and  had  a  riglit  to 
the  front  seat  at  all  pul>lic  games  and  spectacles.  An  Atlienian  victor  in 
the  Olympic  games  received,  in  accordance  with  one  of  Solon's  laws, 
a  prize  of  five  hundred  drachmas,  and  a  right  to  a  place  at  the  table 
of  the  magistrates  in  the  prytaneum  or  town-hall ;  and  a  Si)artan  con- 
queror had  the  privilege  of  fighting  on  the  field  of  battle  near  the  person 

of  the  king. 

§  G.  During  the  sixth  centuiy  before  the  Christian  era  the  three  other 
festivals  of  the  Pythian,  Nemean,  and  Isthmian  games,  which  were  at  first 
only  local,  became  o[)en  to  the  whole  nation.  The  Pythian  games,  as  a 
national  festival,  wxtc  mstituted  by  the  ^Vm[)hictyons  after  the  destruction 
of  Crissa  in  585  b.  c,  in  honor  of  Apollo,  as  has  been  already  related. 
They  were  celebrated  in  every  thu-d  Olympic  year,  on  tlie  Cirrha^an  plam, 
under  the  superintendence  of  the  Amphictyons.  The  games  consisted  not 
only  of  matches  in  gymnastics  and  of  horse  and  chariot  races,  but  also  of 
contests  m  music  imd  poetry.  They  soon  acquired  celebrity,  and  became 
second  only  to  the  great  Olympic  festival. 

The  Xemean  and  Isthmian  gimies  occurred  more  frequently  than  the 
Olympic  and  Pythian.  They  were  celebrated  once  in  two  years,  —  the 
Nemean  in  honor  of  the  Nemean  Zeus,  in  the  valley  of  Nemea,  between 
Fldius  and  Cleonaj,  originally  by  the  Cleomeans  and  subsequently  by  the 
Argives,  —  and  tlic  Isthmian  by  the  Corinthians,  on  their  isthmus,  in 
honor  of  Poseidon  (Neptune).  As  in  the  Pythian  festival,  contests  in 
music  and  in  poetry,  as  well  as  gymnastics  and  chariot-races,  formed  part 

of  these  games. 

§  7.  Although  the  four  great  festivals  of  which  we  have  been  speaking 
had  little  influence  m  promoting  the  political  union  of  Greece,  they  never- 
theless were  of  great  importance  in  making  the  various  sections  of  the 
race  feel  that  they  were  all  members  of  one  family,  and  in  cementing  them 
together  by  common  s}Tnpathies  and  the  enjoyment  of  common  pleasures. 
The  frequent  occurrence  of  these  festivals,  for  one  was  celebrated  every 
year,  tended  to  the  smne  result.  The  Greeks  were  thus  annually  re- 
minded of  their  common  origin,  and  of  the  gi'cat  distinction  which  existed 
between  them  and  bai-bmians.  Nor  must  we  forget  the  mcidental  advan- 
tages  which  attended  them.  The  concourse  of  so  large  a  number  of  per- 
sons from  every  part  of  the  Grecian  world  afforded  to  the  merchant  op- 


portunities for  traffic,  and  to  the  arrist  and  the  literary  man  the  best  means 
of  making  their  works  known.  During  the  tune  of  the  games  the  Altis 
was  surrounded  with  booths,  in  which  a  busy  commerce  was  carried  on ; 
and  in  a  spacious  hall  appropriated  for  the  purpose,  the  poets,  philosophers, 
and  historians  were  accustomed  to  read  their  most  recent  works. 

The  perfect  equality  of  persons  at  the  festival  demands  particular  men- 
tion. The  games  were  open  to  every  Greek,  without  any  distinction  of 
country  or  of  rank.  The  horse-races  and  chariot-races  were  necessarily 
confined  to  the  wealthy,  who  were  allowed  to  employ  others  as  riders  and 
drivers ;  but  the  rich  and  poor  alike  could  contend  in  the  gymnastic 
matches.  This,  however,  was  far  from  degradmg  the  fonner  in  public 
opinion  ;  and  some  of  the  greatest  and  wealtliiest  men  in  the  various  cities 
took  part  in  the  running,  wrestling,  boxing,  and  other  matches.  Cylon, 
who  attempted  to  make  hunself  tyrant  of  Athens,  had  gained  the  prize  m 
the  foot-race ;  Alexander,  son  of  Amyntas,  prince  of  Macedon,  had  also  run 
for  it ;  and  instances  occur  m  which  cities  chose  their  generals  from  the 

victors  of  these  games. 

§  8.  The  habit  of  consulting  the  same  oracles  in  order  to  ascertmn  the 
will  of  the  gods,  was  another  bond  of  union.     It  was  the  universal  practice 
of  the  Greeks  to  undertake  no  matter  of  importance  without  first  askmg 
the  advice  of  the  gods  ;  and  there  were  many  sacred  spots  in  which  the 
gods  were  always  ready  to  give  an  answer  to  pious  worshippers.     Some 
of  these  oracles  were  consulted  only  by  the  surrounding  neighborhood,  but 
others  obtained  a  wider  celebrity ;  and  the  oracle  of  Apollo  at  Delphi  in 
particular  surpassed  all  the  rest  in  importance,  and  was  regarded  with 
veneration  in  every  part  of  the  Grecian  world.     So  great  w^os  its  fame 
that  it  was  sometimes  consulted  by  foreign  nations,  such  as  the  Lydians, 
Phrygians,  and  Romans ;  and  the  Grecian  states  constantly  applied  to  it 
for  counsel  in  their  difficulties  and  perplexities.    In  the  centre  of  the  tem- 
ple at  Delphi  there  was  a  small  opening  in  the  ground,  from  which  it  was 
said  that  a  certain  gas  or  vapor  ascended.    Whenever  the  oracle  was  to 
be  consulted,  a  virgin  priestess,  called  Pythia,  took  her  seat  upon  a  tripod, 
which  was  placed  over  the  chasm.    The  ascending  vapor  affected  her 
brain,  and  the  words  she  uttered  in  this  excited  condition  were  beUeved  to 
be  the  answer  of  Apollo  to  his  worshippers.     They  were  always  in  hex- 
ameter verse,  and  were  reverently  taken  down  by  the  attendant  priests. 
Most  of  the  answers  were  equivocal  or  obscure ;  but  tlie  credit  of  the 
oracle  continued  unimpaired  long  after  the  downfoll  of  Grecian  indepen- 
dence. 1        .     M     • 
§  9.  A  further  element  of  union  among  the  Greeks  was  the  similarity 

of  manners  and  character.  It  is  true,  the  difference  m  this  respect  between 
the  polished  inhabitants  of  Athens  and  the  rude  mountaineers  of  Acir- 
nania  was  marked  and  striking ;  but  if  we  compare  the  two  with  foreign 
contemporaries  the  contrast  between  them  and  the  latter  is  still  more 


wenk 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  VI. 


Uf 


I  •  * 


striking.  Absolute  despotism,  human  sacrifices,  polygamy,  deliberate  muti- 
lation of  the  person  as  a  punishment,  and  selling  of  children  into  slavery, 
existed  in  some  part  or  other  of  the  barbarian  world,  but  are  not  found  in 
any  city  of  Greece  in  the  historical  times.  Although  we  cannot  mention 
many  customs  common  to  all  the  Greeks  and  at  the  same  time  peculiar  to 
them,  yet  we  cannot  doubt  that  there  did  exist  among  them  certain  general 
characteristics  in  their  manners  and  customs,  which  served  as  a  bond  of 
union  among  themselves,  and  a  line  of  demarcation  from  foreigners. 

§  10.  The  elements  of  union  of  which  we  have  been  speaking — com- 
munity of  blood  and  language,  of  rehgion  and  festivals,  and  of  manners  and 
character  —  only  bound  the  Greeks  together  in  common  feelings  and  sen- 
timents. They  never  produced  any  pohtical  union.  The  independent 
sovereignty  of  each  city  was  a  fundamental  notion  in  the  Greek  mind. 
The  only  supreme  autliority  which  a  Greek  recognized  was  to  be  found 
within  his  own  city  walls.  The  exercise  of  authority  by  one  city  over 
another,  whatever  advantages  the  weaker  city  might  derive  from  such  a 
connection,  was  repugnant  to  every  Greek.  This  was  a  sentiment  com- 
mon to  iill  the  different  members  of  the  Greek  race,  under  all  fonns  of 
government,  whether  oligarcliical  or  democratical.  Hence  the  dominion 
exercised  by  Thebes  over  the  cities  of  Boeotia,  and  by  Athens  over  subject 
allies,  was  submitted  to  with  reluctance,  and  was  disowned  on  the  first 
opportunity.  This  strongly  rooted  feeling  deserves  particular  notice  and 
remaik.  Careless  readers  of  history  are  tempted  to  sujipose  that  the  ter- 
ritory of  Greece  was  divided  among  a  comparatively  small  number  of  inde- 
pendent states,  such  as  Attica,  Arcadia,  Boeotia,  Phocis,  Locris,  and  the 
like ;  but  this  is  a  most  serious  mistake,  and  leads  to  a  total  misapprehen- 
sion of  Greek  history.  Every  separate  city  was  usually  an  independent 
state,  and  consequently  each  of  the  territories  described  under  tlie  general 
names  of  Arcadia,  Bceotia,  Phocis,  and  Locris,  contained  numerous  politi- 
cal communities  independent  of  one  another.  Attica,  it  is  true,  formed  a 
single  state,  and  its  different  towns  recognized  Athens  as  their  capital  and 
the  source  of  supreme  power;  but  this  is  an  exception  to  the  general 
rule. 

The  patriotism  of  a  Greek  was  confined  to  his  city,  and  rarely  kindled 
into  any  general  love  for  the  common  welfare  of  Hellas.  The  safety  and 
the  prosperity  of  his  city  were  dearer  to  him  than  the  safety  and  pros- 
perity of  Hellas,  and  to  secure  the  former  he  was  too  often  contented  to 
sacrifice  the  latter.  For  his  own  city,  a  patriotic  Greek  was  ready  to  lay 
down  his  property  and  his  life,  but  he  felt  no  obligation  to  expend  his  sub- 
stance or  expose  his  life  on  behalf  of  the  common  interests  of  the  country. 
So  complete  was  the  political  division  between  the  Greek  cities,  that  the 
citizen  of  one  was  an  alien  and  a  stranger  in  the  territory  of  another.  He 
was  not  merely  debarred  from  all  share  in  the  government,  but  he  could 
not  acquh^  property  in  land  or  houses,  nor  contract  a  marriage  with  a  native 


Chjlp.  VI.] 


WANT   OF   POLITICAL   UNION. 


53 


woman,  nor  sue  in  the  couits  of  justice,  except  through  the  medium  of  a 
friendly  citizen.*  The  cities  thus  mutually  repelling  each  other,  the  sym- 
pathies and  feelings  of  a  Greek  became  more  centred  in  his  own.  It  was 
this  exclusive  patriotism  which  rendered  it  diffiult  for  the  Greeks  to  unite 
under  circumstances  of  common  danger.  It  was  this  political  disunion 
which  led  them  to  turn  their  arms  against  each  other,  and  eventually 
made,  them  subject  to  tlie  IVIacedonian  monarchs. 


*  Sometimes  a  citv  i^rantcd  to  a  citizen  of  another  state,  or  even  to  the  whole  state,  the 
right  of  intermarriage  and  of  acquiring  landed  property.  The  former  of  these  rights  was 
called  €7rtya/iia,  the  latter  eyKTrjais. 


5 


Greek  Gar  used  in  Games. 


54 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  VIL 


View  of  Mount  Taygetus  from  the  Site  of  Sparta. 


CHAPTER    Vn. 

EARLY  HISTORY   OP  PELOPONNESUS    AND    LEGISLATION    OF   LYCURGUS 

§  1.  Conqnest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians.  Division  of  the  Peloponnesus  into  the 
Doric  States,  Elis,  Acliaia,  and  Arcadia.  ^  2.  Division  of  the  Doric  States  in  Pelopon 
nesus.  Ai-gos  originally  the  fii-st  Doric  State,  Sparta  second,  Messene  third.  ^  3.  Plieidun 
ofArgos.  §4.  Legislation  of  Lycnrirus.  §  5.  Lifeof  Lvcurgiis.  §6.  The  Cliief  Object 
of  Lycurgus  in  his  Legislation.  §  7.  Population  of  Laconia  divided  into  three  Classes. 
Spartans.  §  8.  Perioeci.  ^  9.  Helots.  ^  10.  Political  Guvennncnt  of  Sparta.  The 
.Kings.  Hie  Senate.  The  Popular  Assembly.  TheEphors.  §  IL  Training,' and  Educa- 
tion of  the  Spartan  Youths  and  Men.  ^  12.*Trainin<r  of  the  Spartiin  Women.  §  13.  Di- 
Tision  of  Landed  Property.  §  14.  Other  Regulations  ascribed  to  Lycurgus.  Iron  Jiloney. 
§  15.  Defensible  Position  of  Simrta.  §  IG.  Growth  of  the  Spartan'power,  a  Consequence 
of  tlie  Discipline  of  Lycurgus.    Conquest  of  Laconia. 


ili 


§  1.  In  tlie  Heroic  Ages  Peloponnesus  wa.s  tlic  seat  of  the  great  Achaan 
monarchies.  Mycenae  was  the  residence  of  Agamenniun,  king  of  men, 
Spai'ta  of  liis  brother  Menehius,  and  Argos  of  Dioniedes,  who  dared 
to  contend  in  battle  with  the  immortal  gods.  But  betbre  the  com- 
mencement of  history  all  these  monarchies  had  been  swept  away,  and 
their  subjects  either  driven  out  of  the  land  or  comi>clled  to  submit  to  the 
dominion  of  the  Dorians.  The  history  of  the  conquest  of  l*elo]>onnesus  by 
this  warlike  race  is  clothed  in  a  legendary  form,  and  lias  been  already  nar- 
rated in  the  preceding  Book.  In  what  manner  this  conquest  was  really 
effected  is  beyond  tlie  reach  of  history,  but  we  have  good  reasons  for  be- 
lieving that  it  was  the  work  of  many  years,  and  was  not  concluded  by  a 
single  battle,  as  the  legends  would  lead  us  to  suppose.     We  find,  however 


Chap.  VIL]  EARLY   HISTORY   OF  PELOPONNESUS.  55 

in  the  early  liistorical  times,  tlie  whole  of  the  eastern  and  southern  parts  of 
Peloponnesus  in  the  undisputed  possession  of  the  Dorians. 

The  remaming  parts  of  the  peninsula  were  in  tlie  hands  of  other  members 
of  the  Greek  race.  On  the  western  coa.st  from  the  mouth  of  the  Neda  to 
that  of  the  Larissus  was  the  territoiy  of  EHs,  including  the  two  dependent 
states  of  Pisa  and  Triphylia.  The  Eleans  are  said  to  have  been  descend- 
ants  of  the  iEtolians,  who  had  accompanied  the  Dorians  in  their  mvasion, 
and  received  Elis  as  their  share  of  the  si^oil  The  Pisatans  and  the  Tn- 
phyhans  had  been  originally  independent  inhabitants  of  the  peninsula,  but 
had  been  conquered  by  their  more  powerful  neighbors  of  Ehs. 

The  ^trip  of  land  on  the  northern  coast  of  Peloponnesus,  and  south  ot 
the  Corinthian  Gulf,  was  inhabited  by  Acha3ans,  and  was  called  after  them 
Achaia.  This  ten-itory  extended  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  Araxus  on 
one  side  to  the  confines  of  Sicyonia  on  the  other,  and  was  divided  among 
twelve  Aclui^an  cities,  which  are  rarely  mentioned  in  the  earher  penod  of 
Greek  history,  and  only  rose  to  importance  in  the  Macedonian  times 

The  mountamous  region  in  the  centre  of  Peloponnesus  was  inhabited  by 
the  Arcadians,  who  may  be  regarded  as  genuine  Pelasgians,  since  they  are 
uniformly  represented  as  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  the  country.  Then: 
country  was  distributed  into  a  large  number  of  villages  and  cities,  among 
which  Te-ea  and  Mantinea  were  the  two  most  powerfuL 

§  2.  The  division  of  Peloponnesus  among  the  Dorian  states  differed  at 
yai'ious  times.    At  the  close  of  the  period  which  forms  the  subject  of  the 
present  Book,  Sparta  was  unquestionably  the  first  of  the  Dorian  powers  and 
its  dominions  for  exceeded  those  of  any  other  Dorian  state.     Its  temtory 
then  occupied  the  whole  of  the  southern  region  of  the  pemnsula  from  the 
eastern  to  the  western  sea,  being  separated  from  the  dommions  of  Argos  by 
the  river  Tanus,  and  from  Triphylia  by  the  river  Neda.     At  that  time  the 
territory  of  Argos  was  confined  to  the  Ai'gohc  peninsula,  but  did  not  mclude 
the  whole  of  this  district,  the  southeastern  part  of  it  being  occupied  by  the 
Doric  cities  of  Epidaurus  and  Troezen,  and  the  Dryopian  city  of  Hermione. 
On  the  Isthmus  stood  the  powerful  city  of  Corinth,  westward  Sicyon,  and 
to  the  south  of  these  Cleon..  and  Philus,  both  also  Doric  cities.     Nort^ 
east  of  Corinth  came  Megara,  the  last  of  the  Doric  cities,  whose  territory 
stretched  across  the  Istlmius  from  sea  to  sea.  ^   ,  ^     _,    . 

But  if  we  go  back  to  the  first  Olympiad,  we  shall  find  Sparta  m  poss  s- 
Bion  of  only  a  very  small  territory,  instead  of  the  extensive  dommion  de- 
cribed  alive.  Its  territory  at  that  time  appears  to  ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ 
little  more  than  the  valley  of  the  river  Euix)tas.  Westward  of  thi.  vaUey, 
and  separated  from  it  by  Mount  Taygetus,  were  the  Messenian  Donans 
S  Lward  of  it  the  whole  of  the  mountainous  district  along  the  co^t, 
from  the  head  of  the  Argolic  Gulf  down  to  Cape  Malea  was  also  inde- 
peTden^^  of  Sparta,  belonging  to  Argos.  In  the  earliest  historical  nnes 
Igos  appear    as  the  first  power  m  the  Peloponnesus,  a  fact  winch  the 


54 


mSTOKY   OF   GUEECE. 


[ClIAr.  VII. 


'^1 


View  of  Mount  Taygetus  tea  tfaii  Stto  of  JSmite. 


CHAPTER    VII. 


EAELY  IIISTOKT   OF  rELOPOXXESUS    ANB    LECISLATIOX    OF   LYCUnGUS 

§  1.  Cnqnest  of  Peloponnesiis  In- the  Dorians.  rUvMoii  of  the  Peloponnesus  into  tlio 
Boric  Statis  Elis,  Achnia.  an. I  Arcn.liii.  §  2.  Divkion  of  the  Doric  Stiites  in  I'eloj.on 
ncsiis.  Ar_..^  M-i-itially  tin-  liist  Ih >rk-  StaT.>.  S|.artu  «'Cnti.|,  Mes>ene  tliinl.  «j  3.  rheia.iU 
ofAriT"-.  H-  J-<'^"^Iari.iitorLveiirirus.  §  o.  Life  (.fLvruruu'!.  §  n.  The  Cliiof  Ohjoft 
of  Lycurtiiis  in  his  I.eirishition.  §  7.  Popukition  of  Laconia  -livi^Icl  into  tlir.'o  Chis^t-. 
%irtau-.  ^  fr.  l\Tiu-c-i.  §  'j.  Helots.  §  10.  pnlitical  Guvorntneiit  r.f  Sparta.  Thi; 
Kings.  Tlie  S.imt(\  The  Poptihir  Asse,::My.  Th->  Ephor^^.  §11.  Trainin-un.i  K.hiea- 
tioii  of  t1t.«  Si.arlan  Yonths  aii-1  Men.  v^  12.  Trainhi.t«- of  the  Spartan  W.  ,uen.  §  1:].  Di- 
visional' Lan.leil  I'n.pvrty.  vs  14.  Otlier  h't'j,rul.,ti..ns  ascribe<l  to  Lyciirirns.  Iron  Jlom-y. 
§  15.  l>rt;u>il,lo  rr.>ition  vi  Sparta.  ^  Hi,  (ii\>wtU  of  the  Si)!irtan  Power,  ii  Cou&eqiieuce 
of  tlic  Discipline  of  Lycui-gus.     Cooqiiest  of  Lueoiiiii. 

§  1.  Ix  the  Ilt-roic  Ag«?s  Pcloponiiesiis  was  tlic  scat  of  tlio  great  Acliaan 
moiiai-flucs,  :My<Tiui3  was  tlie  rrsMleiMtJ  of  Aganiciniion,  kin;^;  of  lucii, 
Sparta  <>{'  lis  lu-oilier  Meiielaus,  ami  Argo3  of  Dionu-ar.s  who  (hiivd 
to  Ci.iUeiul  ill  haftlc  with  the  ihuuurial  -..tls.  Ihit  In'toro  the  eom- 
iiieiin'ini-iit  <,>i  lii-ioiy  all  th,e<e  inomuThies  had  litcn  swf'il  ffirav,  mul 
thfir  sul.jocis  v'iihvr  drivoii  out  of  the  hnd  or  coini»'lh  .1  u>  sii])mirto  tlio 
clomiiiion  of  the  n.=ri:i!.s.  Tlie  Ins!  ):-v  of  the  eonqiirst  of  iVu.poiaie.-iis  by 
this  warlike  r:i.'<'  is  ehMhc.l  in  a  Ir^iivmlary  form,  ami  lias  been  already  iiar- 
ratedin  tlie  piiMv.liu-  n,K,k.  In  what  maimer  this  eoiKjinsl  was  "real  1} 
efil'Cted  is  hryotnl  iht  ren<-h  of  luMory,  lait  we  liave  *iuud  r(:iM,n>  for  be- 
lieving that  it  w:is  ii,(.  ^vork  of  many  yenrs,  and  was  not  eonehule.l  by  a 
single  battle,  as  the  legemls  would  lea.l  iis  to  suppose.     We  fmd,  llowc^  er 


Chap.  VII.] 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   PELOPONNESUS. 


55 


in  the  early  historical  times,  the  whole  of  Hie  eastern  and  southern  parts  of 
Peloponnesus  in  the  undisputed  i)OSsession  of  the  Dorians. 

The  remaining  parts  of  the  peninsuhi  wer.^  in  the  hands  of  other  memhers 
of  the  Grrck  rar<^  On  the  western  coast  from  the  month  of  the  N.'da  to 
that  of  the  Larissus  was  the  territory  of  Elis,  ineluding  tlu'  two  dcnendent 
states  of  Pisa  and  Triphylia.  Tlie  Elearis  are  said  to  have  been  dese^md- 
ants  of  the  .Etolinns,  wlio  liad  aeeomi>anied  the  Dorians  in  then-  invasion, 
and  received  Elis  as  their  share  of  tla.  spoil  The  Pi^atans  and  the  In- 
phylians  had  been  r>ri-inally  independent  inhabitants  of  the  penmsula,  but 
ha<l  been  con.pi<'r<-d  by  their  more  powerful  iiei-hbors  of  Elis. 

The  <trip  of  land  on  the  northern  c<.ast  of  Peloponnesus,  and  south  ot 
the  (\,rint!dan  Guli;  w.is  inhabiK.l  by  Acha.ms,  and  was  called  alter  them 
Achiiia.  This  territory  extended  trom  the  mouth  of  the  river  Araxus  on 
one  ^i.le  to  the  coiilines  of  Sicyonia  on  the  other,  and  was  divi.h-d  among 
twelve  Acluean  cities,  which  are  rarely  mentioned  in  the  eariicr  period  of 
Greek  historv,  and  only  rose  to  importance  in  the  Macedonian  t^mu^s. 

The  mouimiinons  region  in  the  centre  of  Peloponnesus  was  inhabited  by 
the  Arcadians,  who  may  be  regarded  as  genuine  Pelasgians,  since  they  are 
unit;.rmly  represented  as  the  eariiest  inhabitants  of  the  country,  iheir 
country  was  distributed  into  a  large  number  of  vUlages  and  cities,  among 
which *Teirea.  and  3rantinea  were  the  two  most  poweriuh 

§  2.  Tim  division  of  Peloi.onnous  among  the  Dorian  states  differed  at 
various  times.     At  tlie  close  of  the  period  which  ^rms  the  suloeet  of  the 
present  Hook,  Sparta  was  unquestionably  the  first  of  tlie  Dorian  powers,  and 
its  dominions  lar  exceeded  llio>e  of  any  other  Dorian  state.     Its  territory 
then  occui^ied  the  whole  of  the  soutliern  r<'don  of  the  penmsula  ii-om  the 
ea^t.TU  t<.  tlie  western  sea,  being  s.-parat(.d  from  the  dominions  ol  Argosby 
the  river  Tamis,  and  fi-om  Triphylia  by  the  river  Neda.     At^  that  tmie  he 
territory  of  Ai-os  wa.  conlined  to  the  Argolic  peninsuhi,  but  dul  not  include 
the  whole  of  this  district,  the  southeastern  part  of  it  being  occuiaed  by  the 
Doric  ciiies  of  Epidaurus  and  Tivezen,  and  the  Dryopian  city  ot^Iermione. 
On  the  l>thmus  stood  the  powerful  city  <.f  Corinth,  westward  Sicycm,  aiid 
to  the  south  of  these  Cleona.  and  Philus,  both  also  Doric  cUies.     ^ortl^ 
ea.t  of  Corinth  came  Megara,  the  last  of  the  Doric  eities,  whose  territory 
stretched  acn)ss  the  Isthmus  from  sea  to  sea. 

But  if  we  .>  back  to  the  first  Olympiad,  we  shall  find  Sparta  m  poss  s- 
sion  of  cndy  a  very  small  territory,  instead  of  the  extensive  dommion  d^ 
scribed  tib..c.  Its  territory  at  that  time  appears  to  ^-e  coniprehended 
little  more  tlmn  the  valley  of  the  river  Eurotas.  Westward  o  thisv  alley, 
^1  .eparated  from  it  by  Mount  Tayg^tus,  were  the  Messeman  Dorian^ 
while  eastward  of  it  the  whole  of  the  mountaiimiis  di^-ict  along  t he  cc^, 
from  the  head  of  the  Arg<die  Gulf  down  to  Cape  Malea  was  a  >o  mde 
pendent  of  Sparta,  belonging  to  Argos.  In  the  eariiest  lustoru  d  im^ 
I.0S  appear    as  the  first  power  in  the  Peloponnesus,  a  fact  wliicli  the 


66 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  Vn. 


B.  C.  776.] 


LEGISLATION   OP  LTCURGUS. 


57 


l< 


legend  of  the  Hemcleids  seems  to  recognize  by  making  Temenus  the  eldest 
brother  of  the  three.  Next  came  Spartxi,  and  last  the  Messene.  The  im- 
portance of  Argos  appears  to  have  arisen  not  so  mucli  iwm  her  own  terri- 
tory as  from  her  being  the  head  of  a  powerful  confederacy  of  Dorian 
states.  Most  of  these  states  are  said  to  have  been  founded  by  colonies 
Irom  Argos,  such  as  Cleona?,  PhHus,  Sicyon,  Epidaurus,  Troizen,  and 
.^glna.  Tlicy  formed  a  league,  the  patron  god  of  which  was  Apollo 
Pythaeus,  whose  common  worship  wjis  a  means  of  unitmg  them  to"-ether. 
There  was  a  temple  to  this  god  in  each  of  the  confederated  cities,  wliile 
his  most  holy  and  central  sanctuary  was  on  the  acropolis  of  Argos.  But 
the  jwwer  of  Argos  rested  on  an  insecure  basis ;  the  ties  which  held  the 
confederacy  together  became  gradually  weakened ;  and  Sparta  was  able  to 
wrest  from  her  a  large  portion  of  her  territory,  and  eventually  to  succeed 
to  her  place  as  the  fii-st  Dorian  state  in  tlie  peninsula. 

§  3.  The  imjiortance  of  the  privileges  i)ossessed  by  Argos  before  the 
rise  of  the  Spartan  power  is  shown  by  the  histoiy  of  Pheidon.  Tliis  re- 
markable man  may  be  placed  alx>ut  the  eighth  Olympiad,  or  747  b.  c,  and 
daims  our  attention  the  more  as  one  of  the  fiist  really  historical  pei-son- 
ages  hitherto  presented  to  us.  He  was  king  of  Argos,  and  is  represented 
as  a  descendant  of  the  Heracleid  Temenus.  Having  broken  through  the 
limits  which  had  been  imposed  on  the  authority  of  his  predecessoi-s,  he 
changed  the  government  of  Argos  into  a  desjwtism.  He  then  restored  her 
supremacy  over  all  the  cities  of  her  confederacy,  which  had  become  nearly 
dissolved.  He  appears  next  to  have  attacked  Corinth,  and  to  have  suc- 
ceeded in  reducing  it  under  his  dominion.     He  is  further  reported  to  have 

aimed  at  extending  his  sway  over  the  greater  part  of  Peloj^nnesus, 

laying  claim,  as  the  descendant  of  Hercules,  to  all  the  cities  whicli  that 
hero  had  ever  taken.     His  power  and  his  influence  became  so  gieat  in  the 
Peloix>nnesus,  that  the  Pisatans,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  jn-eside  at 
the  01}Tnpic  games,  but  who  had  been  deprived  of  this  privilege  by  the 
Eleans,  invited  hmi,  in  the  eighth  Olympiad,  to  restore  them  to  their  origi- 
nal rights  and  exfiel  the  intruders.     This  invitation  fell  in  witli  the  fim- 
bitious  projects  of  Pheidon,  who  claimed  for  himself  the  right  of  presiding 
at  these  games,  which  had  been  instituted  by  his  great  ancestor,  Hercules. 
He  accordingly  marched  to  Olympia,  expelled  the  Eleans  from  the  sacred 
spot,  and  celebrated  the  games  in  conjunction  with  tlie  Pisatans.     But  his 
triumph  did  not  last  long ;  the  Spartans  took  the  part  of  the  Eleans,  and 
the  contest  ended  in  the  defeat  of  Pheidon.     In  the  folowmg  Olympiad 
the  Eleans  again  obtained  the  management  of  the  festival. 

It  would  appear  that  the  power  of  Pheidon  was  destroyed  in  this  strug- 
gle, but  of  the  details  of  Ids  fall  we  have  no  information.  He  did  not 
however  fall  witliout  leaving  a  very  striking  and  permanent  trace  of  his 
influence  upon  Greece.  He  was  the  first  person  who  introduced  a  copper 
and  a  silver  coinage  and  a  scale  of  weights  and  measures  into  Greece. 


Through  his  influence  they  became  adopted  throughout  Peloponnesus  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  North  of  Greece,  under  the  name  of  the  iEginetan 
scale.  There  arose  subsequently  another  scale  in  Greece  called  the  Eu- 
boic,  which  was  employed  at  Athens  and  m  the  Ionic  cities  generally,  as 
well  as  in  Euboea.  It  is  usually  stated  that  the  coinage  of  Pheidon  was 
struck  in  the  island  of  iEgina,  but  it  appears  more  probable  that  it  was 
done  in  Argos,  and  that  the  name  of  iEginetan  was  given  to  the  coinage 
and  scale,  not  from  the  place  where  they  first  originated,  but  from  the 
people  whose  commercial  activity  tended  to  make  them  more  generally 
known. 

§  4.  The  progress  of  Sparta  from  the  second  to  the  first  place  among 
the  states  in  Peloponnesus  was  mainly  owing  to  the  peculiar  institutions 
of  the  state,  and  more  particularly  to  the  military  discipline  and  rigorous 
training  of  its  citizens.     The  singular  constitution  of  Sparta  was  unani- 
mously ascribed  by  the  ancients  to  the  legislator  Lycurgus,  but  there  were 
different  stories  respecting  his  date,  birth,  travels,  legislation,  and  death. 
Some  modern  writers,  on  the  other  hand,  have  maintained  that  the  Spartan 
institutions  were  common  to  the  whole  Doric  race,  and  therefore  cannot 
be  regarded  as  the  work  of  a  Spartan  legislator.     In  their  view,  Sparta  is 
the  full  type  of  Doric  principles,  tendencies,  and  sentiments.     This,  how- 
ever, appears  to  be  an  erroneous  view  ;  it  can  be  shown  that  the  institu- 
tions of  Sparta  were  pecuhar  to  herself,  distinguishing  her  as  much  from 
the  Doric  cities  of  Argos  and  Corinth,  as  from  Athens  and  Thebes.     The 
Cretan  institutions  bore,  it  is  true,  some  analogy  to  those  of  Sparta,  but 
the  resemblance  has  been  greatly  exaggerated,  and  was  chiefly  confined  to 
the  syssitia  or  public  messes.     The  Spartans,  doubtless,  had  original  ten- 
dencies common  to  them  with  the  other  Dorians ;  but  the  constitution  of 
Lycurgus  impressed  upon  them  their  peculiar  character,  which  separates 
them  so  strikingly  from  the  rest  of  Greece.     Whether  the  system  of  Spar- 
tan laws  is  to  be  attributed  to  Lycurgus,  cannot  now  be  determined.     He 
lived  in  an  age  when  writing  was  never  employed  for  literary  purposes, 
and  consequently  no  account  of  him  from  a  contemporary  has  come  down 
to  us.     None  of  the  details  of  his  life  can  be  proved  to  be  historically  true ; 
and  we  are  obliged  to  choose  out  of  several  accounts  the  one  which  ap- 
pears the  most  probable. 

§  0.  There  are  very  great  discrepancies  respecting  the  date  of  Lycur- 
gus ;  but  all  accounts  agree  in  supposing  him  to  have  lived  at  a  very  re- 
mote period.  His  most  probable  date  is  b.  c.  776,  in  which  year  he  is 
said  to  have  assisted  Ipliitus  in  restoring  the  Olympic  games.  He  be- 
longed to  the  royal  family  of  Sparta.  According  to  the  common  account, 
he  was  the  son  of  Eunomus,  one  of  the  two  kings  who  reigned  together  m 
Sparta.  His  father  was  killed  in  the  civil  dissensions  which  afiBdcted 
Sparta  at  that  time.  His  elder  brother,  Polydectes,  succeeded  to  the 
crown,  but  died  soon  afterwards,  leavmg  his  queen  with  child.    The  am- 

8 


118 


mSTOBT  OP   GEEECE. 


[Chap.  VII. 


bitious  woman  offered  to  destroy  the  cliild,  if  Ljcurgus  would  sliare  the 
throne  with  her.  Ljcurgus  pretended  to  consent ;  but  as  soon  as  she  had 
given  birth  to  a  son,  he  presented  him  in  tiie  market-place  as  the  future 
king  of  Siiarta ;  and,  to  testify  to  the  people's  joy,  gave  him  the  name  of 
Cliiirilaus.  The  young  king's  mother  took  revenge  uix)n  Lycurgus  by 
accusing  him  of  entertaining  designs  against  his  nephew's  life.  Hereupon 
he  resolved  to  withdraw  from  his  native  country,  and  to  visit  foreign  lands. 
lie  was  absent  many  years,  and  is  said  to  have  enijdoyed  his  time  hi  study- 
ing the  institutions  of  otiier  nations,  and  in  conversiuir  with  their  sa^'es.  in 
onlcr  to  devise  a  system  of  laws  and  regulations  which  nn'ght  deli\er 
Sparta  from  the  evils  under  which  it  had  long  been  sutlering.  He  fii^t 
visited  Crete  and  Ionia ;  and,  not  content  with  the  Grecian  world,  passed 
from  Ionia  into  Egypt ;  and  accor(Hng  to  some  accounts  is  reported  to  liave 
visited  Ibtria,  Lil)ya,  and  even  India. 

Dui-ing  liis  absence  the  }oung  king  had  grown  up,  and  assumed  the 
rems  of  government ;  but  the  tiisorders  of  the  state  had  meantime  become 
worse  than  ever,  and  all  i)arties  longed  for  a  termination  of  their  present 
sufferings.  Accordingly  the  return  of  Lycurgus  was  hailed  with  delight, 
and  he  found  the  people  botli  ready  and  willing  to  submit  to  an  endre 
change  m  tlieir  government  and  institutions.  lie  now  set  himself  to  work 
to  carry  his  long-projected  refiirms  into  effect ;  but  before  he  commenced 
his  arduous  task,  he  consulted  the  Delphian  oracle,  fronuwhich  Ijc  received 
Strong  assurances  of  divine  sui)port.  Thus  encoui-aged  by  the  god,  he 
suddenly  jjresented  himself  in  the  market-place,  surrounded  by  thirty  of 
the  most  distinguished  Siiartans  in  arms.  The  king,  Charilaus,  was  at  first 
disposed  to  resist  the  revolution,  but  afterwards  sui)ported  the  sche-mes  of 
Ms  uncle.  Lycurgus  now  issued  a  set  of  ordinances,  called  Mefrai,  by 
wliich  he  effected  a  total  revolution  in  tlie  political  and  military  organiza- 
tion of  the  people,  and  in  their  social  and  domestic  life.  His  refbnns  were 
not  carried  into  eff«H-t  without  violent  opposition,  and  in  one  of  the  tunudts 
which  they  excited,  his  eye  is  said  to  have  been  struck  out  by  a  youth  of 
the  name  of  Alcander.  But  he  finally  triumphed  over  all  obstacles,  and 
succeeded  in  obtaining  the  submission  of  all  classes  in  tlie  connnunity  to 
his  new  constitution.  His  last  act  was  to  sacrifice  himself  for  the  welfare 
of  his  country.  Havmg  obtained  from  the  people  a  solemn  oath  to  mjike 
no  aherations  in  his  laws  before  liis  return,  he  quitted  Sparta  for  ever. 
He  set  out  on  a  journey  to  Delphi,  where  lie  obtained  an  oracle  from  the 
god,  approving  of  all  lie  had  done,  and  pronn'sing  everlasting  jirosjierity  to 
the  Siiartans  as  long  as  tliey  preserved  his  laws.  Whitherlie  went  after- 
wards, and  how  and  where  he  died,  nobody  could  teU.  He  vanished  from 
earth  like  a  god,  leaving  no  traces  beliind  him  but  his  spirit  :  and  his 
gmteful  countrjTOcn  honored  liira  with  a  temple,  and  worshipped  him  with 
annual  sacrifices  down  to  the  latest  times. 

§  6.  In  order  to  understand  the  constitution  of  Lycurgus,  it  is  necessary 


B.  C.  776.] 


LEGISLATION   OF  LYCURGUS. 


59 


to  recollect  the  peculiar  circumstances  in  which  the  Spartans  were  placed. 
They  were  a  handful  of  men  in  possession  of  a  country  which  they  had 
conquered  by  the  sword,  and  wliich  they  could  only  maintain  by  the  siune 
means.     They  probably  did  not  exceed  nine  thousand  men  ;  and  the  great 
object  of  the  legislator  was  to  unite  this  small  body  together  by  the  c  osest 
ties  and  to  train  them  in  such  habits  of  hardihood,  bravery,  and  mditary 
subordination  that  they  might  maintain  their  ascendency  over  their  sub- 
iects.     The  means  which  he  adopted  to  attain  this  object  were  exceeding- 
ly severe,  but  eminently  successful.     He  subjected  the  Spartans  to  a  dis- 
cipline  at  once  monastic  and  warlike,  unparalleled  either  in  ancient  or  m 
modern  times.     Ilis  system  com])ined  the  ascetic  rigors  of  a  monastery 
with  the  stern  discipline  of  a  garrison.     But  before  we  proceed  to  relate 
the  details  of  this  extraordinary  system,  it  will  be  necessary  to  give  an 
account  of  the  different  classes  of  the  population  of  the  country,  mid  also 
of  the  nature  of  the  government. 

§  7.  The  population  of  Laconia  was  divided  into  the  tliree  classes  of 

Spartans,  Periocci,  and  Helots. 

The  Spaitans  were  the  descendants  of  the  leading  Dorian  conquerors. 
They  fonned  the  sovereign  power  of  the  state,  and  they  alone  were  ehgi- 
ble   to  honors   and  public   offices.      They  lived  in    Sparta  itseff,  and 
were  all  subject  to  the  discipline  of  Lycurgus.     They  were  mamtamed 
from  their  estates  in  different  parts  of  Laconia,  which  were  cultivated 
for  them  by  the  Helots,  who  paid  them  a  fixed  amount  of  the  produce. 
Originally  all  Spartans  were   on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality.     They 
were   divided   into  three  tribes,^ the  Ilylleis,  the  Pamphyli,  and  the 
Dymanes,  — which  were  not,  however,  peculiar  to  Sparta,  but  existed  in 
all  the  Dorian  states.     They  retained  their  full  rights  as  citizens,  and 
transmitted  them  to  their  children,  on  two  conditions ;  —  first,  of  submitting 
to  the  discipline  of  Lycurgus  ;  and  secondly,  of  paying  a  certam  amount 
to  the  public  mess,  which  was  maintained  solely  by  these  contributions. 
In  the  course  of  time  many  Spartans  forfeited  their  full  citizenship  from 
bein-  unable  to  comply  with  the  latter  of  these  conditions,  either  through 
losin-  their  lands  or  through  tlie  increase  of  children  in  the  poorer  flimi- 
lies  °  Thus  there  arose  a  distinction  among  the  Spai-tans  themselves,  un- 
known at  an  earlier  period,^ the  reduced  number  of  qualified  citizens 
bein-  called  the  Equals  or  Peers,*  the  disfranchised  poor,  the  Inferiors-t 
The^latter,  however,  did  not  become  Periceci,  but  might  recover  their 
original  rank  if  they  again  acquired  the  means  of  contributing  their  por- 
tion to  the  public  mess.  , 

§  8.  The  Periceci  X  were  personally  free,  but  politically  subject  to  the 


*  ^.  *,^  \0l  'Yiroae loves. 

t  The  name  UeploiKOL  signifies  literally  "  dwellers  around  the  city,"  and  is  used  gen- 
erally  by  the  Greeks  to  signify  the  inhabitants  in  the  country  districts,  who  possessed  in. 
ferior  political  privileges  to  the  citizens  who  lived  m  the  city. 


I  n 


60 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  VIL 


I' 


Spartans.  They  possessed  no  share  in  the  government,  and  were  bound 
to  obey  the  commands  of  the  Spartan  magistrates.  They  appear  to  have 
been  partly  the  descendants  of  the  old  Achaean  j^opulation  of  the  country, 
and  partly  of  Dorians  who  had  not  been  admitted  to  the  full  privileges  of 
the  ruling  class.  They  were  distributed  into  a  hundred  townships,  which 
were  spread  through  the  whole  of  Laconia.  They  fought  in  the  Spartan 
armies  as  heavy-armed  soldiers,  and  therefore  must  have  been  trained  to 
some  extent  in  the  Spartan  tactics ;  but  they  were  certainly  exempt  from 
the  peculiar  discipline  to  which  the  ruling  class  was  subject,  and  possessed 
more  individual  freedom  of  action.  The  larger  proportion  of  the  land  of 
Laconia  belonged  to  Spartan  citizens,  but  the  smaller  was  the  pi-operty  of 
the  Pericieci.  The  whole  of  the  commerce  and  manufactures  of  the  country 
was  in  their  exclusive  possession,  since  no  Spartan  ever  engaged  in  such 
occupations.  They  thus  had  means  of  acquiring  wealth  and  importance, 
firom  which  the  Spartans  themselves  were  excluded ;  and  although  they 
were  probably  treated  by  the  Spartans  with  the  same  haughtiness  which 
they  usually  displayed  towards  inferiors,  their  condition  upon  the  whole 
does  not  appear  as  oppressive  or  degrading.  They  were  regarded  as 
members  of  the  state,  though  not  possessing  the  full  citizenship,  and  were 
included  along  with  the  Spartans  as  Laconians  or  Lacedremonians. 

§  9.  The  Helots  were  serfs  bound  to  the  soil,  which  they  tilled  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Spartan  proprietors.    Their  condition  was  very  different 
firom  that  of  the  ordinary  slaves  in  antiquity,  and  more  similar  to  the  villa- 
nage  of  the  Middle  Ages.    They  lived  in  tlie  rural  villages,  as  the  Perioed 
did  in  the  towns,  cultivating  the  lands  and  paying  over  the  rent  to  their 
masters  in  Sparta,  but  enjoying  their  homes,  wives,  and  families,  apart 
from  their  master's  personal  superintendence.    They  appear  to  have  been 
never  sold,  and  they  accompanied  the  Si)artans  to  the  field  as  light-armed 
troops.    But  wliile  their  condition  was  in  these  respects  superior  to  that 
of  the  ordinary  slaves  in  other  parts  of  Greece,  it  was  embittered  by  the 
fact  that  they  were  not  strangers,  like  the  latter,  but  were  of  the  same  race, 
and  spoke  the  same  language  as  their  masters.     Tlieir  name  is  variously 
explained,  and  we  have  different  accounts  of  their  origin ;  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  they  were  of  pure  Hellenic  blood,  and  were  probably  the 
descendants  of  the  old  inhabitants,  who  had  offered  the  most  obstinate 
resistance  to  the  Dorians,  and  had  therefore  been  reduced  to  slavery.* 
In  the  earlier  times  they  appear  to  have  been  treated  with  comparative 
mildness,  but  as  their  numbei*s  increased  they  became  objects  of  greater 
Buspieion  to  their  masters,  and  were  subjected  to  the  most  wanton  and  op- 

*  The  common  account  derives  the  name  of  Helots  (EtXwTcr)  from  the  town  of  Helos 
(  EXos)  in  the  South  of  Laconia,  the  mhabitants  of  which  had  rebelled  and  been  reduced  to 
slavery.  Otliers  connect  their  name  with  cXiy,  marshes,  as  if  it  signified  inhabitants  of  the 
hielands.  Others,  again,  with  more  probabiUty,  explain  EtXwTcy  as  meaning  prisonen, 
fipom  the  root  of  fXcIi/,  to  take. 


B.  C.  776.] 


LEGISLATION   OF  LYCURGUS. 


61 


pressive  cruelty.    They  were  compelled  to  wear  a  peculiar  dress  -a 
leather  cap  and  a  sheepskin^to  distinguish  them  from  the  rest  of  the 
population ;  every  means  was  adopted  to  remind  them  ot  then-  mtonor  and 
degraded  condition ;  and  it  is  said  they  were  often  forced  to  make  them- 
selves  drunk,  a.  a  warning  to  the  Spartan  youth.     ^^  hatever  tnvth  the  e 
may  be  in  these  and  similar  tales,  it  is  certain  that  the  wanton  and  mn)oli. 
tic  oppressions  of  the  Spartans  produced  in  the  minds  of  the  Helots  a  deep- 
seated  and  inveterate  detestation  of  their  masters.     They  were  alway 
ready  to  seize  any  opportunity  of  rising  against  their  oppressors,  and  w^^^^^^ 
gladly  "have  eaten  the  flesh  of  the  Spartans  raw."     Hence  Sparta  ^  as 
always  in  apprehension  of  a  revolt  of  the  Helots,  and  had  recourse  to  the 
most  atroeiiis  means  for  removing  any  who  had  excited  theu^  jealousy 
or  their  fears.     Of  this  we  have  a  memorable  instance  m  the  secret  service, 
called  Cryptla*  which  authorized  a  select  body  of  Spartan  youths  to  range 
the  country  in  all  directions,  armed  with  daggers,  and  seci-etly  to  assassi- 
nate  such  of  the  Helots  as  were  considered  formidable.     Sonietnnes,  how- 
ever,  the  Helots,  who  had  distinguished  themselves  by  their  braveiy  m 
war,  received  their  freedom  from  the  government;  but  in  that  case  they 
fonned  a  distinct  body  in  the  state,  known  at  the  tmie  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  war  by  the  name  of  Neodamodes.f 

§  10.  The  functions  of  the  Spartan  government  were  distributed  among 
two  kin-s,  a  senate  of  thirty  members,  a  popular  assembly,  and  an  execu- 
tive  directory  of  five  men  called  the  Ephors.     This  political  constitution  is 
ascribed  to  Lycurgus;  but  there  is  good  reason  for  M^^-^^S^^-^J^ 
Ephors  were  added  at  a  later  time ;  and  there  cannot  be  any  doubt  that 
the  senate  and  the  popular  assembly  were  handed  down  to  the  Spartans 
from  the  Heroic  Age,  and  merely  received  some  mmbfication  and  regula- 
tions from  Lycurgus.  -  ,      ^^f 
At  the  hea.1  of  the  state  were  the  two  hereditary  kmgs.    The  existence  of 
a  pair  of  kings  was  peculiar  to  Sparta,  and  is  said  to  have  arisen  from  the 
accidental  circumstance  of  Aristodemus  having  left  twin  sons  Euiys  henes 
and  Procles.  {     This   division  of  the  royal  power  naturally  tended  to 
weaken  its  influence,  and  to  produce  jealousies  and  dissensions  beM  the 
two  kings,  who  constantly  endeavored  to  thwart  each  other.     The  royal 
power  was  on  the  decline  during  the  whole  historical  period,  and  the 
authority  of  the  kings  was  gradually  usurped  by  the  Ephors,  who  at  length 
obtained  the  entire  control  of  the  government,  and  reduced  the  kings  to  a 
state  of  humiliation  and  dependence.     Originally  the  Spartan  kmgs  were 
the  real  and  not  the  nominal  chiefs  of  the  state,  and  exercised  most  of  the 
functions  of  the  monarchs  of  the  Hereic  Age.    In  later  times  the  most 


i 


♦  KpuTTTfia,  a  secret  commission,  from  KpvTrro),  Mile,  conceal 
t  N€o8a;iu>8f t5 :  that  is,  newly  enfranchised. 
I  See  above,  p.  32. 


III 


i 


62 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  VIT. 


important  of  the  prerogatives  which  they  were  allowed  to  retain  was  the 
supreme  command  of  the  military  force  on  foreign  expeditions.  But  even 
in  this  pnvilege  tlieir  authority  was  restricted  at  a  later  time  by  the  pres- 
ence of  two  out  of  the  five  Ephors.  Although  the  political  power  of  the 
kings  was  thus  curtailed,  they  possessed  many  important  privileges,  and 
were  always  treated  with  the  profoundest  honor  and  respect.  They  were 
regai\led  liy  the  people  with  a  feeling  of  religious  reverence,  as  the  descend- 
ants of  the  miglity  hero  Hercules,  and  were  thus  supposed  to  coimect  the 
entire  state  with  the  gods.  They  were  the  high-priests  of  the  nation,  and 
every  niontli  offered  sacrifices  to  Jove  on  behalf  of  the  people.  They  {>os- 
iessed  amjjle  domains  in  various  parts  of  Laconia,  and  received  frequent 
presents  on  many  public  occasions.  Their  death  was  lamented  as  a  public 
calamity,  and  their  funeml  was  solemnized  by  the  most  striking  obsequies. 

The  Senate,  called  Gerusia*  or  the  Cmncil  of  EMers,  Qonskted  of  thirty 
members,  among  whom  the  two  kings  were  included.  They  were  not 
chosen  under  sixty  years  of  age,  and  they  held  the  office  for  life.  They 
possessed  considerable  power,  and  were  the  only  real  check  upon  the 
authority  of  the  Ephors.  They  discussed  and  prepared  all  measures 
which  were  to  be  brought  before  the  popular  assembly,  and  had  some 
share  in  the  general  administration  of  the  state.  But  the  most  important 
of  their  functions  was,  that  they  were  judges  in  all  criminal  cases  affecting 
the  life  of  a  Spartan  citizen,  without  being  bound  by  any  written  code. 

The  Popular  Assembly  was  of  httle  importance,  and  appears  to  have 
been  usually  summoned  only  as  a  matter  of  form,  for  the  election  of  certain 
magistrates,  for  passing  laws,  and  for  determining  upon  peace  and  war.  It 
would  ajipear  that  open  discussion  was  not  allowed,  and  that  the  assembly 
rai-ely  came  to  a  division.  Such  a  popular  assembly  as  existed  at  Athens, 
in  which  all  public  measures  were  exposed  to  criticism  and  comment 
would  have  been  contrary  to  one  of  the  first  principles  of  the  Spartan  gov- 
ernment in  historical  times,  which  was  characterized  by  the  extreme 
secrecy  of  all  its  proceedings. 

The  Ephore  may  be  regarded  as  the  representatives  of  the  popular 
assembly.  Tliey  were  elected  annually  from  the  general  body  of  S[)artan 
citizens,  and  seem  to  have  been  originally  apiwinted  to  protect  the  interests 
and  liberties  of  the  people  against  the  encroachments  of  the  kings  and  the 
senate.  They  corresi>ond  in  many  respects  to  the  tribunes  of  the  people 
at  Rome.  Their  functions  were  at  first  limited  and  of  small  importance ; 
but  in  the  end  the  whole  political  power  became  centred  in  their  hands. 
They  were  thus  the  real  riders  of  the  state,  and  their  orders  were  submis- 
sively obeyed  by  all  classes  in  Sparta.  Their  authority  was  of  a  despotic 
natm-e,  and  they  exercised  it  without  responsibility.  They  had  the  entire 
management  of  the  internal  as  well  as  of  the  foreign  affairs  of  the  state ; 


Ttpovaia. 


B.  C.  776.] 


LEGISLATION   OF   LYCURGUS. 


63 


they  formed  a  court  to  decide  upon  causes  of  great  importance ;  they 
dismisse^nyt  their  pleasure  subordinate  magistrates,  and  imposed  upon 
them  fines  and  imprisonment;  they  even  arrested  the  kings,  and  either 
fined  them  on  their  own  authority,  or  brought  them  to  trial  before  the 

senate.  ^  . 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  preceding  account  that  the  Spartan  government 

was  in  reality  a  close  oligarchy,  in  which  the  kings  and  the  senate,  as  weU 

as  the  people,  were  alike  subject  to  the  iiTCsponsible  authority  of  the  five 

Ephors. 

§  11.  The  most  important  part  of  the  legislation  of  Lycurgus  did  not 
relate  to  the  political  constitution  of  Sparta,  but  to  the  discipline  and  edu- 
cation of  the  citizens.  It  was  these  which  gave  Sparta  her  peculiar  char- 
acter,  and  distinguislied  her  in  so  striking  a  manner  from  all  the  other 
states  of  Greece.  In  modern  times  it  has  been  usually  held  that  the  state 
exists  for  the  citizen,  and  that  the  great  object  of  the  state  is  to  secure  the 
Citizen  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  life  and  his  property.  In  Sparta,  on  the 
contrary,  the  citizen  existed  only  for  the  state,  and  was  bound  to  devote  to 
its  honor  and  glory,  not  only  all  his  time,  affections,  and  energies,  but  to 
sacrifice  to  its  interests  his  property  and  his  life.  We  have  akeady  seen 
that  the  position  of  the  Spartans,  surrounded  by  numerous  enemies,  whom 
they  only  held  in  subjection  by  the  sword,  compelled  them  to  be  a  nation 
of  soldiers.  Lycurgus  determined  that  they  should  be  nothing  else ;  and 
the  great  object  of  his  whole  system  was  to  cultivate  a  martial  spirit,  imd 
to  -ive  them  a  training  which  would  make  them  invincible  in  battle.  To 
accomplish  this,  the  education  of  a  Spartan  was  placed  under  the  control  of 
the  state  from  his  earliest  boyhood,  and  he  continued  to  be  under  pubhc 

inspection  to  his  old  age. 

Every  child  after  birth  was  exhibited  to  pubhc  view,  and  if  deemed 
deformed  and  weakly,  and  unfit  for  a  future  life  of  labor  and  fixtigue,  was 
exposed  to  perish  on  Mount  Taygetus.     At  the  age  of  seven  he  ^y^  taken 
from  his  mother's  care,  and  handed  over  to  the  public  classes.     His  train- 
ino-  was  under  the  special  charge  of  an  officer  nominated  by  the  state,    and 
wcas  subject  to  the  general  superintendence  of  the  elders.     He  was  not  only 
tau-lit  all  the  gymnastic  games,  which  would  give  vigor  and  strength  to 
his  body  and  all  the  exercises  and  movements  required  from  the  Lacedie- 
monian  soldiers  in  the  field,  but  he  was  also  subjected  to  severe  bodily 
discipline,  and  was  compelled  to  submit  to  hardships  and  suffering  ^^thout 
repining  or  complaint.     One  of  the  tests  to  which  the  fortitude  of  the 
Si)artan  youths  was  subjected  was  a  cruel  scourging  at  the  altar  of  Ar- 
temis (Diana),  until  their  blood  gushed  forth  and  covered  the  altar  of  the 
goddess.     It  was  inflicted  publicly,  before  the  eyes  of  their  parents  and  m  the 
presence  of  the  whole  city ;  and  many  were  known  to  have  died  under  the 


*  Called  Paedonomus  (waibovofios)- 


i 


K 


64 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  VIL 


lasli  without  uttering  a  complaining  murmur.  No  means  were  neglected 
to  prepare  tliem  for  the  hardships  and  stratagems  of  war.  They  were 
obliged  to  wear  the  same  garment  winter  and  summer,  and  endure  hun- 
ger and  thirst,  heat  and  cold.  They  were  purposely  allowed  an  insuffi- 
cient quantity  of  food,  but  were  permitted  to  make  up  the  deficiency  by 
hunting  in  the  woods  and  mountains  of  Laconia.  They  were  even  en- 
couraged to  steal  whatever  they  could ;  but  if  they  were  caught  in  the 
fact,  they  were  severely  punished  for  their  want  of  dexterity.  Plutarch 
tells  us  a  story  of  a  boy,  who,  having  stolen  a  fox,  and  hid  it  under  his 
garment,  chose  rather  to  let  it  tear  out  his  very  bowels  than  be  detected 
in  the  theft. 

The  literaiy  education  of  a  Spartan  youth  was  of  a  most  restricted  kind. 
He  was  taught  to  despise  literature  as  unworthy  of  a  warrior,  while  the 
study  of  eloquence  and  philosophy,  which  were  cultivated  at  Athens  with 
such  extraordinary  success,  was  rcganled  at  Sparta  with  contempt.  Long 
speeches  were  a  Spartan's  abhorrence,  and  he  was  trained  to  express  him- 
self with  sententious  brevity.  He  was  not,  however,  an  entire  stranger  to 
the  humanizing  influence  of  the  Muses.  He  was  taught  to  sing  and  play 
on  the  lyre  ;  but  the  strains  which  he  learnt  were  either  martial  songs  or 
hymns  to  the  gods.  Hence  the  warlike  poems  of  Homer  were  popular  at 
Sparta  from  an  early  period,  and  are  even  said  to  have  been  introduced 
into  Peloponnesus  by  Lycurgus  himself.  The  poet  Tyrtanis  was  for  the 
same  reason  received  with  high  honors  by  the  Sjiartans,  notwithstanding 
their  aversion  to  strangers ;  while  Archilochus  was  banished  from  the 
country  because  he  had  recorded  in  one  of  his  poems  his  flight  from  the 
field  of  battle. 

A  Spartan  T\-as  not  considered  to  have  reached  the  full  age  of  manhood 
till  he  had  completed  his  thirtieth  year.  He  was  then  allowed  to  marry, 
to  take  part  in  the  public  assembly,  and  was  eligible  to  the  offices  of  the 
state.  But  he  still  continued  under  the  public  discipline,  and  was  not 
permitted  even  to  reside  and  take  his  meals  with  liis  wife.  The  greater 
part,  of  his  time  was  occupied  in  gymnastic  and  military  exercises ;  he 
took  his  meals  with  his  comrades  at  the  |)ubhc  mess,  and  he  slept  at 
night  in  tlie  public  baiTacks.  It  was  not  till  he  h^d  reached  liis  sixtieth 
year  that  he  was  released  from  the  public  discipline  and  from  mihtaiy 
service. 

The  public  mess  —  called  St/sstfia  *  —  is  said  to  have  been  instituted 
by  Lycurgus  to  prevent  all  indulgence  of  the  appetite.  Public  tables  were 
provided,  at  which  every  male  citizen  was  obliged  to  take  his  meals.  Each 
table  accommodated  fifteen  persons,  who  formed  a  separate  mess,  into 
which  no  new  member  was  admitted,  except  by  the  unanimous  consent  of 


Svcro'iria,  that  is,  eating  or  vtessing  together  or  in  common.    The  public  mess  was  also 
called  Phidkia  (ja  *ei6tTta),  or  frugal  meals. 


\ 


B.  C.  776.] 


LEGISLATION   OF   LYCURGUS. 


65 


the  whole  company.  Each  sent  montlily  to  the  comirion  stock  a  specified 
quantity  of  barley-meal,  wine,  cheese,  and  figs,  and  a  little  money  to  buy 
flesh  and  fish.  No  distinction  of  any  kuid  was  allowed  at  these  frugal 
meals.  Meat  was  only  eaten  occasionally  ;  and  one  of  the  principal  dishes 
was  black  broth.  Of  what  it  consisted  we  do  not  know.  The  tyrant 
Dionysius  found  it  very  palatable ;  but,  as  the  cook  told  him,  the  broth 
was  nothing  without  the  seasoning  of  fatigue  and  hunger. 

§  12.  The  Spartan  women  in  their  earUer  years  were  subjected  to  a 
course  of  training  almost  as  rigorous  as  that  of  the  men.     They  were  not 
viewed  as  a  part  of  the  fiimily,  but  as  a  part  of  the  state.     Theu-  great 
duty  was  to  give  Sparta  a  vigorous  race  of  citizens,  and  not  to  discharge 
domestic  and  household  duties.     They  were  therefore  trained  in  gymnastic 
exercises,  and  contended  with  each  other  in  running,  wrestling,  and  Ijox- 
ing.     The  youths  were  present  at  these  exercises,  and  the  maidens  were 
allowed  in  like  manner  to  witness  those  of  the  youths.     The  two  sexes 
were  thus  brought  into  a  close  intercourse  in  a  manner  unknown  to  the 
rest  of  Greece  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  followed  by  any  in- 
jurious consequences,  and  the  morals  of  the  Spartan  women  were  pi-obably 
purer  than  those  of  any  other  females  in  Greece.    At  the  age  of  twenty 
a  Spartan  woman  usually  married,  and  she  was  no  longer  subjected  to  the 
public  discipline.     Ahhough  she  enjoyed  Httle  of  her  husband's  society,  she 
was  treated  by  him  with  deep  respect,  and  was  allowed  a  greater  degree 
of  liberty  than  was  tolerated  in  other  Grecian  states.     Hence  she  took  a 
lively  interest  in  the  welfare  and  glory  of  her  native  land,  and  was  ani- 
mated by  an  earnest  and  lofty  spirit  of  patriotism.     The  Spartan  mother 
had  reason  to  be  proud  of  herself  and  of  her  children.     When  a  woman 
of  another  country  said  to  Gorge,  the  wife  of  Leonidas,  "  The  Spartan 
women  alone  rule  the  men,"  she  replied,  "  The  Spartan  women  alone 
bring  forth  men."     Their  husbands  and  their  sons  were  fired  by  their  sym- 
pathy to  deeds  of  heroism,  and  were  deterred  from  yielding  to  the  foe  by 
the  certain  reproaches  and  contempt  which  awaited  them  at  their  domestic 
hearths.     "  Return  either  with  your  shield,  or  upon  it,"  was  their  exhor- 
tation to  their  sons,  when  going  to  battle  ;  and  after  the  fatal  day  of  Leuc- 
tra,  those  mothers  whose  sons  had  fiiUen  returned  thanks  to  the  gods ;  while 
those  were  the  bitter  sufferers  whose  sons  had  survived  that  disgracefiil 
day.     The  triumphant  resignation  of  a  Spartan  mother  at  the  heroic  death 
of  her  son,  and  her  fierce  wrath  when  he  proved  a  recreant  coward,  are 
well  expressed  in  two  striking  poems  of  the  Greek  Anthology:  — 

"  Eight  sons  Demseneta  at  Sparta's  call 
Sent  forth  to  fight;  one  tomb  received  them  all. 
No  tear  she  shed  but  shouted, '  Victory  ! 
Sparta,  I  bore  them  but  to  die  for  thee.'  " 

"  A  Spartan,  his  companion  slam, 
Alone  from  battle  fled; 


66  HISTORY   OF   GREECE.  [ChAP.  VIL 

His  mother,  kindling  with  disdain   ' 

That  she  had  borne  him,  struck  him  dead; 
For  courage  and  not  birth  alone, 
In  Sparta,  testifies  a  son !  "  » 

§13.  One  of  the  most  celebrated  measures  ascribed  to  Lycurgus  by 
later  writers  was  his  redivision  of  the  land  of  tlie  country.  It  is  related 
that  the  disordei*s  of  the  state  arose  mainly  from  the  gross  inequality  of 
property :  the  greater  part  of  the  land  was  in  the  hands  of  a  few  rich 
men,  whilst  the  majority  of  the  people  were  left  in  hopeless  misery.  In 
onler  to  remedy  this  fearful  state  of  things,  he  resolved  to  make  a  new 
division  of  lands,  that  the  citizens  miglit  all  live  together  in  perfect  equali- 
ty. Accoi-dingly,  he  redistributed  the  territory  belonging  to  Sparta  into 
nine  thousand  equal  lots,  and  the  remainder  of  Laconia  into  thirty  thou- 
sand equal  lots,  and  assigned  to  each  Spartan  citizen  one  of  the  former  of 
these  lots,  and  to  each  Perioccus  one  of  the  latter. 

It  is,  however,  very  questionable  whether  Lycurgus  ever  made  any 
division  of  the  landed  property  of  Laconia.  It  is  not  mentioned  by  any  of 
the  earlier  writers,  and  we  find  in  historical  times  great  inequality  of 
property  among  the  Spartans.  It  is  suggested  with  great  probability  by 
Mr.  Grote,  that  the  idea  of  an  equal  division  of  landed  property  by  Lycur- 
gus seems  to  have  arisen  in  the  third  century  before  the  Cluistian  era, 
when  an  attempt  was  made  by  Agis  and  Cleomenes,  kings  of  Sparta,  to 
rescue  their  country  fi-om  the  state  of  degradation  into  which  it  had 
sunk.  From  the  time  of  the  Persian  war,  the  number  of  the  Spartan  citi- 
zens was  constantly  declining,  and  the  property  accumulating  in  a  few 
hands.  The  number  of  citizens,  reckoned  by  Herodotus  at  eight  thousand, 
had  dwindled  down  in  the  time  of  Aristotle  to  one  thousand,  and  had  been 
still  further  reduced  in  that  of  Agis  to  seven  hundred ;  and  in  the  reign 
of  this  king  one  hundred  alone  possessed  nearly  the  whole  of  the  landed 
property  in  the  state,  while  the  remainder  were  miserably  poor.  At 
the  same  time  the  old  discipline  had  degenerated  into  a  mere  form  ;  num- 
bers of  strangers  had  settled  in  the  city ;  and  Sparta  had  long  lost  her  an- 
cient influence  over  her  neighbors.  The  humiliating  condition  of  their 
country  roused  Agis  and  other  ardent  spirits  to  endeavor  to  restore  Sparta 
to  her  former  glories ;  and  for  this  purpose  they  resolved  to  establish  again 
the  discipline  of  Lycurgus  in  its  pristine  vigor,  and  to  make  a  fresh  divis- 
ion of  the  landed  property.  Agis  perished  in  liis  attempt  to  carry  these 
reforms  into  effect ;  but  a  similar  revolution  was  shortly  afterwards  ac- 
complished by  Cleomenes.  It  was  in  the  state  of  pubhc  feeling  which 
gave  birth  to  the  projects  of  Agis  and  Cleomenes,  that  the  idea  arose  of 
an  equal  division  of  property  having  been  one  of  the  ancient  institutions 
of  their  great  lawgiver.    The  discipline  and  education  of  Lycurgus  tended 


B.  C.  776.] 


LEGISLATION   OF  LYCURGUS. 


67 


See  Anthohgia  Polyghtta,  edited  by  Dr.  Wellesley,  pp.  191,  202. 


greatly  to  introduce  equality  among  the  rich  and  the  poor  in  their  habits 
and  enjoyments ;  and  hence  we  can  easily  understand  how  this  equality 
suggested  to  a  subsequent  age  an  equaUty  of  property  as  likewise  one  of 
the  institutions  of  Lycurgus. 

§  14.  It  has  been  already  remarked,  that  the  Spartans  were  not  allowed 
to  en-a-e  in  any  trade  or  manufactures ;  and  that  all  occupations,  pursued 
for  the  sake  of  gain,  were  left  in  the  hands  of  the  Periocci.     We  are  told 
that  Lycurgus  therefore  banished  from  Sparta  all  gold  and  sdver  money, 
and  allowed  nothing  but  bars  of  iron  to  pass  in  exchange  for  every  com- 
modity.     It  is,  however,  absurd  to  ascribe  such  a  regulation  to  Lycurgus, 
since  silver  money  was  first  coined  in  Greece  by  Pheidon  of  Argos  in  the 
succeeding  generation,  and  gold  money  was  first  coined  in  Asia,  and  was 
very  little  known  in  Greece,  even  in  the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 
In  this  case,  as  in  others,  the  usage  of  later  times  was  converted  into  a 
primitive  institution  of  the  lawgiver.     As  the  Spartans  were  not  allowed 
to  enga-e  in  commerce,  and  aU  luxury  and  display  in  dress,  furmture,  and 
food  was  forbidden,  they  had  very  little  occasion  for  a  circulatmg  medium, 
and  iron  money  was  found  sufficient  for  their  few  wants.    But  this  prohi- 
bition  of  the  precious  metals  only  made  the  Spartans  more  anxious  to  ob- 
tain them ;  and  even  m  the  tunes  of  their  greatest  glory  the  Spartans  were 
the  most  venal  of  the  Greeks,  and  could  rarely  resist  the  temptation  of  a 

pecuniary  bribe.  . 

The  Spartans  were  averse  to  all  changes,  both  in  their  government  and 
their  customs.  In  order  to  preserve  their  national  diameter  and  the 
primitive  simplicity  of  their  habits,  Lycurgus  is  said  to  have  forbidden  all 
stran-ers  to  reside  at  Sparta  without  special  permission.  For  the  same 
reason  the  Spartans  were  not  aUowed  to  go  abroad  without  leave  of  the 

magistrate. 

Caution  was  also  another  characteristic  of  the  Spartans.  Hence  we  are 
told  that  they  never  pursued  an  enemy  farther  than  was  necessary  to  make 
themselves  sure  of  the  victory.  They  were  also  forbidden  by  Lycurgus  to 
make  frequent  war  upon  the  same  foes, 'lest  the  latter  should  learn  then: 

peculiar  tactics.  .      ,      j         ex, 

§  15  The  city  of  Sparta  was  never  fortified,  even  m  the  days  of  her 
greatest  power,  and  continued  to  consist  of  five  distinct  quarters,  which 
were  originally  separate  villages,  and  which  were  never  united  into  one 
re<nilar  town.  It  is  said  that  Lycurgus  had  commanded  them  not  to  sur- 
round their  city  with  walls,  but  to  trust  for  their  defence  to  their  owii 
military  prowess.  Another  and  a  better  reason  for  the  absenc^  of  walls  is 
to  be  sought  in  the  admirable  site  of  the  city,  in  the  midst  of  a  territory  • 
ahnost  maccessible  to  invaders.  The  northern  and  western  frontiei^  of 
Laconia  were  protected  by  lofly  ranges  of  mountains,  through  which  there 
were  only  a  few  difficult  passes;,  while  the  rocky  nature  of  its  eastern 
coast  protected  it  from  invasion  by  sea.     Sparta  was  situated  inland,  m 


p- 


IK 


I 


is 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.VIL 


tlie  middle  of  the  valley  of  the  Eurotas ;  and  all  the  principal  passes  of 
Laconia  led  to  the  city,  which  was  thus  placed  in  the  best  position  for  the 
defence  of  the  country.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  one  of  the  causes  of 
the  Spartan  power  is  to  be  traced  to  the  strength  of  its  frontiers  and  to  the 
site  of  Sparta  itself. 

§  16.  The  legislation  of  Lycurgus  was  followed  by  important  results.  It 
made  the  Spartans  a  body  of  professional  soldiers,  well  trained  and  well 
disciplined,  at  a  time  when  military  training  and  discipline  were  little 
known,  and  almost  unpractised  in  the  other  states  of  Greece.  The  conse- 
quence  was  the  rapid  growth  of  the  political  power  of  Sparta,  and  the  sub- 
jugation of  the  neighboring  states.  At  the  time  of  Lycurgus  the  Spartans 
held  only  a  small  portion  of  Laconia :  they  were  merely  a  garrison  in  the 
heart  of  an  enemy's  country.  Their  first  object  was  to  make  themselves 
masters  of  Laconia,  in  which  they  finally  succeeded  after  a  severe  struggle. 
The  military  ardor  and  love  of  war  which  had  been  implanted  in  them  by 
the  institutions  of  Lycurgus  continued  to  animate  them  after  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Laconia,  and  led  them  to  seek  new  conquests.  We  have  already 
seen  that  they  offered  a  successful  resistance  to  the  formidable  power  of 
Pheidon  of  Argos.  They  now  began  to  cast  longing  eyes  upon  the  posses- 
sions of  their  Dorian  brethren  in  Messenia,  and  to  meditate  the  conquest 
of  that  fertile  country. 


I . 


HeadofLyciirgas. 


CHAP.Vm.] 


HISTORY   OF   SPARTA. 


69 


Early  Greek  Armor,  from  Vase-Paintings. 


CHAPTER   Vin. 

HISTORY  OF  SPARTA.  — THE  MESSENIAN,  ARCADIAN,  AND  ARGIVE  WARS. 

i  1  Authorities  for  the  History  of  the  Messenian  War.  §  2.  The  First  llesseiilsm  War,  b.  c. 
743  -  724  §  3.  The  Second  Messenian  War,  b.  c.  685  -  668.  Aristomenes,  the  Messenian 
Hero  and  Tyrtaeus,  the  Spartan  Hero,  of  this  War.  §  4.  Wars  between  the  Spartans 
and  Arcadians.  Conquest  of  the  Southern  Part  of  Arcadia  by  Sparta.  War  between 
Sparta  and  Tegea.  §  5.  Wars  between  the  Spartans  and  Argives.  Battle  of  the  Three 
Hundred  Champions  to  decide  the  Possession  of  Cyuuria. 

§  1.  The  early  wars  of  Sparta  were  carried  on  against  the  Messenians, 
Arcadians,  and  Argives.  They  resulted  in  making  Sparta  the  undisputed 
mistress  of  two  thirds  of  Peloponnesus,  and  the  most  powerful  of  the 
Grecian  states.  Of  these  wars  the  two  waged  against  Messenia  were  the 
most  celebrated  and  the  most  important.  They  were  both  long  protracted 
and  obstinately  contested.  They  both  ended  in  the  victory  of  Sparta, 
and  in  the  subjugation  of  Messenia.  These  facts  are  beyond  dispute, 
and  arc  attested  by  the  contemporary  poet  Tyrtieus.  But  of  the  details 
of  these  wars  we  have  no  trustworthy  narrative.  The  account  of  them 
which  is  inserted  in  most  histories  of  Greece  is  taken  from  Pausanias, 
a  writer  who  lived  in  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era.  He 
derived  his  narrative  of  the  first  war  from  a  prose  writer  of  the  name 
of  Myron,  who  did  not  live  eariier  than  the  third  century  before  the  Chris- 
tian era;  and  he  took  his  account  of  the  second  from  a  poet  called 
Rhianus,  a  native  of  Crete,  who  lived  about  b.  c.  220.  Both  these  writers 
were  separated  fi-om  the  events  which  they  narrated  by  a  period  of  five 


<1 


a 
if 


68 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  VII. 


the  middle  of  the  valley  of  the  Eurotas ;  and  all  the  principal  passes  of 
Laconia  led  to  the  city,  which  was  thus  placed  in  the  best  position  for  the 
defence  of  the  coiiiitry.  Tliere  can  be  no  doubt  that  one  of  the  causes  of 
the  Spartan  power  is  to  be  traced  to  the  strength  of  its  frontiers  and  to  the 
site  of  Si)ai*ta  itself, 

§  16.  The  legislation  of  Lycurgus  was  followed  by  important  results.  It 
made  the  S[>aitans  a  lx»dy  of  professional  soldiers,  well  trained  and  well 
disciplined,  at  a  time  when  military  training  and  discipline  w^ere  little 
known,  and  almost  unpractised  in  the  other  states  of  Greece.  The  conse- 
quence was  the  rapid  growth  of  the  j)olitical  power  of  Sparta,  and  the  sub- 
jugation of  the  neighboring  states.  At  the  time  of  Lycurgus  the  Spartans 
held  only  a  small  portion  of  Laconia :  tliey  were  merely  a  garrison  in  the 
heart  of  an  enemy's  country.  Their  first  object  was  to  make  themselves 
masters  of  Laconia,  in  which  they  finally  succeeded  after  a  severe  struggle. 
Tlie  military  ardor  and  love  of  war  which  had  been  implanted  in  them  by 
the  institutions  of  Lycurgus  continued  to  animate  them  after  the  sulyuga- 
tion  of  Laconia,  and  led  them  to  seek  new  conquests.  AVe  have  already 
seen  that  tlicy  offered  a  successful  resistance  to  the  fonnidable  jwwer  of 
Plieidon  of  Argos.  They  now  began  to  cast  longing  eyes  upon  the  posses- 
sions of  their  Dorian  brethren  in  Messenia,  and  to  meditate  th$  conquest 
<iftha|lertae„;i!!iptiy. 


HeadofLrcurgns* 


Chap.  VIII.] 


HISTORY    OF   SPARTA. 


69 


Early  Greek  Armor,  from  Vase-Paintings. 


CHAPTER   Vin. 


fflSTORY  OF  SPARTA.  —  THE  MESSENIAX,  ARCADIAN,  AND  ARGIVE  WARS. 

4  1.  Authorities  for  the  Historj^  of  the  ]Me«soniiin  War.  §  2.  The  First  Messeiiian  War,  b.  c. 
743  -  T''  4  v^  3  The  Sccoii-l  Messeniaii  War,  r..  c.  G85  -  008.  Ari>toineiies,  the  Messemau 
Hero  and  Tyrtrens,  the  Spartan  Hero,  of  this  War.  §  4.  Wars  between  the  Spartans 
and  Arcadians.  Conquest  of  the  Southern  Part  of  Arca.lla  by  Sparta.  War  between 
Sparta  and  Tegca.  §  5.  Wars  between  the  Spartans  and  xVrgivcs.  Battle  of  the  Three 
Hundred  Champions  to  decide  the  Possession  of  Cynuria. 

§  1.  The  early  wars  of  Sparta  were  carricnl  on  acralnst  the  ]Me?i=:enians, 
Arcadians,  and  Ar-ivcs.  They  resulted  in  making  Sparta  the  nndisputed 
mi^tr«^^s  of  two  thirds  of  l\l()i)onnesu<,  and  the  mo-^t  powerful  of  the 
Grecian  states.  Of  these  wars  tlie  two  wa.L^ed  against  ^Messenia  were  the 
most  celebrated  and  the  most  important.  They  were  both  long  protracted 
and  obstinately  contested.  They  botli  ended  in  the  victory  of  Sparta, 
and  in  the  subjugation  of  ^Messenia.  These  focts  are  beyond  dispute, 
and  are  attested  l)y  the  contemporary  poet  Tyrtanis.  But  of  the  details 
of  these  wars  we  have  no  trustworthy  narrative.  The  account  of  them 
which  is  inserted  in  most  histories  of  Greece  is  taken  from  Pausanias, 
a  writer  who  lived  in  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era.  He 
derived  his  narrative  of  the  first  war  from  a  prose  writcn-  of  the  name 
of  Myron,  who  did  not  live  earlier  than  the  third  century  Ix'fore  the  Chris- 
tian era;  and  he  took  his  account  of  tlie  second  from  a  poet  called 
Rhianus,  a  native  of  Crete,  who  Uved  about  n.  c.  220.  Both  these  writers 
were  separated  from  the  events  which  they  narrated  l)y  a  period  of  five 


70 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  VHI. 


B.  C.  685.] 


SECOND   MESSENIAN   WAR* 


71 


hundred  yewrs,  and  probably  derived  their  materials  from  the  stories  cur- 
rent among  the  Messenians  after  their  restoration  to  their  native  land  by 
Epaminondas.  Infonnation  of  an  historical  chai-acter  could  not  be  ex- 
pected from  the  work  of  Rhianus,  wliich  was  an  epic  poem  celebrating  the 
exploits  of  the  great  hero  Aristomenes.  We  must  not,  therefore,  receive 
the  common  account  of  the  Messenian  wars  as  a  real  history ;  and  we 
shall  consequently  give  only  a  brief  outline  of  the  narrative  of  Pausanias. 
The  dates  of  the  two  wars  cannot  be  fixed  with  certainty.  Pausanias 
makes  the  first  last  from  b.  c.  743  to  722,  and  the  second  from  b.  c.  G85 
to  668.     Both  of  these  dates  are  probably  too  early. 

§  2.  The  i*eal  cause  of  the  first  Messenian  war  was  doubtless  the  lust  of 
the  Spartans  for  the  fertile  ferritories  of  their  neigliboi*s.  But  its  origin 
is  narrated  in  the  following  manner.  On  the  heights  of  Mount  Tayge- 
tus,  which  separated  the  two  kingdoms,  there  was  a  temple  of  Artemis 
(Diana),  common  to  the  Spartans  and  Messenians.  It  was  here  that  the 
Spartan  king,  Telechis,  was  slain  by  the  Messenians ;  but  the  two  people 
gave  a  different  version  of  the  cause  of  his  death.  The  Spartans  asserted 
that  Telechis  was  murdered  by  the  Messenians,  while  he  was  attempting 
to  defend  some  Spartan  virgins,  whom  he  wiis  conducting  to  the  temple, 
from  the  insults  of  the  Messenian  youth.  The  Messenians,  on  the  other 
hand,  averred  that  Telechis  had  dressed  up  young  men  as  virgins  with  con- 
cealed daggers,  and  that  Teledus  was  slam  in  the  affray  which  ensued  upon 
the  discovery  of  the  plot.  The  war  did  not,  however,  immediately  break 
out ;  and  the  direct  cause  of  it  was  owing  to  a  private  quarrel.  Polychaix?s, 
a  distinguished  Messenian,  who  had  gained  the  prize  at  the  Olympic 
games,  had  been  grossly  injured  by  the  Spartan  Eua^phnus,  who  had 
robbed  him  of  his  cattle  and  murdered  his  son.  Being  unable  to  obtain 
redress  from  the  Spartan  government,  Polychares  took  the  revenge  into 
his  own  liands,  and  killed  all  the  Laceda?monians  that  came  in  his  way. 
The  Spartans  demanded  tlie  surrender  of  Polychares,  but  the  Messenians 
refused  to  give  liim  up.  Thereupon  the  Spartans  determined  uj)on  ^var. 
They  silently  prepared  their  forces ;  and  witliout  any  formal  declaration  of 
war,  they  crossed  the  frontier,  surprised  the  fortress  of  Amphea,  and  put 
the  inliabiraiits  to  the  sword. 

Thus  commenced  the  first  Messenian  war.  Euphaes,  who  was  then 
king  of  Messenia,  carried  on  the  war  with  energy  and  vigor.  For  the  first 
four  years  the  Lacedai-monians  made  little  progi*ess ;  but  in  the  fifth  a  great 
battle  was  i'ought,  and  although  its  result  was  indecisive,  the  Messenians 
did  not  venture  to  risk  another  engagement,  and  retired  to  the  strongly 
fortified  mountain  of  Ithome.  In  their  distress  they  sent  to  consult  the 
oracle  at  Delphi,  and  received  the  appalling  answer,  that  the  salvation  of 
Messenia  requin'tl  the  sacrifice  of  a  virgin  of  the  house  of  iEpytus  *  to  the 

»  The  royal  family  of  Me-jsenui  was  descended  from  Jlpvtus,  who  was  a  sou  of  Cres- 
phontes. 


gods  of  the  lower  world.    Aristodemus  offered  his  own  daughter  as  the 
victim ;  but  a  young  Messenian,  who  loved  the  maiden,  attempted  to  save 
her  life  by  declaring  that  she  was  about  to  become  a  mother.     Her  fatliei, 
enra-ed  at  this  assertion,  killed  his  daughter  with  his  o>>ti  hand  and  opened 
her  body  to  refute  the  calumny.     Although  the  demands  of  the  oracle  had 
not  been  satisfied,  since  this  was  a  murder  and  not  a  sacrifice,  the  Spar- 
tans  were  so  disheartened  by  the  news,  that  they  abstained  from  attackmg 
the  Messenians  for  some  years.     In  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  war,  the  Spar- 
tan  kin-,  Theopompus,  marched  against  Ithome,  and  a  second  gi'cat  battle 
was  fou-ht,  but  the  result  was  again  indecisive.     Euphaes  fell  m  the  ac- 
tion •  and  Ai-istodemus,  who  was  chosen  king  in  his  place,  prosecuted  the 
war  with  vigor  and  ability.     In  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign  a  third  great 
battle  was  fou-ht,  in  which  the  Corinthians  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Spar- 
tans, and  the  Arcadians  and  Sicyonians  on  the  side  of  the  Messenians. 
This  time  the  Messenians  gained  a  decisive  victory,  and  the  LacedaBinom- 
ajis  were  driven  back  into  their  own  territory.     They  now  sent  to  ask 
advice  of  the  Delphian  oracle,  and  were  promised  success  upon  usmg 
strata-em.     They  therefore  had  recourse  to  fraud;  and  at  the  same 
tune  various  prodigies  dismayed  the  bold  spirit  of  Ai-istodemus      His 
dau-hter  too  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  showed  to  him  her  wounds,  and 
summoned  him  away.     Seeing  that  his  country  was  doomed  to  destruction, 
Aristodemus  slew  himself  on  his  daughter's  tomb.     Shortly  afterwards,  m 
the  twentieth  year  of  the  war,  the  Messenians  abandoned  Ithome    which 
the  Laceda3monians  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  whole  country  became 
subject  to  Sparta.     Many  of  the  inhabitants  fled  into  Aiyadia,  and  the 
priestly  families  withdrew  to  Eleusis,  in  Attica.     Those  who  remained  m 
Ihe  country  were  treated  with  great  severity.    They  were  reduced  to  the 
condition  of  Helots,  and  were  compelled  to  pay  to  then-  masters  half  of  the 
produce  of  their  lands.    This  is  attested  by  the  authority  of  Tyrta^us  who 
says,  "Like  asses  worn  down  by  heavy  burdens,  they  were  compelled  to 
make  over  to  their  masters  an  entire  half  of  the  produce  of  their  fields, 
and  to  come  in  the  garb  of  woe  to  Sparta,  themselves  and  then-  wives,  as 
mourners  at  the  decease  of  the  kings  and  principal  persons." 

§  3    For  thirty-nine  years  the  Messenians  endured  this  degradmg  yoke. 
At  the  end  of  this  time  (b.  c  G85)  they  took  up  arms  against  their  op- 
pressors,  having  found  a  leader  in  Aristomenes,  of  Andama,  sprung  from 
the  royal  Une  of  ^pytus.     The  exploits  of  this  hero  form  the  great  sub- 
iect  of  the  second  Messenian  war.     It  would  appear  that  most  of  the  states 
in  Peloponnesus  took  part  in  this  struggle.     The  Argives,  Arcadians 
Sicyonians,  and  Pisatans  were  the  principal  allies  of  the  Messenians  ;  bu 
the  Corinthians  sent  assistance  to  Sparta.     The  first  battle  was  fought 
before  the  arrival  of  the  allies  on  either  side ;  and  though  it  was  mdecisive, 
the  valor  of  Ai-istomenes  struck  fear  into  the  hearts  of  the  Spartans      To 
frighten  the  enemy  still  more,  the  hero  crossed  the  frontier,  entered  Sparta 


71 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[CflAP.  vni 


B.  C.  668.] 


SECOND   MESSENIAN  WAR. 


73 


h 


by  night,  and  affixed  a  shield  to  the  temple  of  Athena  Chalcioecus  (Mi- 
nerva of  the  Brazen  House),  with  the  inscription,  "  Dedicated  by  Aris- 
tomenes  to  the  goddess  from  the  Spartan  spoils." 

The  Spartans  in  alarm  sent  to  Delphia  for  advice.  The  god  bade  them 
apply  to  Athens  for  a  leader.  Fearing  to  disobey  the  oracle,  but  with 
the  view  of  rendering  no  real  assistance,  the  Athenians  sent  Tyrtaius  of 
Aphidna?,  who  is  represented  in  the  popular  legend  as  a  lame  man  and  a 
schoolmaster.  The  Spartans  received  their  new  leader  with  due  honor ; 
and  he  was  not  long  in  justifying  tlie  credit  of  the  oracle.  His  martial  songs 
roused  the  fainting  courage  of  the  Spartans,  and  animated  them  to  new 
efforts  against  the  foe.*  The  Spartans  showed  their  gratitude  by  making 
him  a  citizen  of  their  state.  So  etficacious  were  his  poems,  that  to  them 
is  mainly  ascribed  the  final  success  of  the  Spartans.  Hence  he  appears 
as  the  great  hero  of  Sparta  during  the  second  Messenian  war.  Some  of 
his  celebrated  songs  have  come  down  to  us,  and  the  following  war-march 
is  a  specimen: — 

"  To  the  field,  to  the  field,  gnllant  Spartan  band, 
Worthy  sons,  like  your  sires,  of  our  warlike  land! 
Let  each  arm  be  prepared  for  its  part  in  the  fight, 
Fix  the  shield  on  the  left,  poise  the  spear  with  the  right, 
Let  no  care  for  your  lives  in  your  bosoms  find  place, 
No  such  care  knew  the  heroes  of  old  Spartan  race."  f 

Encouraged  by  the  strains  of  Tyrtajus,  the  Spartans  again  marched 
against  the  Messenians.     But  they  were  not  at  first  successful.     A  great 
battle  was  fouglit  at  the  Boards  Grave  in  the  plain  of  Stenyclerus,  in  which 
the  allies  of  both  sides  were  present.     The  Spartans  were  defeated  with 
great  loss ;  and  the  Messenian  maidens  of  a  later  day  used  to  sing  how 
*'  Airistomenes  pursued  the  flying  Lacedajmonians  down  to  the  mid-plain 
of  Stenyclerus,  and  up  to  the  very  summit  of  the  mountain."     In  the  third 
year  of  the  war  another  great  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  Messenians 
suffered  a  signal  defeat,  in  consequence  of  tiie  treachery  of  Aristocrates, 
the  king  of  the  Arcadian  Orcliomenus.     So  great  wtis  the  loss  of  the 
Messenians,  tliat  Aristomenes  no  longer  ventured  to  meet  the  Spartans  in 
the  open  field;  he  therefore  resolved  to  follow  the  example  of  the  Mes- 
senian leaders  in  the  former  war,  and  concentrate  his  strength  in  a  forti- 
fied spot.     For  this  purpose  he  chose  the  mountain  fortress  of  Ira,  and 
there  he  continued  to  prosecute  the  war  for  eleven  years.     The  Spartans 
encamped  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain ;  but  Aristomenes  frequently  sallied 
from  his  fortress,  and  ravaged  the  lands  of  Laconia  with  fire  and  sword. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  relate  all  the  wonderful  exploits  of  tliis   hero  in 
his  various  incursions.    Thrice  did  he  offer  to  Jove  Ithomates  the  sacri- 


*  "  Tyrtfeusque  mares  animos  in  Martia  bella 
Versibus  exacnit."  —  Hor.  Ar$  PotU  402. 


t  Mure's  Historj-  of  Greek  Literature,  Vol.  IIL  p.  195. 


fice  called  Hecatomphonia,  reserved  for  the  warrior  who  had  slain  a 
hundred  enemies  with  his  own  hand.     Thrice  he  was  taken  prisoner ;  on 
two  occasions  he  burst  his  bonds,  but  on  the  third  he  was  cai'ried  to  Spar- 
ta, and  thi-o^vn  with  his  fifty  companions  into  a  deep  pit,  called  Ceadas. 
His  comrades  were  all  killed  by  the  fall ;  but  Aristomenes  reached  the 
bottom  unhurt.      He  saw,  however,  no  means  of  escape,  and  had  re- 
signed liimself  to  death  ;  but  on  the  third  day,  perceiving  a  fox  creeping 
among  the  bodies,  he  grasped  its  tail,  and,  followang  the  animal  as  it  strug- 
gled to  escape,  discovered  an  opening  in  the  rock.     Through  the  favor 
of  the  gods  the  hero  thus  escaped,  and  on  the  next  day  was  again  at  Ira, 
to  the ''surprise  alike  of  friends  and  foes.     But  his  single  prowess  was 
not  sufficient  to  avert  the  ruin  of  his  country  ;  he  had  incuiTcd,  moreover, 
the  anger  of  the  Dioscuri  or  the  Twin  gods  ;  and  the  fiivor  of  Heaven  was 
therefcTre  turned  from  him.     One  night  the  Spartans  surprised  Ira,  while 
Aristomenes  was  disabled  by  a  wound ;  but  he  collected  the  bravest  of 
his  followers,  and  forced  his  way  through  the  enemy.     He  took  refuge  in 
Arcadia,  where  \g  was  hospitably  received ;  but  the  plan  which  he  had 
formed  for  surprising  Sparta  was  betrayed  by  Aristocrates,  whom  his 
countrymen  stoned  for  his  treachery. 

Many  of  the  exiled  Messenians  went  to  Rhegium;  in  Italy,  under  the 
sons  of  Aristomenes,  but  the  hero  himself  finished  his  days  in  Rhodes. 
His  memory  long  lived  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen  ;  and  later  legends 
related,  that  in  the  fatal  battle  of  Leuctra,  which  destroyed  for  ever  the 
Lacedajmonian  power,  the  hero  was  seen  scattering  destruction  among  the 

Spartan  troops. 

The  second  Messenian  war  was  terminated  by  the  complete  subjugation 
of  the  Messenians,  who  again  became  the  serfs  of  their  conquerors  (b.  c. 
668).  In  this  condition  they  remained  till  the  restoration  of  their  inde- 
pendence by  Epameinondas,  in  the  year  369  b.  c.  During  the  whole  of  the 
intervening  period  the  Messenians  disappear  from  history.  The  coun- 
try called  Messenia  in  the  map  was  in  reality  a  portion  of  Laconia,  which, 
after  the  second  Messenian  war,  extended  across  the  South  of  Peloponne- 
sus from  the  eastern  to  the  western  sea. 

§  4.  Of  the  history  of  the  wars  between  the  Spartans  and  Arcadians  we 
have  fewer  details.  The  Spartans  made  various  attempts  to  extend  their 
dominion  over  Arcadia.  Hence  the  Arcadians  afforded  assistance  to  the 
Messenians  in  their  struggle  against  Sparta,  and  they  evinced  their  sym- 
pathy for  this  gallant  people  by  putting  to  death  Aristocrates  of  Orchome- 
nus,  as  has  been  akeady  related.  The  conquest  of  Messenia  was  prob- 
ably followed  by  the  subjugation  of  the  southern  part  of  Arcadia.  We 
know  that  the  northern  frontier  of  Laconia,  consisting  of  the  districts 
called  Sciritis,  Beleminatis,  Maleatis,  and  Caryatis,  originally  belonged 
to  Arcadia,  and  was  conquered  by  the  Lacedemonians  at  an  early  period. 

The  Lacedajmoniims,  however,  did  not  meet  with  equal  success  in  their 

10 


74 


HISTORY   OP   GREECE. 


[Chap.  VIII. 


! 


attempts  against  Tegea.  This  city  was  situated  in  the  southeastern  corner 
of  Arcadia,  on  the  very  frontier  of  Lawnia.  It  possessed  a  brave  and  war- 
like popuhition,  and  defied  the  Spartan  power  for  more  than  two  centu- 
ries. As  early  as  the  reign  of  Charilaiis,  the  nephew  of  Lycurgus,  the 
Lacedemonians  had  invaded  the  territory  of  Tegea ;  but  they  were  not 
only  defeated  with  great  loss,  but  this  king  was  tiiken  prisoner  with  all 
his  men  who  had  survived  the  battle.  Long  aftenvards,  in  the  reign  of 
Leon  and  Agesicles  (about  b.  c.  580),  the  Lacedannonians  again  mjirched 
against  Tegea,  but  were  again  defeated  witli  great  loss,  and  were  com- 
pelled to  work  as  slaves  in  the  very  chains  which  they  Iiad  brought  with 
them  for  the  Tegeatans.  For  a  whole  generation  their  arms  continued 
unsuccessful ;  but  in  the  reign  of  Anaxandrides  and  Ariston,  the  succes- 
sors of  Leon  and  Agesicles  (about  B.  c.  5C0),  they  were  at  length  able  to 
bring  the  long-protracted  struggle  to  a  close.  In  their  distress,  they  had 
apphed  as  usual  to  the  Delphic  oracle  for  advice,  and  had  been  promised 
success  if  they  could  obtain  the  bones  of  Orestes,  the  son  of  Agamemnon. 
The  directions  of  the  god  enabled  them  to  find  the  remains  of  the  hero  at 
Tegea:  and  by  a  skilful  stratagem  one  of  theu-  citizens  succeeded  in  car- 
r}'ing  the  holy  relics  to  Sparta.  The  tide  of  the  war  now  turaed.  The 
Tegeatans  were  constantly  defeated,  and  were  at  length  obhged  to  ac- 
knowledge the  supremacy  of  Sparta;  They  were  not,  however,  reduced 
to  subjection,  like  the  Messenians.  They  still  continued  masters  of  their 
own  city  and  territory,  and  only  became  dependent  allies  of  Sparta. 

§  5.  Tlie  history  of  the  early  struggle  between  Argos  and  Sparta  is 
quite  unknown.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  whole  eastern  coast  of 
Peloponnesus  had  originally  belonged  to  Argos,  or  the  confederacy  over 
which  this  city  presided.  The  Lacedaemonians,  however,  succeeded  not 
only  in  conquering  all  the  eastern  coast  of  Laconia,  but  also  m  aimexing 
to  their  territoiy  the  district  of  Cynuria,*  on  their  northern  frontier,  which 
had  originally  formed  part  of  the  dominions  of  Argos.  It  is  uncertain  at 
what  time  the  Lacediemonians  obtained  this  important  acquisition ;  but 
the  attempt  of  the  Argives  to  recover  it  in  547  b.  c.  led  to  one  of  the  most 
celebrated  combats  in  early  Grecian  history.  It  was  agreed  between  the 
Lacedaemonians  and  Argives  that  the  iwssession  of  the  territory  sliould  be 
decided  by  a  combat  between  three  hundred  chosen  champions  on  either 
side.  So  fierce  was  the  conflict,  that  only  one  Si)artan  and  two  Argives 
survived.  The  latter,  supposing  that  all  their  opponents  had  been  slain, 
hastened  home  Avith  the  news  of  victory ;  but  Othryades,  the  Spartan  war- 
rior, remained  on  the  field,  and  sjwiled  the  dead  bodies  of  the  enemy. 
Both  sides  claimed  the  victory,  whereupon  a  general  battle  ensued,  in 
which  the  Argives  were  defeated.     The  brave  Othryades  slew  himself  on 


*  The  plain  called  Thyreatls,  from  the  town  of  Thyrea,  was  the  most  important  part  of 
pynaria. 


B.  C.  547.] 


WAR   BETWEEN   SPARTA  AND   ARGOS. 


7a 


the  field  of  battle,  being  ashamed  to  return  to  Sparta  as  the  one  survivor 
of  her  three  hundred  champions.  This  victory  secured  the  Spartans  in 
the  possession  of  Cynuria,  and  effectually  humbled  the  power  of  Argos. 

Sparta  was  now  by  far  the  most  powerful  of  the  Grecian  states.  Her 
own  territory,  as  we  have  already  seen,  included  the  whole  southern  por- 
tion of  Peloponnesus ;  the  Arcadians  were  her  subject  allies ;  and  Argos 
had  suffered  too  much  from  her  recent  defeat  to  offer  any  further  resist- 
ance to  her  formidable  neighbor.  North  of  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  there 
was  no  state  whose  power  could  compete  with  that  of  Spaita.  Athens  was 
still  suffering  from  the  civil  dissensions  which  had  led  to  the  usurpation  of 
Peisistratus,  and  no  one  could  have  anticipated  at  this  time  the  rapid  and 
extraordinary  growth  of  this  state,  which  rendered  her  before  long  the 
rival  of  Sparta. 


f 


Messene. 


74 


HISTORY   OF    GKEECE. 


[ClIAP.  VIII. 


B.  C.  547.] 


WAR   BETWEEN   SPARTA  AND   ARGOS. 


mm  m 

7o 


attempts  against  Togca.  This  city  was  situated  in  the  soutlicasteni  coi-ner 
of  Ai'cadia,  on  the  wvy  frontier  of  Laeonia.  It  i)osscss(;d  a  hrave  and  war- 
like iH>puIation,  and  defi<'d  the  Spartan  ix)wer  for  more  than  two  centu- 
ries. As  <arly  as  tlie  reign  of  Charihius,  the  nephew  of  Lyeurgns,  tlie 
Laeeda'nionians  had  invade<l  tlie  territory  of  Tegea ;  but  they  were  not 
only  defeated  with  gi-eat  loss,  but  tliis  king  was  taken  jirisoner  witli  all 
llis  men  who  had  survived  the  battle.  Long  afterwards,  in  the  reign  of 
Leon  and  Agesicles  (about  B.  c.  ;jS(>),  the  Laeeda'inonians  again  niarehcd 
against  T(  gca,  but  were  again  defeated  with  great  loss,  and  were  eom- 
pellcd  to  work  as  slaves  in  the  very  chains  which  they  had  brought  with 
them  for  the  Tegeatans.  For  a  whole  generation  their  anns  continued 
unsuecessfid ;  but  in  the  reign  of  Anaxanilrides  and  Aiiston,  the  sueces- 
soi-s  of  Leon  and  Agesides  (about  b.  c.  5G0),  they  were  at  length  able  to 
bring  tlie  long-protracted  struggle  to  a  close.  Li  their  distress,  they  had 
applir'd  as  usual  to  the  Delphic  oracle  for  advice,  and  had  been  [>roniised 
success  it'  they  couM  obtain  the  liones  of  Orestes,  the  son  of  Againeninon. 
The  directions  of  the  go«l  enabled  them  to  find  the  remains  of  the  hero  at 
Tegea:  and  by  a  skilful  stratagem  one  of  their  citizens  succeeded  in  car- 
rying the  Iioly  relics  to  Sparta.  The  tide  of  the  war  now  turned.  The 
Tegeatans  were  constantly  defeatetl,  ami  were  at  length  obliged  to  ac- 
knowledge tlie  supremacy  of  Si (arta.  They  were  not,  however,  reduced 
to  subji'ction,  like  the  Messenians.  They  still  continued  masters  of  their 
own  city  and  territory,  and  only  became  de])endent  allies  of  Sparta. 

§  t>.  The  history  of  the  early  struggle  between  Argos  and  Si)arta  is 
quite  unknown.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  whole  eastern  coast  of 
Peloi>oniK'sus  had  originally  belonged  to  Argos,  or  the  confed<'racy  over 
which  this  city  presided.  The  Laeeda'inonians,  however,  succeeded  not 
only  in  eoiKiuering  all  the  eastern  coast  of  Laeonia,  but  also  in  annexing 
to  their  territory  the  district  of  Cynuria,*  on  their  northern  frontier,  which 
bad  originally  formed  j)art  of  the  dominions  of  Argos.  It  is  uncertain  at 
what  time  the  Laceda-monians  obtained  this  important  acquisition  ;  but 
the  attemi)t  of  the  Argives  to  recover  it  in  ")  17  u.  c.  led  to  one  of  the  most 
celebrated  combats  in  early  Grecian  history.  It  was  agreed  between  the 
Lacedamonians  and  Argives  that  the  jiossession  of  the  territory  should  bo 
deciiled  by  a  comliat  between  three  hundred  chosen  chami)ions  on  either 
side.  So  fieix-e  was  tlie  conflict,  that  only  one  S[>artan  and  two  Argives 
8ui*\ived.  The  latter,  su[>posing  tliat  all  their  opponents  had  been  slaui, 
hastened  home  with  the  news  of  victory ;  but  Olhryades,  the  Spartan  war- 
rior, remained  on  the  fu -Id,  and  spoiled  the  dead  bodies  of  the  enemy. 
Both  sides  claimed  the  victory,  whereujjon  a  general  battle  ensued,  in 
which  the  Argives  werc  defeated.     The  brave  Othryades  slew  himself  on 


the  field  of  battle,  being  ashamed  to  return  to  Sparta  as  the  one  survivor 
of  her  three  hundred  champions.  This  victory  secured  the  Spartans  in 
the  possession  of  Cynuria,  and  effectually  humbled  the  power  of  Ar«ros. 

Sparta  was  now  by  far  the  most  powerful  of  the  Grecian  states.  Her 
own  territory,  as  we  have  already  seen,  included  the  whole  southern  por- 
tion of  Peloponnesus ;  the  Arcadians  were  her  subject  allies ;  and  Ai-gos 
had  suffered  too  much  from  her  recent  defeat  to  offer  any  further  resist- 
ance to  her  formidable  neighbor.  North  of  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  there 
was  no  state  whose  power  could  compete  with  that  of  Sjiarta.  Athens  was 
still  surtering  from  the  civil  dissensions  which  had  led  to  the  usurpation  of 
l*eisistratus,  and  no  one  could  have  anticipated  at  this  time  the  rapid  and 
extraordinary  growth  of  this  state,  which  rendered  her  before  long  the 
rival  of  Sparta. 


Messene. 


*  The  plain  called  Thj-reatis,  from  the  town  of  HjBwa,  was  the  most  important  pRrt  of 
Cynuria. 


■J 


76 


mSTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chat,  is: 


'f 


Leaden  Sliiig-bullets  and  Arrow-heads,  found  at  Athens,  Marathon,  and  Leontini. 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE  AGE   OF  THE  DESPOTS. 

f  1.  Abolition  of  Royalty  throughout  Greece,  except  in  Sparta.  §  2.  Establishment  of  the 
Oligarchical  Governments.  {  3.  Overthrow  of  the  Oligarchies  by  the  Despots.  Character 
of  the  Despots,  and  Causes  of  their  Fall.  4  4.  Contest  between  Oligarchy  and  Democ- 
racy on  the  Removal  of  the  Despots.  §  5.  Despots  of  Sicyon.  History  of  Cleisthenes. 
§  6.  Despots  of  Corinth.  History  of  Cypselns  and  Periander.  §  7.  Conflicts  of  tho 
Oligarchical  and  Democratical  Parties  at  Megara.  Despotism  of  Theagenes.  The  Poet 
Theognis. 


§  1.  Sparta  was  the  only  state  in  Greece  which  continued  to  retain  the 
kingly  fonn  of  government  during  the  brilliant  period  of  Grecian  history. 
In  all  other  parts  of  Greece  royalty  had  been  abolished  at  an  early  age, 
and  various  forms  of  republican  government  established  in  its  stead.     In 
all  of  these,  though  differing  widely  from  each  other  in  many  of  their  insti- 
tutions, hatred  of  monarchy  was  a  universal  feeling.     This  change  in  the 
popular  mind  deserves  our  consideration.    In  the  Heroic  Age,  as  we  have 
ah-eady  seen,  monarchy  was  the  only  form  of  government  known.     At  the 
head  of  every  state  stood  a  king,  who  had  derived  his  authority  from  the 
gods,  and  whose  commands  were  reverently  obeyed  by  his  people.     The 
only  check  upon  his  authority  was  the  council  of  the  chiefs,  and  even  they 
rarely  ventured  to  interfere  with  his  rule.     But  soon  after  the  commence- 
ment of  the  first  Olympiad  this  reverential  feeling  towards  the  king  dis- 
appears, and  his  authority  and  his  functions  are  transferred  to  the  council 
of  chiefs. 

This  important  revolution  was  owing  mainly  to  the  smallness  of  the 
Grecian  states.  It  must  be  constantly  remembered  that  each  political 
coiAmunity  consisted  only  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  single  city.  Among  so 
smaU  a  body  the  king  could  not  surround  himself  with  an^^  iK)mi»  or 


Chap.  IX.] 


THE   GRECIAN  DESPOTS. 


77 


mystery.  He  moved  as  a  man  among  his  fellow-men ;  his  faults  and  his 
foibles  became  known  to  all ;  and  as  the  Greek  mind  developed  and  en- 
larged itself,  his  subjects  lost  all  belief  in  his  divine  right  to  their  obedience. 
They  had  no  exlent  of  territory  which  rendered  it  advisable  to  maintain  a 
king  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  their  union ;  and  consequently,  when 
they  lost  respect  for  his  person,  and  faith  in  his  divine  right,  they  abolished 
the  dignity  altogether.  This  change  appears  to  have  been  accomplished 
without  any  sudden  or  violent  revolutions.  Sometimes,  on  the  death  of  a 
king,  his  son  was  acknowledged  as  ruler  for  life,  or  for  a  certain  number 
of  years,  with  the  title  of  Archon  ;  *  and  sometimes  the  royal  race  was  set 
aside  altogether,  and  one  of  the  nobles  was  elected  to  supply  the  place  of 
the  king,  with  the  title  of  Prytanis^  or  President.f  In  all  cases,  however, 
the  new  magistrates  became  more  or  less  responsible  to  the  nobles ;  and  in 
course  of  time  they  were  elected  for  a  brief  period  from  the  whole  body  of 
the  nobles,  and  were  accountable  to  the  latter  for  the  manner  m  which  they 
discharged  the  duties  of  their  office. 

§  2.  The  abolition  of  royalty  was  thus  followed  by  an  Oligarchy,  or  the 
govemment  of  the  Few.  This  was  the  first  form  of  republicanism  in 
Greece.  Democracy,  or  the  govemment  of  the  Many,  was  yet  unknown ; 
and  the  condition  of  the  general  mass  of  the  freemen  appears  to  have  been 
unaftected  by  the  revolution.  But  it  paved  the  way  to  greater  changes. 
It  taught  tlie  Greeks  the  important  principle  that  the  political  power  was 
vested  in  the  citizens  of  the  state.  It  is  true  tliat  these  were  at  first  only 
a  small  portion  of  the  freemen ;  but  their  number  might  be  enlarged ;  and 
the  idea  could  not  fail  to  occur,  that  the  power  which  had  been  transferred 
from  the  One  to  the  Few  might  be  still  further  extended  from  the  Few  to 
the  Many. 

The  nobles  possessed  the  greater  part  of  the  land  of  the  state,  and  were 
hence  frequently  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Geomori  or  Gamori.t 
Their  estates  were  cultivated  by  a  rural  and  dependent  population ;  whilst 
they  themselves  lived  in  the  city,  and  appear  to  have  formed  an  exclu- 
sive order,  transmitting  their  privileges  to  their  sons  alone.  But  besides 
this  governing  body  and  their  rustic  dependents,  there  existed  two  other 
classes,  consisting  of  small  landed  proprietors,  who  cultivated  their  fields 
with  their  own  hands,  and  of  artisans  and  traders  residing  in  the  town. 
These  two  classes  were  constantly  increasing  in  numbers,  wealth,  and  intel- 
ligence, and,  consequently,  began  to  demand  a  share  in  the  government, 
from  which  they  had  hitherto  been  excluded.  The  ruling  body  meantune 
had  remained  stationary,  or  had  even  declined  in  numbei*s  and  in  wealth ; 
and  they  had  excited,  moreover,  the  discontent  of  the  people  by  the  arbi- 
trary and  oppressive  manner  in  which  they  had  exercised  their  authority. 
But  it  was  not  from  the  people  that  the  oligarcliies  received  then-  first  and 


%  T€a)fi6poi  (Ionic),  TayiOpoi  (Doric),  land-oumers. 


I  UpvraviS' 


i 


r 


78 


mSTORT  OP   GREECE. 


[Chap.  IX 


greatest  blow.    They  were  generally  overthrown  by  the  usurpers,  to 
whom  the  Greeks  gave  the  name  of  Tyrants.* 

§  3.  The  Greek  wonl  Tyrant  does  not  correspond  in  meaning  to  the 
same  word  in  the  English  language.  It  signifies  simply  an  irresponsible 
ruler,  and  may  therefore  be  more  correctly  rendered  by  the  term  Despot 
The  rise  of  the  Desjjots  seems  to  have  taken  place  about  the  same  time  in 
a  lai-ge  number  of  the  Greek  cities.  Tliey  begin  to  appear  in  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  century  b.  c;  and  in  the  course  of  the  next  hundred  and 
fifty  years  (from  b.  c.  650  to  500)  there  were  few  cities  in  the  Grecian 
world  wliich  escaped  this  revolution  in  their  government.  The  gix)wing 
discontent  of  the  general  body  of  the  people  afforded  facilities  to  an  am- 
bitious citizen  to  overthrow  the  existing  oligarchy,  and  to  make  himself  su- 
preme ruler  of  the  state.  In  most  cases  the  despots  belonged  to  the  nobles, 
but  they  acquired  their  power  in  various  ways.  The  most  frequent  man- 
ner in  which  they  became  masters  of  the  state  was  by  esjiousing  the  cause 
of  the  commonalty,  and  making  use  of  the  strength  of  the  latter  to  put  down 
the  oligarchy  by  force.  Sometimes,  but  more  rarely,  one  of  the  nobles, 
who  had  been  raised  to  the  chief  magistracy  for  a  temporary  period, 
availed  himself  of  his  position  to  retam  his  dignity  permanently,  in  spite  of 
his  brother  nobles.  There  was  another  class  of  irresiK)nsible  rulers  to 
whom  the  name  of  JEsymmtes,^  or  Dictator,  was  given.  The  supreme 
power  was  voluntarily  intrusted  to  him  by  the  citizens,  but  only  for  a 
limited  period,  and  in  order  to  accomplish  some  important  object,  such  as 
reconciling  the  various  factions  in  the  state. 

The  government  of  most  of  the  desi)ots  was  oppressive  and  cruel.  In 
many  states  they  were  at  first  jwpular  with  the  general  body  of  the  citi- 
zens, who  had  raised  them  to  power  and  were  glad  to  see  the  humiliation 
of  their  former  masters.  But  discontent  soon  began  to  arise;  the  despot 
had  recoui-se  to  violence  to  put  down  disaffection,  and  thus  became  an 
object  of  hatred  to  his  fellow-citizens.  In  order  to  protect  himself  he 
called  in  the  aid  of  foreign  troops,  and  took  up  his  residence  in  the  acropolis, 
sun-ounded  by  his  mercenaries.  The  most  illustrious  citizens  were  now 
exiled  or  put  to  death,  and  the  government  became  in  reality  a  tyranny  in 
the  modern  sense  of  the  word.  Some  of  these  despots  erected  magnificent 
public  works,  either  to  gratify  their  own  love  of  splendor  and  display,  or 
with  the  express  view  of  mipoverishing  their  subjects.  Others  were 
patrons  of  literature  and  art,  and  sought  to  gain  popularity  by  inviting 
literary  men  to  their  court.  But  even  those  who  exercised  then-  sover- 
eignty with  moderation  were  never  able  to  retain  their  popularity.  The 
assumption  of  irresponsible  power  by  one  man  had  become  abhorrent  to 
the  Greek  mind.  A  j^erson  thus  raismg  himself  above  the  law  was  con- 
sidered to  have  forfeited  all  title  to  the  protection  of  the  law.  He  was 
regarded  as  the  greatest  of  criminals,  and  his  assassination  was  viewed  as  a 


*  Tvpauvtn* 


\  AlffviJiv^Tris, 


B.  C.595.^ 


THE   DESPOTS    OF   SICTON. 


79 


righteous  and  holy  act.  Hence  few  despots  grew  old  in  their  government ; 
still  fewer  bequeathed  their  power  to  their  sons ;  and  very  rarely  did  the 
dynasty  continue  as  long  as  the  third  generation. 

§  4.  Many  of  the  despots  in  Greece  were  put  down  by  the  Lacedde- 
monians.  The  Spartan  government,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  essen- 
tially an  oligarchy ;  and  the  Spartans  were  always  ready  to  lend  their 
powerful  aid  to  the  support  or  the  establishment  of  the  government  of  the 
Few.  Hence  they  took  an  active  part  in  the  overthrow  of  the  despots, 
with  the  intention  of  establishing  the  ancient  oligarchy  in  their  place. 
But  this  rarely  happened;  and  they  thus  became  unintentional  instru- 
ments in  promoting  the  principles  of  the  popular  party.  The  rule  of  the 
despot  had  broken  down  the  distinction  between  the  nobles  and  the  general 
body  of  freemen ;  and  upon  the  removal  of  the  despot  it  was  found  impos- 
sible in  most  cases  to  reinstate  the  fonner  body  of  nobles  in  their  ancient 
privileges.  The  latter,  it  is  true,  attempted  to  regam  them,  and  were  sup- 
ported in  their  attempts  by  Sparta.  Hence  arose  a  new  struggle.  The 
first  contest  after  the  abolition  of  royalty  was  between  oligarchy  and  the 
despot ;  the  next,  which  now  ensued,  was  between  oligarchy  and  democracy. 

The  history  of  Athens  will  affoixl  the  most  striking  illustration  of  the 
different  revolutions  of  which  we  have  been  speakmg;  but  there  are 
some  examples  in  the  other  Greek  states  which  must  not  be  passed  over 
entirely. 

§  5.  The  city  of  Sicyon,  situated  to  the  west  of  the  Corinthian  Isthmus, 
was  governed  by  a  race  of  despots  for  a  longer  period  than  any  other 
Greek  state.  Their  dynasty  lasted  for  a  hundred  years,  and  is  said  to 
have  been  founded  by  Orthagoras,  about  b.  c.  676.  This  revolution  is 
worthy  of  notice,  because  Orthagoras  did  not  belong  to  the  oligarchy.  The 
latter  consisted  of  a  portion  of  the  Dorian  conquerors ;  and  Orthagoras, 
who  belonged  to  the  old  inhabitants  of  the  country,  obtained  the  power  by 
the  overthrow  of  the  Dorian  oligarchy.  He  and  his  successors  were  doubt- 
less supported  by  the  old  population,  and  this  was  one  reason  of  the  long 
continuance  of  their  power.  The  last  of  the  dynasty  was  Cleisthenes,  who 
was  celebrated  for  his  wealth  and  magnificence,  and  who  gained  the  vic- 
tory in  the  chariot-race  in  the  Pythian  and  Olympic  games.  He  aided  the 
Amphictyons  in  the  sacred  war  against  Cirrha  (b.  c.  595),  and  he  was  also 
engaged  in  hostilities  with  Argos.  But  the  chief  point  in  his  history 
which  claims  our  attention  was  his  systematic  endeavor  to  depress  and  dis- 
honor the  Dorian  tribes.  It  has  been  already  remarked,*  that  the  Dorians 
in  all  their  settlements  were  divided  into  the  three  tribes  of  Hylleis, 
Pamphyli,  and  Dymanes.  These  ancient  and  venerable  names  he  changed 
into  new  ones,  derived  from  the  sow,  the  ass,  and  the  pig,t  while  he  de- 
clared the  superiority  of  his  own  tribe  by  giving  it  the  designation  of 

*  Above,  Chap.  VII.  §  7. 

t  HyatsB  ('Yarot),  Oneat®  QOv€aTtu)j  Choereate  (Xoipfoxiu). 


■ 


it 

'     j 
J     1 


I  \ 


80 


mSTOST   OP  GREECE. 


XChap.  IX. 


If 


Archelai,  or  lords  of  the  people.  Cleisthenes  appears  to  have  continued 
despot  till  his  death,  which  may  be  placed  about  b.  c.  560.  The  dynasty 
perished  \vith  him.  He  left  no  son ;  but  his  daughter  Agarista,  whom  so 
many  suitors  wooed,  was  married  to  the  Athenian  Megacles,  of  the  great 
family  of  the  Alcmaeonidai,  and  became  the  mother  of  Cleisthenes,  the 
founder  of  the  Athenian  democracy  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Peisistratidse. 
§  6.  The  despots  of  Corinth  were  still  more  celebrated.  Their  dynasty 
lasted  seventy-four  years.  It  was  founded  by  Cypselus,  who  overthrew 
the  oligarchy  called  the  Bacchiadoe  in  b.  c.  655.  His  mother  belonged 
to  the  Bacchiadae ;  but  as  none  of  the  race  would  marry  her  on  account 
of  her  lameness,  she  espoused  a  man  who  did  not  belong  to  the  ruling 
class.  The  Bacchiadaj,  having  learnt  that  an  oracle  had  declared  that 
the  issue  of  this  marriage  would  prove  their  ruin,  endeavored  to  mur- 
der the  child;  but  his  mother  preserved  hun  in  a  chest,  from  which 
he  derived  his  name.*  When  he  had  grown  up  to  manhood  he  came 
forward  as  the  champion  of  the  people  against  the  nobles,  and  with  their 
aid  expelled  the  Bacchiadae,  and  established  himself  as  despot.  He  held 
his  power  for  thirty  years  (b.c.  655-625),  and  transmitted  it  on  his 
death  to  his  son  Periander.  His  government  is  said  to  have  been  mild 
and  popuW. 

The  sway  of  Periander,  on  the  other  hand,  is  universally  represented  as 
oppressive  and  cruel.  iMany  of  the  tales  related  of  hun  may  be  regarded 
as  the  calumnies  of  his  enemies ;  but  there  is  good  reason  for  believing  that 
he  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron.  The  way  in  wliich  he  treated  the  nobles  is 
illustrated  by  a  well-known  tale,  which  has  been  transferred  to  the  early 
history  of  Rome.  Soon  after  his  accession  Periander  is  said  to  have  sent 
to  Thrasybulus,  despot  of  Miletus,  to  ask  him  for  advice  as  to  the  best 
mode  of  maintaining  his  power.  Without  givmg  an  answer  in  writing, 
Thrasybulus  led  the  messenger  through  a  corn-field,  cutting  off,  as  he  went, 
the  tallest  ears  of  com.  He  then  dismissed  the  messenger,  telling  him  to 
mform  his  master  how  he  had  found  him  employed.  The  action  was 
rightly  interpreted  by  Periander,  who  proceeded  to  rid  himself  of  the 
powerful  nobles  of  the  state.  The  anecdote,  whether  true  or  not,  is  an 
indication  of  the  common  opinion  entertained  of  the  government  of  Peri- 
ander. We  are  further  told  tlmt  he  protected  his  person  by  a  body-guard 
of  mercenaries,  and  kept  all  rebellion  in  check  by  his  rigorous  measures. 
It  is  admitted  on  all  hands  that  he  possessed  great  ability  and  military 
skill;  and,  however  oppressive  his  government  may  have  been  to  the 
citizens  of  Corinth,  he  raised  the  city  to  a  state  of  great  prosperity  and 
power,  and  made  it  respected  alike  by  friends  and  foes.  Under  his  sway 
Corinth  was  the  wealthiest  and  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  commercial 
communities  of  Greece ;  and  at  no  other  period  in  its  history  does  it  appear 
in  so  flourishing  a  condition.     In  his  reign  many  important  colonies  were 


♦  Cypselus  from  csgmli  (icv^'Xiy),  a  chest 


B.  C.  600.J  THE  DESPOTS   OP   CORINTH  AND   MEGARA. 


81 


founded  by  Corinth  on  the  coast  of  Acamania  and  the  surrounding  islands 
and  coaSts,  and  his  sovereignty  extended  over  Corcyra,  Ambracia,  Leucas, 
and  Anactorium,  all  of  which  were  independent  states  in  the  next  genera- 
tion. Corinth  possessed  harbors  on  either  side  of  the  Isthmus,  and  the 
customs  and  port-dues  were  so  considerable,  that  Periander  required  no 
other  source  of  revenue. 

Periander  was  also  a  warm  patron  of  literature  and  art.  He  welcomed 
the  poet  Arion  and  the  philosopher  Anacharsis  to  his  court,  and  was  num* 
bered  by  some  among  the  Seven  Sages  of  Greece. 

The  private  life  of  Periander  was  marked  by  great  misfortunes,  which 
embittered  liis  latter  days.  He  is  said  to  have  killed  his  wife  Melissa  in 
a  fit  of  anger ;  whereupon  his  son  Lycophron  left  Corinth  and  withdrew 
to  Corcyra.  The  youth  continued  so  incensed  against  his  father  that  he 
refused  to  return  to  Corinth,  when  Periander  in  his  old  a«e  bejrjred  him 
to  come  back  and  assume  the  government.  Finding  him  inexorable, 
Periander,  who  was  anxious  to  insure  the  continuance  of  his  dynasty,  then 
offered  to  go  to  Corcyra,  if  Lycophron  would  take  his  place  at  Corinth. 
To  this  his  son  assented;  but  the  Corcyrajans,  fearing  tlie  stem  rule  of  the 
old  man,  put  Lycophron  to  death. 

Periander  reigned  forty  years  (b.  c.  625  -  585).  He  was  succeeded  by 
a  relative,  Psammetichus,  son  of  Gorgias,  who  only  reigned  between  three 
and  four  years,  and  is  said  to  have  been  put  down  by  the  Lacedaemonians. 
§  7.  During  the  reign  of  Periander  at  Corfnth,  Tlieagenes  made  liimself 
despot  in  the  neighboring  city  of  Megara,  probably  about  b.  c.  G30.  He 
overthrew  the  oligarchy  by  espousing  the  popular  cause ;  but  he  did  not 
maintain  his  power  till  his  death,  and  was  driven  from  the  government 
about  B.  c.  600.  A  struggle  now  ensued  between  the  oligarchy  and  the 
democracy,  which  was  conducted  with  more  than  usual  violence.  The 
popular  party  obtained  the  upper  hand,  and  abused  their  victory.  The 
poor  entered  the  houses  of  the  rich,  and  forced  them  to  provide  costly 
banquets.  They  confiscated  the  property  of  the  nobles,  and  drove  most  of 
them  into  exile.  They  not  only  cancelled  their  debts,  but  also  forced  the 
aristocratic  creditors  to  refund  all  the  interest  which  had  been  paid.  But 
the  expatriated  nobles  returned  in  arms  and  restored  the  oligarchy.  They 
were,  however,  again  expelled,  and  it  was  not  till  after  long  struggles  and 
convulsions  that  an  oligarchical  government  was  permanently  established 
at  Megara. 

These  Megarian  revolutions  are  interesting  as  a  specimen  of  the  stmg- 
gles  between  the  oligarchical  and  democratical  parties,  which  seem  to  have 
taken  place  in  many  other  Grecian  states  about  the  same  time.  Some 
account  of  them  is  given  by  the  contemporary  poet  Theognis,  who  himself 
belonged  to  the  oligarchical  party  at  Megara.  He  was  born  and  spent 
his  life  in  the  midst  of  these  convulsions,  and  most  of  his  poetry  was  com- 
posed at  the  time  when  the  oligarchical  party  was  oppressed  and  in  exile. 

11 


I 


i 


^;' 


Oifi 


HISTORY  OF  OREECB. 


[Chap.  IX. 


In  bis  poems  the  nobles  are  the  goody  and  the  commons  the  had,  terms 
which  at  that  period  were  regularly  used  in  this  political  signification,  and 
not  in  their  later  ethical  meaning.*  We  find  in  his  poems  some  interest- 
ing descriptions  of  the  social  changes  which  the  popular  revolution  had 
effected.  It  had  rescued  the  country  population  fi*oni  a  condition  of  abject 
poverty  and  serfdom,  and  had  given  them  a  share  in  the  government 

"  Our  commonwealth  preserves  its  former  fame: 
Onr  common  people  are  no  more  the  same. 
They  that  in  skins  and  hides  were  rudely  dressed, 
Nor  dreamt  of  law,  nor  sought  to  be  redressed 
By  rules  of  right,  but  in  the  days  of  old 
Lived  on  the  land,  like  cattle  in  the  fold, 
Are  now  the  Brave  and  Good;  and  we,  the  rest, 
Are  now  the  Mean  and  Bad,j  though  once  the  best." 

An  aristocracy  of  wealth  had  also  begun  to  spring  up  in  place  of  an  aris- 
tocracy of  birth,  and  intermarriages  had  taken  place  between  the  two 
parties  in  the  state. 

**  But  in  the  daily  matches  that  we  make 
The  price  is  everything  ;  for  money's  sake 
Men  marry,  —  Women  are  in  marriage  given  ; 
The  Bad  or  Ccnca7xl,f  that  in  wealth  has  thriven, 
May  match  his  offspring  with  the  proudest  race: 
Thus  everything  is  mixed,  noble  and  base." 

Theognis  lost  his  property  in  the  revolution,  and  had  been  driven  into 
exile ;  and  the  following  lines  show  the  ferocious  spirit  which  sometimes 
animated  the  Greeks  in  their  party  struggles. 

"  Yet  my  full  wish,  to  drink  their  very  blood. 
Some  power  divine,  that  watches  for  my  good. 
May  yet  accomplish.    Soon  may  he  fulfil 
My  righteous  hope, —my  just  and  hearty  will."  { 

These  Sicyonian,  Corinthian,  and  Megarian  despots  were  some  of  the 
most  celebrated ;  and  their  history  will  serve  as  samples  of  what  took 
place  in  most  of  the  Grecian  states  in  the  seventh  and  sixth  centuries 
before  the  Christian  era. 

*  It  should  be  recollected  that  the  terras  oi  aya&olj  iarffkoi,  /3cXTt<rroi,  Sec.  are  fre 
quently  used  by  the  Greek  writers  to  signify  the  nobles,  and  oi  Koieot,  5f  tXot,  &c.  to  signify 
^e  commons.    The  Latin  writers  employ  in  like  manner  boni^  opUmateSy  and  maH 

t  All  these  terms  are  used  in  their  political  signification. 

X  The  preceding  extracts  from  Theognis  are  taken  from  the  translation  of  the  poet  pub 
lished  by  Mr.  Frere  at  Malta  in  1842. 


Ck>in  of  Corinth. 


f 


/ 


Chap.  X.] 


EARLY  HISTORT   OF  ATHENS. 


83 


Croesus  on  the  Funeral  Pile.    (See  p.  95.)  -  From  an  Ancient  Vase. 


CHAPTER  X. 

EARLY  HISTORY  OP  THE   ATHENIANS    DOWN   TO    THE   USURPATION  OP 

PEISISTRATUS. 

*  Thf^f  "'fj" °a1v«  ""  'fJ^f  Independent  States,  said  to  have  been  united  by 
^  Z"r  tL! T  ,2"  "f  **  ^*'"'"''-  (I-)  Eupatrid^e,  Geomori,  Demiurgi. 
Jlnbes  into  Tnttyes  and  Nancrariaj,  and  into  Phrati™  and  Gene  or  Gentes     4  K   TI,. 

wZr  ^he  r?  '^  f '  """^  "'  '""  ^"'"""<"^-    Tl.e  ^'ine^r.:ns  Ld  thei 
Sanctions     The  Senate  of  Areopagus.    4  6.  The  Legislation  of  Draco     f,  7   The  cZ 

epimcy  of  Cylon.    His  Failure,  and  Massacre  of  his  Partisans  by  m^J.  the  ^cmT 

omd.    Kxpulsion  of  the  Alcmceonidis.    ^  8.  Visit  of  E,,imerde,  to  Afte„?    mt^^' 

Snr  uf  foJ !;  Tri^r  ^  "•  «--f  Atrtrtreur^^sowf-i^t 

Biation.    §  n.  Solon  elected  Archon,  b.  c.  694,  with  Legislative  Power«     4  12    Hk 
SeuacWhem  or  Disburdening  Ordinance.    «  13.   His  Constifutional  ChL^k  *  Lsfo„ 

ina  e^ftoVr°HuLTd     ?T'  ■"""''""'  *"  "■""  ''"'^^^    *  '^-   I-sS,^tion  o™he 
aenate  of  Four  Hundred.    Enlargement  of  the  Powers  of  the  Areopa<ais     The  Ath^ni  J 

^eruMent  continues  aj,  Oligarchy  after  the  Time  of  Solon.    4  uX'siLral  Uws  o" 
tf  Solon.        ^'"'T™™'»»f  «<"»''•    4"-  CsurpationofPeisistratus.   KetSmandDelft 

SI.  The  history  of  Athens  before  the  age  of  Solon  is  almost  a  blank. 
Its  legendary  teles  are  few,  its  historical  facts  stiU  fewer.     Cecrops,  the 


I'l 


Kf 


BISTORT  OF  GREECK. 


[Crap.  IX 


In  Ma  poems  the  nobles  are  the  good,  and  the  commons  the  had,  terms 
which  at  that  period  were  regularly  used  in  this  political  signification,  and 
not  in  their  later  ethical  meaning.*  We  find  in  his  poems  some  interest- 
ing descriptions  of  the  social  changes  which  the  popular  revolution  had 
effected.  It  had  rescued  the  country  population  from  a  condition  of  abject 
poverty  and  serfdom,  and  had  given  them  a  share  in  the  government. 

"  Our  commonwealth  preserves  its  former  fame: 
Our  common  people  are  no  more  the  same. 
They  that  in  skins  and  hides  were  mdely  dressed, 
Nor  dreamt  of  law,  nor  sought  to  be  redressed 
By  mles  of  right,  bnt  in  the  days  of  old 
Liyed  on  the  land,  like  cattle  in  the  fold, 
Are  now  the  Brave  and  Good;  and  we,  the  rest. 
Are  now  the  Mean  and  Bad,^  though  once  the  best.** 

An  aristocracy  of  wealth  had  also  begun  to  spring  up  in  place  of  an  aris- 
tocracy of  birth,  and  intermarriages  had  taken  place  between  the  two 
parties  in  the  state. 

"^  But  in  the  daily  matches  that  we  make 
The  price  is  everything  ;  for  money's  sake 
Men  marry,  —  Women  are  in  marriage  given  ; 
The  Bad  or  Oimi^f  that  in  wealth  has  thriven. 
May  match  his  offspring  with  tlie  proudest  race: 
Thus  everything  is  mixed,  noble  and  base." 

Theognis  lost  his  property  in  the  revolution,  and  had  been  driven  into 
exile ;  and  the  following  lines  show  the  ferocious  spirit  which  sometimes 
animated  the  Greeks  in  their  party  struggles. 

"  Yet  my  full  wish,  to  drink  their  very  blood. 
Some  power  divine,  that  watches  for  my  good, 
May  yet  accomplish.    Soon  may  he  fulfil 
My  righteous  hope, —my  just  and  hearty  will."  t 

These  Sicyonian,  Corinthian,  and  Megarian  despots  were  some  of  the 
most  celebrated ;  and  their  history  will  serve  as  samples  of  what  took 
place  in  most  of  the  Grecian  states  m  the  seventh  and  sixth  centuries 
before  the  Christian  era. 


» It  should  be  recollected  that  the  terms  oi  ayaBoi,  fcrffXoi,  ^Xthttoi,  &c.  are  fp© 
quently  used  by  the  Greek  writers  to  signify  the  nobles,  and  oi  icaicoi,  dctXot,  Sec.  to  signify 
l^e  commons.    Tlie  Latin  writers  employ  in  like  manner  boniy  qptimaUs,  and  maU. 

t  All  these  terms  are  used  in  their  political  signification. 

t  The  preceding  extracts  fixnn  Theognis  are  taken  from  the  translation  of  the  poet  pub 
Ibhed  by  Mr.  Frere  at  Malta  in  1842. 


C!6iii  of  Gorintli. 


K/nJLPt  Jv. J 


EARLY  niSTORX   OF  ATHENS. 


8d 


f 


Croesus  on  the  Funeral  Pile.    (See  p.  95.)-  From  an  Ancient  Vase. 


CHAPTER  X 

EARLY  mSTORY  OF  THE   ATHENIANS    DOWN   TO    THE   USURPATION  OP 

PEISISTRATUS. 

*  Thf^f  ^'JTaJT"  '^ Vf"  '"/"P^--^™'  states,  said  to  lutve  been  umt«d  by 
IT  L  J^^"^  °^  ''''y*"y-  ^'f^  ^hons.  Decennial  Arcljon.  Annu^ 
f^Zr  ^l^''fl<^»;™-»f'''«  Athenians.    (1.)  E„patrid«,  Gt^ri:DeX^ 

inbes  mto  Tnttyes  and  Naucrarix,  and  into  Phratri;e  and  Gene  or  Gentes     i  5   Th. 

^^X"'  "::L!?r  """"^  1  «.e  E„p„,Hd..    The  Nine SL  Ld  tLi 
functions.    The  Senate  of  Areopagus.    4  6.  The  Legislation  of  Draco     5  7   The  Con 
spimcy  of  Cylon.    His  Failure,  and  Massacre  of  his  Partisans  bv  Jfe^ile    the  ilm^ 
omd.    Expulsion  of  the  AlcmieonidiE.    §8.  Visit  of  EpimerdeTto  Afte,?    Hi^     «' 

sr  uf  t J !;  T.  "['f-  *  "■  ^'»'^  of  AtZiui:  4n:':^sot.rT:^ 

r!-     ^'.u '        ^  ""  ^^^^  Archon,  B.  c.  694,  with  Legislative  Powers     S  12    HU 
ffTp.:r^f"^""'T«^"''™'«=^-    *  "•   His  Constifutional  China's.  ^  otvisfon 

^ena^  of  Four  Hundred.    Enlargement  of  the  Powers  of  the  Areopagus.    The  Athenian 
Government  continues  an  Oligarchy  after  the  Time  of  Solon.    5  15    l^e  SpecW  LawTo^ 

SI.  l^E  history  of  Athens  before  the  age  of  Solon  is  ahnost  a  blank. 
Its  legendary  tales  are  few,  its  historical  facts  stiU  fewer.     Ceciops,  the 


I  . 


V 


11^ 


84 


HISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  X. 


first  ruler  of  Attica,*  is  said  to  have  divided  the  country  into  twelve  dis- 
tricts, which  are  represented  as  independent  communities,  each  governed 
by  a  separate  king.  They  were  afterwards  united  into  a  single  state,  hav- 
ing Athens  as  its  capital  and  the  seat  of  government  At  what  time  this 
important  union  was  effected  cannot  be  determined.  It  took  place  at  a 
period  long  antecedent  to  all  historical  records,  and  is  ascribed  to  Theseus, 
as  the  national  hero  of  the  Athenian  peoplcf  The  poets  and  orators  of  a 
later  age  loved  to  represent  him  as  the  parent  of  the  Athenian  democracy. 
It  would  be  a  loss  of  time  to  \mnt  out  the  folly  and  absurdity  of  such  a 
notion.  Theseus  belongs  to  legend,  and  not  to  history ;  and  in  the  age 
in  which  he  is  placed,  a  democratictd  form  of  goveniment  was  a  thing 
quite  unknown. 

§  2.  A  few  generations  after  Theseus,  the  Dorians  are  said  to  have  in- 
vaded Attica.  An  oracle  declared  that  they  would  be  victorious  if  they 
spared  the  life  of  the  Athenian  king;  whereupon  Codrus,  who  then 
reigned  at  Athens,  resolved  to  sacrifice  liimself  for  the  welfare  of  his 
country.  Accordingly  he  went  mto  the  invaders*  camp  in  disguise,  pro- 
voked a  quarrel  with  one  of  the  Dorian  soldiers,  and  was  killed  by  the 
latter.  Upon  learning  the  death  of  the  Athenian  king,  the  Dorians  re- 
tired from  Attica  without  strikmg  a  blow ;  and  the  Athenians,  from  re- 
spect to  the  memory  of  Codrus,  abolished  the  title  of  kmg,  and  substituted 
for  it  that  of  Archon  J  or  Ruler.  The  oflice,  however,  was  held  for  Hfe, 
and  was  confined  to  the  ftimily  of  Codrus.  His  son,  Medon,  was  the  first 
archon,  and  he  was  followed  in  the  dignity  by  eleven  members  of  the  fam- 
ily in  succession.  But  soon  after  the  accession  of  Alcmajon,  the  thirteenth 
in  descent  from  Medon,  another  change  was  introduced,  and  the  duration 
of  the  archonship  was  limited  to  ten  years  (b.  c.  752).  The  dignity  was 
still  confined  to  the  descendants  of  Medon  ;  but  in  the  time  of  HipiK)menes 
(b.  c.  714)  this  restriction  was  removed,  and  the  office  was  thrown  open 
to  all  the  nobles  in  the  state.  In  b.  c.  C83,  a  still  more  important  change 
took  place.  Tlie  archonship  was  now  made  annual,  and  its  duties  were 
distrilnited  among  nine  persons,  all  of  whom  bore  the  title,  although  one 
was  called  the  archon  pre-eminently,  and  gave  his  name  to  the  yeai*.  The 
last  of  the  decennial  archons  was  Eryxias ;  the  first  of  the  nine  annual 
archons,  Creon. 

Such  is  the  legendary  account  of  the  change  of  government  at  Athens, 
from  royalty  to  an  ohgarchy.  It  appears  to  have  taken  place  peaceably 
and  gradually,  as  in  most  other  Greek  states.  The  whole  poUtical  power 
was  vested  in  the  nobles ;  from  them  the  nine  annual  archons  were  taken, 
and  to  them  alone  these  magistrates  were  responsible.  The  people,  or 
general  body  of  freemen,  had  no  share  in  the  government. 

§  3.  The  Athenian  nobles  were  called  Eupatridce,    Their  name  is  as- 


♦  See  p.  14. 


t  For  details  see  p.  18. 


X  *  Apx»V. 


V 


B.  C.  683.] 


EARLT  HISTORY   OF  ATTICA. 


96 


cribed  to  Theseus,  who  is  said  to  have  divided  the  Athenian  people  into 
three  classes,  called  Eupatridce,  Geomori  or  husbandmen,  and  Demiurgi* 
or  artisans.  The  Eupatridoe  were  the  sole  depositaries  of  political  and 
rehgious  power.  In  addition  to  the  election  of  tlie  archons,  they  possessed 
the  superintendence  of  all  religious  matters,  and  were  the  authorized  ex- 
pounders of  all  laws,  sacred  and  profane.  They  corresponded  to  the 
Roman  patricians ;  while  the  two  other  classes,  who  were  their  subjects, 
answered  to  the  Roman  plebeians. 

There  was  another  division  of  the  Athenians  still  more  ancient,  and  one 
which  continued  to  a  much  later  period.     We  have  seen  that  the  Dorians 
in  most  of  then-  settlements  were  divided  into  three  tribes.     The  lonians, 
in  hke  manner,  were  usually  distributed  into  four  tribes.f     This  division 
existed  in  Attica  from  the  eariiest  times,  and  lasted  in  full  vigor  down  to 
the  great  revolution  of  Cleisthenes  (b.  c.  509).     The  four  Attic  tribes  had 
different  appellations  at  various  periods,  but  were  finally  distinguished  by 
the  names  of  Geleontes  (or  Tekontes),  Hopletes,  ^gicores,  and  Argddes,X 
which  they  are  said  to  have  derived  from  the  four  sons  of  Ion.     The 
etymology  of  these  names  would  seem  to  suggest  that  the  tribes  were  so 
called  from  the  occupations  of  their  members  ;  the  Geleontes  (Teleontes) 
being  ctdtivators,  the  Hopletes  the  warnor-class,  the  JEgicores  goat-herds, 
and  the  Argades  artisans.     Hence  some  modem  writers  have  supposed 
that  the  Athenians  were  originally  divided  into  castes,  like  the  Egyptians 
and  Indians.     But  the  etymology  of  these  names  is  not  free  from  doubt 
and  dispute ;  and  even  if  they  were  borrowed  from  certain  occupations, 
they  might  soon  have  lost  their  original  meaning,  and  become  mere  titles 
without  any  significance. 

§  4.  There  were  two  divisions  of  the  four  Athenian  tribes,  one  for  poHt- 
ical,  and  another  for  religious  and  social  purposes. 

For  political  purjwses  each  tribe  was  divided  into  three  Trittyes,  and 
each  Trittys  into  four  Naucrariaj.§  There  were  thus  twelve  Trittyes  and 
forty-eight  Naucrariffi.  These  appear  to  have  been  local  divisions  of  the 
whole  Athenian  people,  and  to  have  been  made  chiefly  for  financial  and 
military  objects.  Each  Naucrary  consisted  of  the  Naucrari,  or  house- 
holders,! who  had  to  furnish  the  amount  of  taxes  and  soldiers  imposed 
upon  the  district  to  which  they  belonged. 

The  division  of  the  tribes  for  politieal-  and  social  purposes  is  more  fre- 
quently mentioned.  Each  tribe  is  said  to  have  contained  three  Phratrise, 
each  Phratry  thirty  Gene  or  Gentes,  and  each  Genos  or  Gens  thirty 

*  Eifirarpibai,  reoj/xopot,  ArjfiiovpyoL 
t  ^v\ov,  pi.  *CXa. 

t  T€\€ovT€s  or  TeXtoi/reff,  *'07rXi;reff,  Aiyucopfh,  ^Apydbeis. 
§  TpiTTvSi  NavKpapia. 

I  ^avKpapos  seems  to  be  connected  with  mt'o,  dweH,  and  is  only  another  form  for 
pavicKapos  or  pavKkrjpos. 


I 


I 


'r\ 


86 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  !^. 


B.  C.  624.] 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  ATTICA. 


87 


; 


'•r 


heMs  of  families.*  Accordingly  there  would  have  been  twelve  Phiatriae, 
three  hundred  and  sixty  Gentes,  and  eighteen  hundred  heads  of  families. 
It  is  evident,  however,  that  such  symmetrical  numbers  could  never  have 
been  preserved,  even  if  they  had  ever  been  instituted  ;  and  while  it  is  cer- 
tain that  the  number  of  families  must  have  increased  in  some  gentes,  and 
decreased  in  others,  it  may  also  be  questioned  whether  the  same  number  of 
gentes  existed  in  each  tribe.  But  whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  num- 
bers, the  phnitriaj  and  gentes  were  important  elements  in  the  religious 
and  social  life  of  the  Athenians.  The  families  composing  a  gens  were 
united  by  certain  religious  rites  and  social  obligations.  They  were  accus- 
tomed to  meet  together  at  fixed  periods  to  offer  sacrifices  to  a  hero,  whom 
they  regarded  as  the  common  ancestor  of  all  the  families  of  the  gens 
They  had  a  common  place  of  burial  and  conmaon  property ;  and  in  case  of 
a  member  dying  intestate,  his  property  devolved  upon  his  gens.  They 
were  bound  to  assist  each  other  in  difficulties.  There  was  also  a  connec- 
tion between  the  gentes  of  the  same  phratry,  and  between  the  phratrias 
of  the  same  tribe,  by  means  of  certain  religious  rites;  and  at  the  head 
of  each  tribe  there  was  a  magistrate  called  the  Phylo-Basileus,^  or  King 
of  the  Tribe,  who  offered  sacrifices  on  behalf  of  the  whole  body. 

§  5.  The  real  history  of  Athens  begins  with  the  institution  of  annual 
archons,  in  the  year  683  b.  c.  This  is  the  first  date  in  Athenian  history 
on  which  certam  rehance  can  be  placed.  The  duties  of  the  government 
were  distributed  among  the  nine  archons,  in  the  following  manner.  The 
first,  as  has  been  already  remarked,  was  called  The  Archon  %  by  way  of 
pre-eminence,  and  sometimes  the  Archon  Eponymtis,  §  because  the  year 
was  distinguished  by  his  name.  He  was  the  president  of  the  body,  and 
the  representative  of  the  dignity  of  the  state.  He  was  the  protector  of 
widows  and  orphans,  and  determined  all  disputes  relating  to  the  family. 
The  second  archon  was  called  The  Basilem  or  The  King,  because  he 
represented  the  king  in  his  capacity  as  high-priest  of  the  nation.  ||  All 
cases  respecting  religion  and  homicide  were  brought  before  him.  The 
thiid  archon  boi-e  the  title  of  llie  Polemarch,%  or  Commander-in-chief,  and 
was,  down  to  the  tune  of  Cleisthenes,  the  commander  of  the  troops.  He 
had  jurisdiction  in  all  disputes  between  citizens  and  strangers.  The  re- 
maming  six  had  the  common  title  of  Thesmothetee**  or  Legislators.     They 

*^paTpia,  i.  e.  brolherhood:  the  word  is  etymologically  connected  with  f rater  and 
hroiher.  The  word  r«i*os,  or  Gens,  answers  nearly  in  meaning  to  our  clan.  The  members 
of  a  ycvos  were  called  yewrJTai  or  o^oyaKdicTfs. 

f  ^vXo^acriXcvf . 

X  O    Apxdiv.  §  *'Apx<>>v  (ironwfioS' 

I  O  ^uiTiXfvs.    In  the  same  manner  the  title  of  Eex  Sacrificulus  or  Rex  Sacrorum  was 
retained  at  Ttome  after  the  abolition  of  royalty. 

^  *0  UoXffiapxos. 

**  Gf Ufiodrrai.  The  word  Btafioi  was  the  ancient  term  for  latos,  and  was  afterwards 
supplanted  by  vofioi.    The  later  expression  for  making  laws  is  BitrBai  vofiovs. 


? 


had  the  decision  of  all  disputes  which  did  not  specially  belong  to  the  other 
three.  Their  duties  seem  to  have  been  almost  exclusively  judicial ;  and 
for  tliis  reason  they  received  their  name,  not  tliat  they  made  the  laws,  but 
because  their  particular  sentences  had  the  force  of  laws  in  the  absence  of  a 
written  code. 

The  Senate,  or  Council  of  Areopagus,  was  the  only  other  political  power 
in  the  state  in  these  early  times.  It  received  its  name  from  its  place  of 
meeting,  which  was  a  rocky  eminence  near  the  Acropolis,  called  the  Hill 
of  Ares  (Mars'  Hill).*  Its  institution  is  ascribed  by  some  writers  to  Solon ; 
but  it  existed  long  before  the  time  of  that  legislator,  and  may  be  regarded 
as  the  representative  of  tlie  council  of  chiefs  in  the  Hei*oic  Ages.  It  was 
originally  called  simply  The  Senate  or  Council,  and  did  not  obtain  the 
name  of  the  senate  of  Areopagus  till  Solon  instituted  another  senate,  from 
which  it  was  necessary  to  distinguish  it.  It  was  of  course  formed  exclu- 
sively of  Eupatrids,  and  all  the  archons  became  members  of  it  at  the  expira- 
tion of  their  year  of  office. 

§  6.  The  government  of  the  Eupatrids,  like  most  of  the  early  oligarchies, 
seems  to  have  been  oppressive.     In  the  absence  of  written  laws,  the 
archons  possessed  an  arbitrary  power,   of  which  they  probably  availed 
themselves  to  the  benefit  of  their  friends  and  their  order,  and  to  the 
injury  of  the  general  body  of  citizens.     The  consequence  was  gi-eat  dis- 
content, which  at  length  became  so  serious,  that  Draco  was   appointed 
in  624  B.  c.  to  draw  up  a  written  code  of  laws.     He  did  not  change  the 
political  constitution  of  Athens,  and  the  most  remai-kable  characteristic 
of  his  laws  was  their  extreme  severity.     He  affixed  the  penalty  of  death 
to  all  crimes  alike ',  —  to  petty  thefts,  for  instance,  as  well  as  to  sacrilege 
and  murder.     Hence  they  were  said  to  have  been  written  not  in  ink,  but 
in  blood ;  and  we  are  told  that  he  justified  this  extreme  harshness  by  say- 
ing, that  small  offences  deserved  death,  and  that  he  knew  no  severer  pun- 
ishment for  great  ones.     This  severity,  how#»rer,  must  be  attributed  rather 
to  the  spirit  of  the  times,  than  to  any  peculiar  harshness  in  Draco  himself; 
for  he  probably  did  little  more  than  reduce  to  writing  the  ordinances  which 
had  previously  regulated  his  brother  Eupatrids  in  then-  decision  of  cases. 
His  laws  would  of  course  appear  excessively  severe  to  a  later  age,  long 
aecustomed  to  a  milder  system  of  jurisprudence ;  but  there  is  reason  for 
believing  that  their  severity  has  been  somewhat  exaggerated.     In  one 
instance,  indeed,  Draco  softened  the  ancient  rigor  of  the  law.     Before  his 
tune  all  homicides  were  tried  by  the  senate  of  Areopagus,  and,  if  found 
guilty,  were  condemned  to  suffer  the  full  penalty  of  the  law,  —  either 
death,  or  perpetual  banishment  with  confiscation  of  property.     The  senate 
had  no  power  to  take  account  of  any  extenuating  or  justifying  circum- 
stances.    Draco  left  to  this  ancient  body  the  trial  of  all  cases  of  wilful  mur- 
der ;  but  he  appointed  fifly-one  new  judges,  called  Ephetce,^  who  were  to 


*  *0  "'Apcios  Trayor. 


f 


f  *E<f)€rai» 


5 

I 

i 


T 


88 


mSTORY  OP  6BEECE. 


[Chap.  X. 


B.  C.  638.] 


LIFE   OP  SOLON. 


89 


try  all  cases  of  homicide  in  which  accident  or  any  other  justification  could 
be  pleaded.  His  regulations  with  respect  to  homicide  contmued  in  use 
after  hi^  o  her  ordinances  had  been  repealed  by  Solon. 

§  7.  The  legislation  of  Draco  fjiiled  to  calm  the  prevailing  discontent 
The  people  gained  nothing  by  the  written  code,  except  a  more  perfect 
knowledge  of  its  severity ;  and  civil  dissensions  prevailed  as  extensively 
as  before.    The  general  dissatisfaction  with  the  government  was  favorable 
to  revolutionary  projects ;  and  accordingly,  twelve  years  after  Draco's 
legislation  (b.  c.  612),  one  of  the  nobles  conceived  the  design  of  depriving 
his  brother  Eupatrids  of  their  power,  and  making  himself  despot  of  Athens. 
This  noble  was  Cylon,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  members  of  the  order. 
He  had  gained  a  victory  at  the  Olympic  games,  and  had  married  the 
daughter  of  Theagenes,  of  Mcgara,  who  had  made  hunself  despot  of  his 
native  city.     Encouraged  by  the  success  of  his  father-in-law,  and  excited 
by  his  own  celebrity  and  position  in  the  state,  he  consulted  the  Delphic 
oracle  on  the  subject,  and  was  advised  to  seize  the  Acropolis  at  "the 
greatest  festival  of  Zeus.**     Cylon  naturally  supposed  that  the  god  referred 
to  the  Olympic  games,  in  which  he  had  gained  so  much  distinction,  forget- 
tmg  that  the  Diasia  was  the  greatest  festival  of  Zeus  at  Athens.     Accord- 
ingly, during  the  celebration  of  the  next  Olympic  games,  he  took  possession 
of  the  Acropolis  with  a  considerable  force,  composed  partly  of  his  own 
partisans,  and  partly  of  troops  furnished  by  Theagcnes.     But  he  did  not 
meet  with  any  support  from  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  and  he  soon 
foundhimselfclosely  blockaded  by  the  forces  which  the  government  was 
able  to  siunmon  to  its  assistance.     Cylon  and  his  brother  made  their 
escape:  but  the   remainder  of  liis  associates,  hard  pressed  by  hunger, 
abandoned  the  defence  of  the  walls,  and  took  refuge  at  the  altar  of  Athena 
(Minerva).     Here  they  were  found  by  the  archon  Megaelcs,  one  of  the 
illustrious  family  of  the  Alcmajonida; ;  who,  fearing  lest  tlieir  death  should 
pollute  the  sanctuary  of  the  foddess,  promised  that  their  lives  should  be 
spared  on  their  quitting  the  place.     But  directly  they  had  quitted  the 
temple,  the  promise  was  broken,  and  tliey  were  put  to  death ;  and  some 
who  had  taken  refuge  at  the  altar  of  the  Eumenides,  or  the  Furies,  were 
murdered  even  at  that  sacred  spot. 

The  conspiracy  thus  failed ;  but  its  suppression  was  attended  with  a 
long  train  of  melancholy  consequences.  The  whole  family  of  the  Alcmie- 
onidje  were  believed  to  have  become  tainted  by  the  daring  act  of  sacrilege 
committed  by  Megacles ;  and  the  friends  and  partisans  of  the  murdered 
conspirators  were  not  slow  in  demanding  vengeance  upon  the  accursed 
race.  Thus  a  new  element  of  discord  was  introduced  into  the  state.  The 
power  and  influence  of  the  Alcmaeonidaj  enabled  them  long  to  resist  the 
attempts  of  their  opponents  to  bring  them  to  a  public  trial ;  and  it  was  not 
till  many  years  after  tliese  events  that  Solon  persuaded  them  to  submit 
their  case  to  the  judgment  of  a  special  court  composed  of  three  hundred 


t 


Eupatridae.  By  this  court  they  were  adjudged  guilty  of  sacrilege,  and 
were  expelled  from  Attica ;  but  their  punishment  was  not  considered  to 
expiate  their  impiety,  and  we  shall  find  in  the  later  times  of  Athenian  his- 
tory that  this  powerful  family  was  still  considered  an  accursed  race,  which 
by  the  sacrilegious  act  of  its  ancestor  brought  upon  their  native  land  the 
anger  of  the  gods.  The  expulsion  of  the  Alcma3onidae  appears  to  have 
taken  place  about  the  year  597  b.  c. 

§  8.  The  banishment  of  the  guilty  race  did  not,  however,  deliver  the 
Athenians  from  their  religious  fears.  They  imagined  that  their  state  had 
incurred  the  anger  of  the  gods  :  and  the  pestilential  disease  with  which 
they  were  visited  was  regarded  as  an  unerring  sign  of  divine  wrath.  Upon 
the  advice  of  the  Delphic  oracle,  they  invited  the  celebrated  Cretan  proph- 
et and  sage,  Epimenides,  to  visit  Athens,  and  purify  theu-  city  from  pollu- 
tion and  sacrilege. 

Epimenides  was  one  of  the  most  renowned  prophets  of  the  age.  In  his 
youth  he  was  said  to  have  been  overtaken  by  a  sleep,  which  lasted  for 
fifty-seven  years.  During  this  miraculous  trance  he  had  been  favored 
with  frequent  intercourse  with  the  gods,  and  had  learned  the  means  of  pro- 
pitiating them  and  gaining  their  favor.  This  venerable  seer  was  received 
with  the  greatest  reverence  at  Atliens.  By  performing  certain  sacrifices 
and  expiatory  rites,  he  succeeded  in  staying  the  plague,  and  in  purifying 
the  city  from  its  guilt.  The  religious  despondency  of  the  Athenians  now 
ceased,  and  the  grateful  people  offered  their  benefactor  a  talent  of  gold ; 
but  he  refused  the  money,  and  contented  himself  with  a  branch  from  the 
sacred  olive-tree  which  grew  on  the  Acropolis.  The  visit  of  Epimenides 
to  Athens  occurred  about  ihe  year  596  b.  c. 

Epimenides  had  been  assisted  in  his  undertaking  by  the  advice  of  So- 
lon, who  now  enjoyed  a  distinguished  reputation  at  Athens,  and  to  whom 
his  fellow-citizens  looked  up  as  the  only  person  in  the  state  who  could 
deliver  them  from  their  political  and  social  dissensions,  and  secure  them 
from  such  misfortunes  for  the  future. 

§  9.  We  have  now  come  to  an  important  period  in  Athenian  and  in 
Grecian  history.  The  legislation  of  Solon  laid  the  foundations  of  the 
greatness  of  Athens.  Solon  himself  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
men  in  the  early  liistory  of  Greece.  He  possessed  a  deep  knowl- 
edge of  human  nature,  and  was  animated  in  his  public  conduct  by  a 
lofty  spirit  of  patriotism.  It  is,  therefore,  the  more  to  be  regretted  that 
we  are  acquainted  with  only  a  few  facts  in  his  life.  His  birth  may  be 
placed  about  the  year  638  b.  c.  He  was  the  son  of  Execestides,  who 
traced  his  descent  from  the  heroic  Codrus ;  and  his  mother  was  first-cou- 
sin to  the  mother  of  Peisistratus.  His  father  possessed  only  a  moderate 
fortune,' which  he  had  still  further  duninished  by  prodigality;  and  Solon 
in  consequence  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  trade.  He  visited  many 
parts  of  Greece  and  Asia  as  a  merchant,  and  formed  acquaintance  with 

IS 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  X. 


B.  C.  594.] 


LEGISLATION  OF   SOLON. 


91 


many  of  the  most  eminent  men  of  his  time.  At  an  early  age  he  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  poetical  abilities ;  and  so  widely  did  his  reputation 
extend,  that  he  was  reckoned  one  of  the  Seven  Sages. 

The  first  occasion  which  induced  Solon  to  take  an  active  part  in  politi- 
cal affairs  was  the  contest  between  Athens  and  Megara  for  the  possession 
of  Salamis.  That  island  had  revolted  to  Megara ;  and  the  Athenians  had 
so  repeatedly  foiled  in  their  attempts  to  recover  it,  that  they  forbade  any 
citizen,  under  the  penalty  of  death,  to  make  any  proposition  for  the  re- 
newal of  the  enterprise.  Indignant  at  such  pusillanimous  conduct,  Solon 
caused  a  report  to  be  spread  through  the  city  that  he  was  mad,  and  then 
in  a  state  of  frenzied  excitement  he  rushed  into  the  market-place,  and  re- 
cited to  a  crowd  of  bystanders  a  poem  which  he  had  previously  composed 
on  the  loss  of  Salamis.  He  upbraided  the  Athenians  >vith  their  disgrace, 
imd  called  upon  them  to  reconquer  "  the  lovely  island."  "  Rather,"  he 
exclaimed,  "  would  I  be  a  denizen  of  the  most  contemptible  community  in 
Greece  than  a  citizen  of  Athens,  to  be  pointed  at  as  one  of  those  Attic 
dastards  who  had  so  basely  relinquished  their  right  to  Salamis."  His 
stratagem  was  completely  successful.  His  friends  seconded  his  proposal : 
and  the  people  unanimously  rescinded  the  law,  and  resolved  once  more 
to  try  the  fortune  of  war.  Solon  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
expedition,  in  which  he  was  accompanied  by  his  young  kinsman,  Peisis- 
tratus.  In  a  single  campaign  (about  B.  c.  600)  Solon  drove  the  Megari- 
ans  out  of  the  island ;  but  a  tedious  war  ensued,  and  at  last  both  parties 
agreed  to  refer  the  matter  in  dispute  to  the  arbitration  of  Sparfa.  Solon 
pleaded  the  cause  of  his  countrymen,  and  is  said  on  this  occasion  to  have 
forged  the  Hne  in  the  Iliad,*  which  represents  Aias  (Ajax)  ranging  his 
ship  with  those  of  the  Athenians.  The  Lacedemonians  decided  in  favor 
of  the  Athenians,  in  whose  hands  the  island  remained  henceforward  down 
to  the  latest  times. 

Soon  after  the  conquest  of  Salamis,  Solon's  reputation  was  further  in- 
creased by  espousing  the  cause  of  the  Delphian  temple  against  Cirrha. 
He  is  said  to  have  moved  the  decree  of  the  Amphictyons,  by  which  war 
was  declared  against  the  guilty  city  (b.  c.  595).t 

§  10.  The  state  of  Attica  at  the  tune  of  Solon's  legislation  demands  a 
more  particular  account  than  we  have  hitherto  given.  Its  population  was 
divided  into  three  factions,  who  were  now  in  a  state  of  violent  hostility 
agamst  each  other.  These  parties  consisted  of  the  Pedieis,t  or  wealthy 
Eupatrid  inhabitants  of  the  plams  ;  of  the  Diacni,%  or  poor  inhabitants  of 
the  hilly  districts  in  the  north  and  east  of  Attica ;  and  of  the  Parali,\\  or 
mercantile  inhabitants  of  the  coasts,  who  held  an  intermediate  position  be- 
tween the  other  two. 


»n.  558. 
§  Atdxpioi. 


t  See  p.  48. 
I  ndpaXoi. 


I  ncdutf  or  TLtdiaiou 


The  cause  of  the  dissensions  between  these  parties  is  not  particularly 
mentioned ;  but  the  difficulties  attending  these  disputes  had  become  aggra- 
vated by  the  miserable  condition  of  the  poorer  population  of  Attica.  The 
latter  were  m  a  state  of  abject  poverty.  They  had  borrowed  money  from 
the  wealthy  at  exorbitant  rates  of  interest,  upon  the  security  of  their  prop- 
erty and  their  persons.  If  the  principal  and  interest  of  the  debt  were 
not  paid,  the  creditor  had  the  power  of  seizing  the  person  as  well  as  the 
land  of  his  debtor,  and  of  using  him  as  a  slave.  Many  had  thus  been 
torn  from  their  homes  and  sold  to  barbarian  masters  ;  wliile  others  were 
cultivating  as  slaves  the  lands  of  their  wealthy  creditors  in  Attica.  The 
i*apacity  of  the  rich  and  the  degradation  of  the  poor  are  recorded  by 
Solon  in  the  existing  fragments  of  his  poetry ;  and  matters  had  now 
come  to  such  a  crisis,  that  the  existing  laws  could  no  longer  be  en- 
forced, and  the  poor  were  ready  to  rise  in  open  insurrection  against  the 
rich. 

§  11.  In  these  alarming  circumstances,  the  ruling  oligarchy  were  obliged 
to  have  recourse  to  Solon.  They  were  aware  of  the  vigorous  protest  he 
had  made  against  their  injustice ;  but  they  trusted  that  his  connection 
with  their  party  would  help  them  over  their  present  difficulties ;  and  they 
therefore  chose  liim  Archon  in  e.  c.  594,  investing  him  under  that  title 
with  unlimited  powers  to  effect  any  changes  he  might  consider  beneficial 
to  the  state.  His  appointment  was  hailed  with  satisfaction  by  the  poor ; 
and  all  parties  were  willing  to  accept  his  mediation  and  reforms. 

Many  of  Solon's  friends  urged  him  to  take  advantage  of  his  position  and 
make  himself  despot  of  Athens.  There  is  no  doubt  he  would  liave  suc- 
ceeded if  he  had  made  the  attempt,  but  he  had  the  wisdom  and  the  virtue 
to  resist  the  temptation,  telling  his  friends  that  "  despotism  might  be  a  fine 
country,  but  there  was  no  way  out  of  it."  Dismissing,  therefore,  all 
thoughts  of  personal  aggrandizement,  he  devoted  all  his  energies  to  the 
difficult  task  he  had  undertaken. 

§  12.  He  commenced  his  undertaking  by  relieving  the  poorer  class  of 
debtors  from  their  existing  distress.  This  he  affiscted  by  a  celebrated  or- 
dinance called  Seisachtheia,  or  a  shaking  off  of  burdens.*  Tliis  measure 
cancelled  all  contracts  by  which  the  land  or  person  of  a  debtor  had  been 
given  as  security :  it  thus  relieved  the  land  from  all  encumbrances  and 
claims,  and  set  at  liberty  all  persons  who  had  been  reduced  to  slavery  on 
account  of  their  debts.  Solon  also  provided  means  of  restoring  to  their 
homes  those  citizens  who  had  been  sold  into  foreign  countries.  He  forbade 
for  the  future  all  loans  in  which  the  person  of  the  debtor  was  pledged  as 
security.  This  extensive  measure  entirely  released  the  poorer  classes 
from  their  difficulties,  *but  it  must  have  left  many  of  their  creditors  unable 
to  discharge  their  obligations.     To  give  the  latter  some  relief,  he  lowered 


*  ^tia-axOtta.    Equivalent  to  a  bankrapt  law.  —  Ed. 


( 


1 1 

[I 


92 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  X. 


the  standard  of  the  coinage,  so  that  the  debtor  saved  rather  more  than  a 
fourth  in  every  payment.* 

Some  of  his  friends,  having  obtained  a  hint  of  his  intention,  borrowed 
large  sums  of  money,  with  which  they  purchased  estates  ;  and  Solon  him- 
self would  have  suffered  in  public  estimation,  if  it  had  not  been  found  that 
he  was  a  loser  by  his  own  measure,  having  lent  as  much  as  five  talents. 

§  13.  The  success  attending  these  measures  was  so  great,  that  Solon 
was  now  called  upon  by  his  fellow-citizens  to  draw  up  a  new  constitution 
and  a  new  code  of  laws.  As  a  preliminary  step  he  repealed  all  the  laws 
of  Draco,  except  those  relating  to  murtler.  He  then  proceeded  to  make 
a  new  classification  of  the  citizens,  according  to  the  amount  of  their  prop- 
erty, thus  changing  the  government  from  an  Oligarchy  to  a  Timocracy.f 

The  title  of  the  citizens  to  the  honors  and  offices  of  the  state  was  hence- 
forward regulated  by  their  wealth,  and  not  by  their  birth.     This  was  the 
distmguishing  feature  of  Solon's  constitution,  and  produced  eventually  most 
important  consequences ;  though  the  change  was  probably  not  great  at 
first,  since  there  were  then  few  wealthy  persons  m  Attica,  except  the  Eu- 
patnds.     Solon  then  distributed  all  the  citizens  into  four  classes,  accord- 
mg  to  their  property,  which  he  caused  to  be  assessed.     The  first  class 
consisted  of  those  whose  annual  income  was  equal  to  ^yo  hundred  me- 
dimni  of  com  and  upwards,  and  were  called  Pmtacosiomedimm.X    The 
second  class  consisted  of  those  whose  incomes  ranged  between  three  hun- 
dred  and  ^y^  hundred  medimni,  and  were  called  Knights,%  from  theh- 
being  able  to  furnish  a  war-horse.     The  third  class  consisted  of  those  who 
received  between  two  hundred  and  three  hundred  medimni,  and  were 
caUed  Zeitgit^.\\  from  their  being  able  to  keep  a  yoke  of  oxen  for  the 
plough.    The  fourth  class,  called  Thetes,^  included  aD  whose  property  feU 
short  of  two  hundred  medimni.    The  members  of  the  first  three  classes 
had  to  pay  an  income-tax  according  to  the  amount  of  their  property ;  but 
the  fourth  chiss  were  exempt  from  direct  taxation  altogether.    The  first 
class  were  alone  eligible  to  the  archonship  and  the  higher  offices  of  the 
state.    The  second  and  third  classes  filled  inferior  posts,  and  were  liable 
to  military  service,  the  former  as  horsemen,  and  the  latter  as  heavy-armed 
soldiers  on  foot.    The  fourth  class  were  excluded  from  aU  public  offices, 
and  served  in  the  army  only  as  Ught-armed  troops.     Solon,  however,  ad- 


thl^^Z^'  ""^^  ^"^  ^''!  "''^'  ***"  "^"*  '^"*''^°  **""  ^^""'^'^^  *^<^hma8  instead  of  seventy- 

t::^r:^:^z7:Ti:^z:''  "^''"^  ^^°^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^-^^^  ^^  «^^-  -  - 

«rtJ.!^E*D!r*°*  ^"""^  "''^^  ""*^'^'  ""^  ''*^'*"'  "^'    ^^  government  of  prop- 

one^miirZatirT*    '^•^\"^r"»  ^^^^  ^^7  twelve  imperial  gallons,  or 
one  bushel  and  a  half:  it  was  reckoned  equal  to  a  drachma.  i~-      e         »  w 

Slrnnjs  or 'linrtU. 

I  Zcvyirm,  from  C*vyog,  a  yoke  of  beasts.  ^  e^rvr. 


B.  C.  594.] 


LEGISLATION    OF    SOLON. 


93 


mitted  them  to  a  share  in  the  political  power  by  allowing  them  to  vote  in 
the  public  assembly,*  where  they  must  have  constituted  by  far  the  largest 
number.  He  gave  the  assembly  the  right  of  electing  the  archons  and  the 
other  officers  of  the  state ;  and  he  also  made  the  archons  accountable  to 
the  assembly  at  the  expiration  of  their  year  of  office.  Solon  thus  greatly 
enlarged  the  functions  of  the  public  assembly,  which,  under  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Eupatrids,  probably  possessed  little  more  power  than  the 
agora,  described  in  the  poems  of  Homer. 

§  14.  This  extension  of  the  duties  of  the  public  assembly  led  to  the  in- 
stitution of  a  new  body.  Solon  created  the  Senate,  or  Council  of  Four 
Hundred,  with  the  special  object  of  preparing  all  matters  for  the  discus- 
sion of  the  public  assembly,  of  presiding  at  its  meetings,  and  of  carrj-ing 
its  resolutions  into  effijct.  No  subject  could  be  introduced  before  the  peo- 
ple, except  by  a  previous  resolution  of  the  Senate.f  The  members  of  the 
Senate  were  elected  by  the  public  assembly,  one  hundred  from  each  of 
the  four  ancient  tribes,  which  were  left  untouched  by  Solon.  They  held 
their  office  for  a  year,  and  were  accountable  at  its  expiration  to  the  public 
assembly  for  the  manner  in  which  they  had  discharged  their  duties. 

Solon,  however,  did  not  deprive  the  ancient  Senate  of  the  Areopagus 
of  any  of  its  functions-J  On  the  contrary,  he  enlarged  its  powers,  and 
intrusted  it  with  the  general  supervision  of  the  institutions  and  laws  of 
the  state,  and  imposed  upon  it  the  duty  of  inspecting  the  lives  and  occu- 
pations of  the  citizens. 

These  are  the  only  political  institutions  which  can  be  safely  ascribed  to 
Solon.  At  a  later  period  it  became  the  fashion  among  the  Athenians  to 
regard  Solon  as  the  author  of  all  their  democratical  institutions,  just  as 
some  of  the  orators  referred  them  even  to  Theseus.  Thus  the  creation  of 
jury-courts  and  of  the  periodical  revision  of  the  laws  by  the  Nomothetae 
belongs  to  a  later  age,  although  frequently  attributed  to  Solon.  This 
legislator  only  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Athenian  democracy,  by  givino- 
the  poorer  classes  a  vote  in  the  popular  assembly,  and  by  enlarging 
the  power  of  the  latter ;  but  he  left  the  government  exclusively  in  the 
hands  of  the  wealthy.  For  many  years  after  his  time,  the  government 
continued  to  be  an  oligarchy,  but  was  exercised  with  more  moderation  and 
justice  than  formerly.  The  establishment  of  the  Athenian  democracy  was 
the  work  of  Cleisthenes,  and  not  of  Solon. 

§  15.  The  laws  of  Solon  were  inscribed  on  wooden  rollers  and  triangu- 
lar tablets,§  and  were  preserved  first  in  the  Acropolis,  and  afterwards  in 
the  Prytaneum  or  Town-hall.  They  were  very  numerous,  and  contained 
regulations  on  almost  all  subjects  connected  with  the  public  and  private 


♦  Called  Heliaa  CHXiata)  in  the  time  of  Solon,  but  subsequently  Ecclesia  (eKKKtja-ia). 

t  Called  Probouleuma  (7rpoj3ovXcv/ia.) 

t  See  p.  87.  §  Called  "A^ovts  and  KvpQeis. 


11. 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  li» 


i   f 


» 


1^  of  the  citizens.  But  they  do  not  seem  to  have  been  arranged  in  any 
^temat.c  manner;  and  such  small  fhtgments  have  come  down  to  us,  th^ 
It  IS  unpossible  to  give  any  general  view  of  them. 

The  m(«t  important  of  all  these  laws  were  those  relating  to  debtor  and 
e^.tor  of  whjch  we  have  already  spoken.  Several  of  Solon's  enaciT<« 
tod  for  .he.r  object  the  encouragement  of  trade  and  manufactures.  He 
mv,ted  foreigners  to  settle  in  Athens  by  the  promise  of  protection  imd 
valuable  pnv-. leges.  The  Council  of  the  Areopigns  was,  as  we  ha  "n 
masted  by  h.m  with  the  duty  of  examining  inZveiy  ^an's  mo^e  „f  J 

f  K.^'T  "  '^^  """  '"''  P"""^'^-  To  discoun.i  idleness,  a  son  wm 
^oW^  to  support  his  father  in  old  age,  if  the  ktler  had  n  gi T 
leach  him  some  trade  or  occupation. 

Solon  punished  theft  bj  compelling  the  guilty  party  to  restore  double  the 
^ue  of  the  property  stolen.  He  forbade  speaking  evil  either  of  the  IZ 
or  of  the  hvmg.  He  either  established  or  regulated  the  public  dinne^ln 
the  Piytaneum,  of  which  the  archons  and  a  few  others  pa^ook' 

The  rewards  which  he  bestowed  upon  the  victors  in  the  Olympic  and 
Isthmmn  games  were  veiy  large  for  that  age :  to  the  former  he  gave  &ye 
hundred  drachmas,  and  to  the  latter  one  hundred. 

«  ^'a^t  ""?  '^^.'f  ^^ ^^^"^^  regulations  was  that  which  declared 

took  part  w  th  neither  side.  The  object  of  this  celebrated  law  was  to 
c^ate  a  pubhc  spint  m  the  citizens,  and  a  Kvely  interest  in  the  affairs  of 
the  state.  T^ie  ancient  governments,  unlike  those  of  modem  times,  could 
no  summon  to  their  assistance  any  regular  police  or  military  force;  and 
imless  individual  citizens  came  forward  in  civil  commotions,  any  ambitious 

^HtlL^  ^^  ""  ^""'"^"^  ^^^'  "^'^^^  '""^^  °^^^  liimself  master  of 

§  16.  Solon  is  said  to  have  been  aware  that  he  had  left  many  imperfeo- 
Jons  ,„  his  laws.  He  described  them,  not  as  the  best  laws  which  he  could 
devise,  but  as  the  best  which  the  Athenians  could  receive.  He  bound  the 
government  and  people  of  Athens,  by  a  solemn  oath,  to  observe  his  institu- 
tions  for  at  least  ten  years.  But  as  soon  as  they  came  into  operation  he 
w^  constantly  besieged  by  a  number  of  applicants,  who  cameT^k  £ 
advice  respectmg  the  meaning  of  his  enactments,  or  to  suggest  improve- 

should  be  obliged  to  introduce  changes  into  his  code,  he  resolved  to  leave 

were  bound  to  mamtam  his  laws  inviolate.    He  first  visited  Egypt,  and 

to^mlT       f  1!''  T^  *^""  ''  ^P'"     «^  P^--^^d  this  prini 

whTph  I         "^  ^^  *''  ""^^  '""'^  ^^  ^^""^  «  »^^  -««  on  the  plain, 
wl^h  Philocyprus  called  Soli,  in  honor  of  his  illustrious  visitor. 

Solon  IS  also  related  to  have  remained  some  time  at  Saidis,  the  capita 


B.  C.  560.] 


USURPATION    OP  PEISISTRATUS. 


JiS 


of  Lydia.     His  interview  with  Croesus,  the  Lydian  king,  is  one  of  the 
most  celebrated  events  in  his  life.     The  Lydian  monarchy  was  then  at  the 
height  of  its  prosperity  and  glory.     Croesus,  after  exliibiting  to  the  Grecian 
sage  all  his  treasures,  asked  him  who  was  the  happiest  man  he  had  ever 
known,  nothing  doubting  of  the  reply.     But  Solon,  without  flattering  his 
royal  guest,  named  two  obscure  Greeks ;  and  when  the  king  expressed  his 
surprise  and  mortification  that  his  visitor  took  no  account  of  his  great  glory 
and  wealth,  Solon  replied,  that  he  esteemed  no  man  happy  tiU  he  knew 
how  he  ended  his  life,  since  the  highest  prosperity  was  frequently  followed 
by  the  darkest  adversity.     Croesus  at  the  tune  treated  the  admonition  of  the 
sage  with  contempt ;  but  when  the  Lydian  monarchy  was  afteni  ards  over- 
thrown by  Cyrus,  and  Croesus  was  condemned  by  his  savage  conqueror  to  be 
burnt  to  death,  the  warnings  of  the  Greek  philosopher  came  to  his  mind, 
and  he  called  in  a  loud  voice  upon  the  name  of  Solon.     Cyrus  inquired  the 
cause  of  this  strange  invocation,  and,  upon  learning  it,  was  struck  with  the 
vicissitudes  of  fortune,  set  the  Lydian  monarch  free,  and  made  him  his 
confidential  friend. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  regret  that  the  stem  laws  of  chronology  compel 
us  to  reject  this  beautiful  tale.  Croesus  did  not  ascend  the  throne  tiU 
B.  c.  560,  and  Solon  had  returned  to  Athens  before  that  date.  The  story 
has  been  evidently  invented  to  convey  an  important  moral  lesson,  and  to 
draw  a  striking  contrast  between  Grecian  republican  simphcity  and  Orien- 
tal  splendor  and  pomp. 

§  17.  During  the  absence  of  Solon,  the  old  dissensions  between  the 
Plain,  the  Shore,  and  the  Mountain  had  broken  out  afresh  with  more  vio- 
lence than  ever.  The  first  was  headed  by  Lycurgus,  the  second  by 
Megacles,  the  Alcm^onid  and  the  grandson  of  the  archon  who  had  sup- 
pressed the  conspiracy  of  Cylon,  and  the  third  by  Peisistratus,  the  cousin 
of  Solon.  Of  these  leaders,  Peisistratus  was  the  ablest  and  the  most 
dangerous.  He  had  gained  renown  in  war;  he  possessed  remarkable 
fluency  of  speech ;  and  he  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Mountain,  which 
was  the  poorest  of  the  three  classes,  in  order  to  gain  popularity  with  the 
great  mass  of  the  people.  Of  these  advantages  he  resolved  to  avail  him- 
self in  order  to  become  master  of  Athens. 

Solon  returned  to  Athens  about  b.  c.  562,  when  these  dissensions  were 
rapidly  approaching  a  crisis.  He  soon  detected  the  ambitious  designs  of 
his  kinsman,  and  attempted  to  dissuade  him  from  them.  Finding  his 
remonstrances  fmitless,  he  next  denounced  his  projects  in  verses  addressed 
to  the  people.  Few,  however,  gave  any  heed  to  his  wamings ;  and  Peisis- 
tratus, at  length  finding  his  schemes  ripe  for  action,  had  recourse  to  a 
memorable  stratagem  to  secure  his  object.  One  day  he  appeared  in  the 
market-place  in  a  chariot,  his  mules  and  his  own  person  bleedmg  with 
wounds  inflicted  with  his  own  hands.  These  he  exhibited  to  the  people, 
telling  them  that  he  had  been  nearly  murdered  in  consequence  of  defending 


I 


^ 


I        '1 


96 


HISTORY  OF  6BEECE. 


[Chap.  X 


their  rights.  The  popular  indignation  was  excited;  an  assembly  was 
forthwith  called,  and  one  of  his  friends  proposed  that  a  guard  of  fifty  club- 
men should  be  granted  him  for  his  future  security.  It  was  in  vain  that 
Solon  used  all  his  authority  to  oppose  so  dangerous  a  request;  his  resist- 
ance was  overborne,  and  the  guard  was  voted. 

Peisistratus  thus  gained  the  first  and  most  important  step.  He  gi-adually 
increased  the  number  of  his  guard,  and  soon  found  himself  strong  enough 
to  throw  off  the  mask  and  seize  the  Acropolis,  b.  c.  560.  Megacles  and 
the  Alcmaeonidaj  left  the  city.  Solon  alone  had  the  courage  to  oppose  the 
usurpation,  and  upbraided  the  people  with  their  cowardice  and  their  treach- 
ery. "  You  might,"  said  he,  «  with  ease  have  crushed  the  tyrant  in  the  bud ; 
but  nothing  now  remains  but  to  pluck  him  up  by  the  roots."  No  one,  how- 
ever, responded  to  his  appeal  He  refused  to  fly;  and  when  his  friends 
asked  him  on  what  he  relied  for  protection,  «0n  my  old  age,"  was  his 
reply.  It  is  creditable  to  Peisistratus  that  he  left  his  aged  relative  unmo- 
lested, and  even  asked  his  advice  in  the  administration  of  the  government. 

Solon  did  not  long  sui-vive  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution.  He  died  a 
year  or  two  aftemards,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty.  His  ashes  are  said 
to  have  been  scattered,  by  his  own  direction,  round  the  island  of  Salamis, 
which  he  had  won  for  the  Atlienian  people.* 


*  The  character  of  Solon  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  history.  Perhaps  no  indi- 
vidual has  exercised  a  wider  influence  on  human  affairs.  He  laid  the  foundation  of  Athe 
nian  legislation,  and  through  that  of  the  Roman  Law,  which  governs  the  administration  of 
justice,  down  to  the  present  day,  throughout  a  great  part  of  the  civilized  world.  Besides 
being  a  legislator,  he  was  a  poet  of  no  ordinary  powers.  In  his  youth  he  sung  of  Love  and 
Wine;  but  the  serious  business  which  the  distracted  condition  of  his  country  laid  upon  him 
led  him  to  employ  the  vehicle  of  poetic  measures  for  moral  and  political  ends.  In  his  Sala- 
minian  Ode,  of  which  only  two  or  three  lines  are  preserved,  he  was  thought  to  have  equalled 
Tyrtaius.  In  the  fragments  of  the  other  poems  which  have  come  down  to  us,  the  lines  are 
nervous  and  pointed,  and  not  without  admirable  poetical  images.  The  following  literal 
version  of  an  elegiac  fragment,  from  a  poem  seemingly  written  to  warn  the  people  against 
the  arts  of  aspiring  demagogues,  may  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  his  manner  of  composi- 
tion and  style  of  thought. 

Out  of  the  clouds  the  snow-flakes  are  poured,  and  fury  of  hail-storm  j 

After  the  lightning's  flash,  follows  the  thunderous  bolt. 
Tossed  by  the  winds  is  the  sea,  though  now  so  calmly  reposing, 

Hushed  in  a  motionless  rest,  emblem  of  justice  and  peace. 
So  is  the  State  by  its  great  men  ruined,  and  under  the  tyrant 

Sinks  the  people  unwise,  yielding  to  slavery's  thrall  ; 
Nor  is  it  easy  to  humble  the  ruler  too  hi^ly  exalted. 

After  the  hour  is  passed:  now  is  the  time  to  foresee. 

IBs  morality  was  pure  and  lofty,  and  the  expression  of  religious  feeling,  in  his  writings,  is 
marked  by  humble  submission  to  the  divine  will.  The  only  fault  to  be  found  with  him  is, 
that,  through  his  long  life  of  fourscore,  he  remained  unmarried.  —  Ed. 


B  C.560.] 


USURPATION   OP  PEISISTRATUS. 


97 


Kuins  of  the  Temple  of  the  Olympian  Zeus  at  Athens.* 


CHAPTER    XI. 


mSTORT  OP  ATHENS  FROM  THE  USURPATION  OF  PEISISTRATUS  TO  THB 
ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   DEMOCRACY  BY   CLEISTHENES. 

1.  Despotism  of  Peisistratus.    His  First  Expulsion  and  Restoration.    §  2.  His  Second  Ex 
pulsion  and  Restoration.    §  3.  Government  of  Peisistratus  after  his  Final  Restoration  to 
his  Death,  B.  c.  527.    §4.  Government  of  Hi ppias  and  Hipparchus.    Conspiracv  of  Har 
modms  and  Aristogeiton,  and  Assassination  of  Hipparchus,  n.  c.  514.     §  5.  Sole-  Gorem- 
ment  of  H.ppias.    His  Expulsion  by  the  AlcmajonidoB  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  b.  c  510 
§  6.  Honors  paid  to  Hannodius  and  Aristogeiton.    §  7.  Party  Struggles  at  Athens  be- 
tween Cleisthenes  and  Isagortis.    Establishment  of  the  Athenian  Democracy.    4  8    Re- 
forms of  Cleisthenes.    Institution  of  Ten  new  Tribes  and  of  the  Demes.    §  9.*  Increase  of 
the  Number  of  the  Senate  to  Five  Hundred.    §  10.  Enlargement  of  the  Functions  and 
Authonty  of  the  Senate  and  the  Ecclesia.    ^  11.  Introduction  of  the  Judicial  Functions 
of  the  People.    Institution  of  the  Ten  Strategi  or  Generals.    §  12.  Ostracism.    §13    First 
Attempt  of  the  Lacedaemonians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  Democracy.    Invasion  of 
Attica  by  Cleomenes,  followed  by  his  Expulsion  with  that  of  Isagoi-as.    §  14.  Second 
Attempt  of  the  Lacedc^monians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  Democracy.    The  Lacedae- 
monians, Thebans,  and  Chalcidians  attack  Attica.    The  Lacedfemonians  deserted  by 
their  Allies,  and  compelled  to  retire.    Victories  of  the  Athenians  over  the  Thebans  and 
Chalcidians,  followed  by  the  Planting  of  Four  Thousand  Athenian  Colonists  on  the  Lands 
of  the  Chalcidians.     §  15.  Third  Attempt   of  the  Lacedemonians  to  overthrow  the 


*  One  of  the  columns  —  that  at  the  further  extremity  in  this  view  -  was  blown  down  by 
ft  hurricane  a  few  years  ago.  —  Ed. 

13 


Li 


96 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  X. 


? 


their  riglits.  The  popular  indignation  was  excited;  an  assembly  was 
forthwith  called,  and  one  of  his  friends  pro|K)sed  that  a  guard  of  fifty  club- 
men should  be  granted  him  for  his  future  security.  It  was  in  vain  that 
Solon  used  all  his  authority  to  oppose  so  dangerous  a  request ;  his  resist- 
ance was  overborne,  and  the  guard  was  voted. 

Peisistratus  thus  gained  the  first  and  most  important  step.  He  gi'adually 
increased  the  number  of  his  guard,  and  soon  found  himself  sti-ong  enough 
to  throw  off  the  mask  and  seize  the  Acropolis,  B.  c.  5  GO.  Megacles  and 
the  Alcmjeonidaj  left  the  city.  Solon  alone  luul  the  courage  to  oppose  the 
usurpation,  and  upbraided  the  jK'ople  with  their  cowardice  and  tlieir  treach- 
ery. "  Tou  might,"  said  he,  "  with  ease  have  crushed  the  tynuit  in  the  bud ; 
bat  nothing  now  renuiins  but  to  pluck  him  up  by  the  roots."  No  one,  how- 
ever, resi>onded  to  his  appeal.  He  refused  to  fly ;  and  when  his  friends 
asked  him  on  what  he  relied  for  j)rotection,  « On  my  old  age,"  was  his 
reply.  It  is  creditable  to  Peisistratus  that  he  left  his  aged  relative  unmo- 
lested, and  even  asked  his  advice  in  the  administmtion  of  the  government. 

Solon  did  not  long  survive  tlie  overthrow  of  the  c(«istitution.  He  died  a 
year  or  two  af\erwaixls,  at  the  a(l\  aiiced  age  of  eighty.  His  ashes  are  said 
to  have  been  scattered,  by  his  own  direction,  round  the  island  of  Salamis, 
which  he  had  won  for  the  Athenian  people.* 


*  The  character  of  Solon  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  history.  Perliaps  no  indi- 
vidual has  exercist.l  a  wider  intluenct^  on  hnnian  atTairs.  He  laid  the  foundation  of  Athe 
nian  legislation,  and  through  that  of  the  Knnian  Law,  which  governs  the  administration  of 
justice,  down  to  the  present  day,  throii^h(.ut  a  great  part  of  tlie  civilized  world.  Besides 
being  a  legislator,  he  was  a  poet  of  no  ordinary  powers.  In  his  youth  he  sung  of  Love  and 
Wine;  but  tli«  serious  business  which  the  distracted  condition  of  his  cc.untry  laid  ui)on  him 
led  him  to  omploy  the  vehicle  of  jKietic  measures  for  moral  anil  i>olitical  ends.  In  his  Sala- 
niiniaii  Ode,  o(  which  only  two  or  three  lines  are  preserved,  he  was  thought  to  have  equalled 
Tyrtau>.  In  the  fragments  of  the  other  poems  which  htive  come  down  to  u<i,  the  lines  are 
nervous  and  pointed,  and  not  without  admirable  poetical  images.  The  f<»llowing  liteml 
version  of  an  elegiac  fmgment,  from  a  poem  seemingly  written  to  warn  the  people  against 
the  arts  of  asjiiring  demagogues,  may  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  his  manner  of  con^wsi- 
tion  and  style  of  thought. 

Out  of  the  clouds  the  snow-flakes  are  poured,  and  fury  of  hail-stomi ; 

After  the  lightning's  flash,  follows  the  thunderous  bolt. 
Tossed  by  the  winds  is  the  sea,  thougli  now  so  calmly  reiK>sing, 

Hushed  in  a  motionless  rest,  emblem  of  justice  and  peace. 
So  is  tlie  State  by  its  great  men  ruined,  and  under  the  tyrant 

Sinks  the  people  unwise,  yielding  to  slavery's  thrall  ; 
Kor  is  it  easy  to  humble  the  ruler  too  highly  exalted, 

After  the  hour  is  passed :  now  is  the  time  to  foresee. 

His  morality  was  pure  and  lofty,  and  the  expression  of  religious  feeling,  in  his  writings,  is 
marked  by  humble  submission  to  the  divine  will.  The  only  fault  to  be  found  with  him  isi 
liiat,  through  his  long  life  of  fourscore,  he  remained  unmarried.  —  Ed. 


B  C  560.] 


USURPATION    OF   PEISISTRATUS. 


97 


Euins  of  the  Temple  of  the  Olympian  Zeus  at  Athens.* 


CHAPTER    XI. 

HISTORY   OF  ATHENS  FROM  THE   USURPATION  OF  PEISISTRATUS   TO  TUB 
ESTABLISiniEXT    OP   THE    DEMOCRACY   BY    CLEISTHENES. 

1.  Despotism  of  Peisistratus.    His  First  Expulsion  and  Restoration.    §  2.  His  Second  Ex 
pulsion  and  Restoration.    §  3.  Government  of  Peisistratus  after  his  Final  Restoration  to 
his  Death,  n.  c.  527.     §  4.  Government  of  Ilippias  and  llipparchns.     Conspimcv  of  Har 
modms  and  Anstogeiton,  and  Assassination  of  Hii.parchus,  ,;.  c.  514.    v^  5.  Solo  Goveni- 
ment  of  H.ppias.     His  Expulsi„n  by  the  Alcma-onidiu  and  the  LacedaMuonians,  b.  c.  510 
§  G.  Honors  paid  to  Ilarmudius  an.l  Aristogeiton.     §  7.  Partv  Struirgles  at  Athens  be- 
tween CkMsthenes  and  Isagoras.     Establishment  of  the  Athenian  Democracv.     ^  8    Re- 
forms of  Cleisthenes.     Institution  of  Ten  new  Tribes  and  of  the  Denies.     §  9.*  Increase  of 
the  Number  of  the  Senate  to  Five  Hundred.     §  10.  Enlargement  of  the  Functions  and 
Authority  of  the  Senate  and  the  Ecclesia.    §  11.  Introduction  of  the  Judicial  Functions 
of  the  People.    Institution  of  the  Ten  Stnitegi  or  Generals.    §  12.  Ostracism.    §13    First 
Attempt  of  the  Lace.LTm..nians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  Democracv.    Invasion  of 
Attica  by  Cleomenes,  followed  by  his  Expulsion  with  that  of  Isagoms.*    §  14.  Second 
Attempt  of  the  Lace.hvm.mians  to  overthrow  the  Athenian  Democracy.     The  I  -iced-B 
monians,  Thebans,  and  Clmlci.lians  attack  Attica.     The  Lacedaemonians  deserted  by 
their  Allies,  and  compelled  to  retire.    Victories  of  the  Athenians  over  the  Theb'ins  and 
Chalcidians,  followed  by  the  Planting  of  Four  Thousand  Athenian  Colonists  on  the  Lands 
of  the  Chalcidians.     §  15.  Third  Attempt   of  the  Lacedaemonians  to  overthrow  the 


*  One  of  the  columns  -that  at  the  further  extremity  in  this  view  -  was  blown  down  by 
a  hurricane  a  few  vears  ago.  —  Ed. 

13 


L 


98 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XI. 


B.  C.  527.] 


USURPATION  OP  PEISISTRATUS. 


99 


Athenian  Democracy,  again  frustrated  by  the  Refusal  of  the  Allies  to  take  a  Part  in  the 
Enterprise.  \  16.  Growth  of  Athenian  Patriotism,  a  Consequence  of  the  Beforms  of 
Cleisthenes. 

§  1.  Peisistratus  became  despot  of  Athens,  as  already  stated,  in 
the  year  560  b.  c.  He  did  not,,  however,  retain  his  power  long.  The 
two  leaders  of  the  other  factions,  Megacles  of  the  Shore,  and  Lycurgus  of 
the  Plain,  now  combined,  and  Peisistratus  was  driven  into  exile.  But  the 
two  rivals  afterwards  quarrelled,  and  Megacles  invited  Peisistratus  to  re- 
turn to  Athens,  offering  him  his  daugher  in  marriage,  and  promising  to 
assist  him  in  regaining  the  sovereignty.  These  conditions  being  accepted, 
the  following  stratagem  was  devised  for  carrying  the  plan  into  effect.  A 
tall  stately  woman,  named  Phya,  was  clothed  in  the  armor  and  costume 
of  Athena  (Minerva),  and  placed  in  a  chariot  with  Peisistratus  at  her 
side.  In  this  guise  the  exiled  despot  approached  the  city,  preceded  by 
heralds,  who  announced  that  the  goddess  was  bringing  back  Peisistratus 
to  her  own  acropolis.  The  people  believed  the  announcement,  worship- 
ped the  woman  as  their  tutelary  goddess,  and  quietly  submitted  to  the 
sway  of  their  former  ruler. 

§  2.  Peisistratus  married  the  daughter  of  Megacles  according  to  the 
compact ;  but  as  he  had  already  grown-up  children  by  a  former  marriage, 
and  did  not  choose  to  connect  his  blood  with  a  fiimily  which  was  considered 
accursed  on  account  of  Cylon's  sacrilege,  he  did  not  treat  her  as  his  wife. 
Incensed  at  this  affront,  Megacles  again  made  common  cause  with  Lycur- 
gus, and  Peisistratus  was  compelled  a  second  time  to  quit  Athens.  He 
retired  to  Eretria  in  Euboea,  where  he  remained  no  fewer  than  ten  years. 
He  did  not,  however,  spend  his  time  in  inactivity.  He  possessed  consider- 
able influence  in  various  parts  of  Greece,  and  many  cities  furnished  hini 
with  lar«e  sums  of  money.  He  was  thus  able  to  procure  mercenaries  from 
Argos ;  and  Lygdamis,  a  powerful  citizen  of  Naxos,  came  himself  both 
with  money  and  with  troops.  With  these  Peisistratus  sailed  from  Eretria, 
and  landed  at  :Marathon.  Here  he  was  speedily  joined  by  his  friends  and 
partisans,  who  flocked  to  his  camp  in  large  numbers.  His  antagonists 
allowed  him  to  remain  undisturbed  at  Marathon  ;  and  it  was  not  till  he 
began  his  march  towards  the  city  that  they  hastily  collected  their  forces 
and  went  out  to  meet  him.  But  their  conduct  was  extremely  negligent  or 
con-upt ;  for  Peisistratus  fell  suddenly  upon  their  forces  at  noon,  when  the 
men  were  unprepared  for  battle,  and  put  them  to  flight  almost  without  re- 
sistance. Instead  of  following  up  his  victory  by  slaughtering  the  fugitives, 
he  proclaimed  a  general  pardon  on  condition  of  their  retuniing  quietly  to 
their  homes.  His  orders  were  generally  obeyed ;  and  the  leaders  of  the 
opposite  factions,  finding  themselves  abandoned  by  their  partisans,  quitted 
the  country.  In  this  manner  Peisistratus  became  undisputed  master  of 
Athens  for  the  third  time. 

§  8.  Peisistratus  now  adopted  vigorous  measures  to  secure  his  power 


and  render  it  permanent.  He  took  into  his  pay  a  body  of  Thracian  mer- 
cenaries, and  seized  as  hostages  the  children  of  those  citizens  whom  he 
suspected,  placing  them  in  Naxos  under  the  care  of  Lygdamis.  But  as 
soon  as  he  was  firmly  established  in  the  government,  his  administration 
was  marked  by  mildness  and  equity.  An  income-tax  of  five  per  cent,  was 
all  that  he  levied  from  the  people.  He  maintained  the  institutions  of  So- 
lon, taking  care,  however,  that  the  highest  oflices  should  always  be  held 
by  some  members  of  his  own  family.  He  not  only  enforced  strict  obedi- 
ence to  the  laws,  but  himself  set  the  example  of  submitting  to  them.  Being 
accused  of  murder,  he  disdained  to  take  advantage  of  his  authority,  and 
went  in  person  to  plead  his  cause  before  the  Areopagus,  where  his  accuser 
did  not  venture  to  appear.  He  courted  popularity  by  largesses  to  the  citi 
zens,  and  by  throwing  open  his  gardens  to  the  poor.  He  adorned  Athens 
with  many  public  buildings,  tlms  giving  employment  to  the  poorer  citizens, 
and  at  the  same  time  gratifying  his  own  taste.  He  commenced  on  a  stu- 
pendous scale  a  temple  to  the  Olympian  Zeus,  which  remained  unfinished 
for  centuries,  and  was  at  length  completed  by  the  Emperor  Hadrian.  He 
covered  with  a  building  the  fountain  Callirrhoe,  which  supplied  the  greater 
part  of  Athens  with  water,  and  conducted  the  water  through  nine  pipes, 
whence  the  fountain  was  called  Enneacrunus.*  Moreover,  Peisistratus 
was  a  patron  of  literature,  as  well  as  of  the  arts.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
the  first  person  in  Greece  who  collected  a  library,  which  he  threw  open  to 
the  public ;  and  to  him  posterity  is  indebted  for  the  collection  of  the  Ho- 
meric poems.t  On  the  whole,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  he  made  a  wise  and 
noble  use  of  his  power  ;  and  it  was  for  this  reason  that  Julius  Caesar  was 
called  the  Peisistratus  of  Rome. 

§  4.  Peisistratus  died  at  an  advanced  age  in  527  b.  c,  thirty-three 
years  after  his  first  usurpation.  He  transmitted  the  sovereign  power  to 
his  sons,  Hippias  and  Hipparchus,  who  conducted  the  government  on  the 
same  principles  as  their  father.  Hipparchus  inherited  his  father's  literary 
tastes.  He  invited  several  distinguished  poets,  such  as  Anacreon  and 
Simonides,  to  his  court,  and  he  set  up  along  the  highways  statues  of 
Hermes  (Mercury),  with  moral  sentences  written  upon  them.  Thucydi- 
des  states  that  the  sons  of  Peisistratus  cultivated  virtue  and  wisdom ;  the 
people  appear  to  have  been  contented  with  their  rule ;  and  it  was  only  an 
accidental  circumstance  which  led  to  their  overthrow  and  to  a  change  in 
the  govermnent. 

Their  fall  was  occasioned  by  the  memorable  conspiracy  of  Harmodius 
and  Aristogeiton.  These  citizens  belonged  to  an  ancientfamily  of  Athens, 
and  were  attached  to  each  other  by  the  most  intimate  friendship.  Har- 
modius having  given  offence  to  Hippias,  the  despot  revenged  himself  by 
putting  a  public  affront  upon  his  sister.     This  indignity  excited  the  resent- 


*  *EvP€dKpovvosi  from  eVi/eo,  nine,  and  Kpovvosy  a  inpe,  f  See  p.  42. 


100 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chlp.  XI. 


ment  of  the  two  friends,  and  they  now  resolved  to  slay  the  despots,  or  per- 
ish in  the  attempt.  They  communicated  the  plot  to  a  few  associates,  and 
determined  to  carry  it  into  execution  on  the  festival  of  the  Great  Pan- 
athenaia,  when  all  tlie  citizens  were  required  to  attend  in  arms,  and  to 
march  in  procession  from  the  Cerameicus,  a  suburb  of  the  city,  to  the  tem- 
ple of  Athena  (Minerva)  on  the  Acrojwlis.  When  the  appointed  time 
arrived,  the  conspimtoi-s  apjwared  Uke  the  rest  of  the  citizens,  but  carry- 
ing concealed  daggers  besides.  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton  had  planned 
to  kill  Hippias  first,  as  he  was  arranging  the  order  of  the  procession  in  the 
Cerameicus ;  but  upon  approaching  the  spot  where  he  was  standing,  they 
were  thunderstruck  at  beholding  one  of  the  conspirators  in  close  convei-sa- 
tion  with  the  despot.  Believing  that  they  were  betrayed,  and  resolving 
before  they  died  to  wreak  their  vengeance  upon  Hipparchus,  they  i-ushed 
back  into  the  city  with  their  daggei-s  hid  in  the  myrtle-boughs  which  they 
were  to  have  carried  in  the  procession.  They  found  him  near  the  chapel 
called  Leocorium,  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.  Harmodius  was  immediately 
cut  down  by  the  guards.  Aristogeiton  escaped  for  the  time,  but  was  after- 
wards taken,  and  died  under  the  tortures  to  which  he  was  subjected  in  or- 
der to  compel  him  to  disctose  his  accomplices.  The  news  of  his  brother's 
death  reached  Hippias  before  it  became  generally  known.  With  extraor- 
dimiry  presence  of  mind,  he  called  ui)on  the  citizens  to  drop  their  arms, 
and  meet  him  in  an  adjoining  ground.  They  obeyed  without  suspicion. 
He  then  apprehended  those  on  whose  persons  daggers  were  discovered, 
and  all  besides  whom  he  had  any  reason  to  suspect. 

§  5.  Hipparchus  was  assassinated  in  b.  c.  514,  the  fourteenth  year  after 
the  death  of  Peisistratus.  From  this  time  the  character  of  the  government 
became  entirely  changed.  His  brother's  murder  converted  Hippias  into 
a  cruel  and  suspicious  tyrant.  He  put  to  death  numbers  of  the  citizens, 
and  raised  large  sums  of  money  by  extraordinary  taxes.  Feeling  him- 
self unsafe  at  home,  he  began  to  look  abroad  for  some  place  of  retreat,  in 
case  he  should  be  expelled  from  Athens.  With  this  view,  he  gave  liis 
daughter  in  marriage  to  ^Eantides,  son  of  Hipjioclus,  despot  of  Lampsacus, 
because  the  latter  was  in  great  ftwor  with  Darius,  king  of  Persia. 

Meantime  the  growing  unpopularity  of  Hippias  raised  the  hopes  of  the 
powerful  fiunily  of  the  Alcraoeonida?,  who  hatl  lived  in  exile  ever  since  the 
third  and  final  restoration  of  Peisistratus  to  Athens.  Believing  the  favor- 
able moment  to  be  come,  they  even  ventured  to  invade  Attica,  and  estab- 
lished themselves  in  a  fortified  town  uj)on  the  frontier.  They  were,  how- 
ever, defeated  by  Hippias  with  loss,  and  compelled  to  quit  the  country. 
Unable  to  effect  their  restoration  by  force,  they  now  had  recoui-se  to  a 
manoeuvre  which  proved  successftil. 

The  AlcmjBonida;  had  taken  the  contract  for  rebuilding  the  temple  at 
Delphi,  which  had  been  accidentally  destroyed  by  fire  many  years  pre- 
Tiously.    They  not  only  executed  the  work  in  the  best  possible  manner, 


B.  C.  510.] 


EXPULSION    OP   HIPPIAS. 


101 


but  even  exceeded  what  hful  been  required  of  them,  employing  Parian 
marble  for  the  front  of  the  temple,  instead  of  the  coarse  stone  specified  in 
the  contract.  This  liberality  gained  for  them  the  favor  of  the  Delphians ; 
and  Cleisthenes,  the  son  of  Mega<?les,  who  was  now  the  head  of  the  family, 
secured  the  oracle  still  further. by  pecuniary  presents  to  the  Pythia,  or 
priestess.  Henceforth,  whenever  the  Spartans  came  to  consult  the  oracle, 
the  answer  of  the  priestess  was  always  the  same, —  "  Athens  must  be 
liberated."  This  oi-der  was  so  often  repeated,  that  the  Spartans  at  last 
resolved  to  obey,  although  they  had  hitherto  maintained  a  friendly  connec- 
tion with  the  family  of  Peisistratus.  Their  fii-st  attempt  failed ;  the  force 
which  they  sent  into  Attica  was  defeated  by  Hippias,  and  its  leader  slain. 
A  second  effort  succeeded.  Cleomenes,  kmg  of  Sparta,  defeated  the  Thes- 
salian  aUies  of  Hippias ;  and  the  latter,  unable  to  meet  his  enemies  in  the 
field,  took  refuge  in  the  Acroix)lis.  Here  he  might  have  maintained  him- 
self in  safety,  had  not  his  children  been  made  prisoners  as  they  were 
secretly  carried  out  of  the  country.  To  procure  their  restoration,  he  con- 
sented to  quit  Attica  in  the  spaee  of  five  days.  He  sailed  to  Asia,  and 
took  up  his  residence  at  Sigeum  in  the  Troad,  which  his  father  had  wrested 
from  the  Mytilenseans  in  war. 

§  6.  Hippias  was  expelled  in  b.  c.  510,  four  years  after  the  assassination 
of  Hipparchus.  These  four  years  had  been  a  time  of  suffering  and  op- 
pression for  the  Athenians,  and  liad  effaeed  from  their  minds  all  recoUection 
of  the  former  mild  rule  of  Peisistratus  and  his  sous.  Hence  the  expul- 
sion  of  the  family  was  hailed  with  delight,  and  their  names  were  handed 
down  to  posterity  with  execration  and  hatred.  For  the  same  reason  the 
memory  of  Hai-modius  and  Aristogeiton  was  cherished  with  the  fondest 
reverence ;  and  the  Athenians  of  subsequent  generations,  overlooking  the 
four  years  which  elapsed  from  their  death  to  the  overthrow  of  the°des- 
potism,  represented  them  as  the  liberators  of  their  country  and  the  first 
martyrs  for  its  liberty.  Their  statues  were  erected  in  the  market-place 
soon  after  the  expulsion  of  Hippias ;  their  descendants  enjoyed  immunity 
from  all  taxes  and  public  burdens ;  and  their  deed  of  vengeance  formed 
the  favorite  subject  of  drinking-songs.  Of  these  the  most  famous  and 
popular  has  come  down  to  us,  and  may  be  thus  translated:  — 

**  I  '11  wreathe  my  sword  in  myrtle-bough, 
The  sword  that  laid  the  tyrant  low, 
When  patriots,  burning  to  be  free, 
To  Athens  gave  equahty. 

"  Harmodius,  hail !  though  reft  of  breath, 
Thou  ne'er  shalt  feel  the  stroke  of  death ; 
The  heroes'  happy  isles  shall  be 
The  bright  abode  allotted  thee. 

"  I  '11  wreathe  my  sword  in  myrtle-bough, 
The  sword  that  laid  Hipparchus  low, 
When  at  Athena's  adverse  fane 
He  knelt,  and  never  rose  again. 


r 


"V*- 


102  HISTORY   OF  GREECE.  [Chaf.  XI 

**  While  Freedom's  name  is  understood, 
You  shall  delight  the  wise  and  good ; 
You  dared  to  set  your  country  free, 
And  gave  her  laws  equality."  ♦ 

§  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  quitted  Athens  soon  after  Hippias  had  sailed 
away,  leaving  the  Athenians  to  settle  their  own  affairs.  The  Solonian  con- 
stitution, which  had  continued  to  exist  nominally  under  the  administration 
of  the  family  of  Peisistratus,  was  now  revived  in  its  full  force  and  vigor. 
Cleisthenes,  to  whom  Athens  was  mainly  indebted  for  its  liberation  from 
the  despotism,  aspired  to  be  the  political  leader  of  the  state,  but  was  op- 
posed by  Isagoras,  who  was  supported  by  the  great  body  of  the  nobles. 
By  the  Solonian  constitution,  the  whole  political  power  was  vested  in  the 
bands  of  the  latter ;  and  Cleisthenes  soon  found  that  it  was  hopeless  to 
contend  against  his  rival  under  the  existing  order  of  things.  For  this 
reason  he  resolved  to  introduce  an  important  change  in  the  constitution, 
and  to  give  to  the  people  an  equal  share  in  the  government.  This  is  the 
account  of  Herodotus,  who  says  that  "  he  took  the  people  into  partnership, 
who  had  been  before  excluded  from  eveiything."  It  is  probable,  however, 
that  these  reforms  were  not  suggested  simply  by  a  love  of  selfish  aggran- 
dizement ;  but  that  he  had  seen  the  necessity  of  placing  the  constitution  on 
a  more  popular  basis,  and  of  giving  a  larger  number  of  citizens  a  personal 
interest  in  the  welfare  and  preservation  of  the  state.  However  this  may 
be,  the  reforms  of  Cleisthenes  gave  birth  to  the  Athenian  democracy, 
which  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  existed  before  this  time. 

§  8.  The  first  and  most  important  reform  of  Cleisthenes,  and  that  on 
which  all  the  rest  depended,  was  a  rcHlistribution  of  the  whole  population 
of  Attica  into  ten  new  tribes.  Up  to  this  time  the  Athenian  citizenship 
had  been  confined  to  the  members  of  the  four  Ionic  tribes,  into  which  no 
one  could  gain  admission  except  through  means  of  the  close  corporations 
called  gene  and  phratriae-t  But  there  was  a  large  body  of  residents  in 
Attica  who  did  not  belong  to  these  corporations,  and  who  consequently  had 
no  share  in  the  political  franchise.  Cleisthenes  accordingly  abolislied  these 
four  tribes,  and  established  ten  new  ones  in  their  stead,  in  which  he  en- 
rolled all  the  free  inhabitants  of  Attica,  including  both  resident  aliens  and 
even  emancipated  slaves.  These  ten  tribes  were  purely  local,  and  were 
divided  into  a  certain  number  of  cantons  or  townships,  called  demes.}  At 
a  later  time  we  find  one  hundred  and  seventy-four  of  these  dcmes ;  but  it 
is  not  known  whether  this  was  the  original  number  instituted  by  Cleis- 
thenes. 

There  is  one  point  connected  with  the  arrangement  of  the  demes  which 
deserves  mention,  since  it  indicates  singular  foresight  and  sagacity  on  the 
part  of  Cleisthenes.     The  demes  which  he  assigned  to  each  tribe  were  never 


*  Wellesley's  Anthologia  Polyglotta,  p.  445. 
t  See  p.  85. 


I   dij/AOi. 


B.  C.  510.] 


REF0R3IS    OF   CLEISTHENES. 


103 


I 

I 


l4 


all  of  them  contiguous  to  each  other,  but  were  scattered  over  different  parts 
of  Attica.  The  object  of  this  arrangement  was  evidently  to  prevent  any 
tribe  from  acquiring  a  local  interest  independent  of  the  entire  community, 
and  to  remove  the  temptation  of  forming  itself  into  a  political  faction  from 
the  proximity  of  its  members  to  each  other.  This  was  the  more  necessary 
when  we  recollect  that  the  parties  of  the  Plain,  the  Shore,  and  the  Moun- 
tam  had  all  arisen  from  local  feuds. 

Every  Athenian  citizen  was  obliged  to  be  enrolled  in  a  deme,  and  in  all 
public  documents  was  designated  by  the  name  of  the  one  to  which  he 
belonged.  Each  deme,  like  a  parish  in  England,  administered  its  own 
affairs.  It  had  its  public  meetings,  it  levied  taxes,  and  was  under  the 
superintendence  of  an  officer  called  Demarchus.* 

§  9.  The  establishment  of  the  ten  new  tribes  led  to  a  change  in  the 
number  of  the  Senate.  It  had  previously  consisted  of  four  hundred  mem- 
bers, taken  in  equal  proiX)rtions  from  each  of  the  four  old  tribes.  It  was 
now  enlarged  to  five  hundred,  fifty  being  selected  from  each  of  the  ten  new 
tribes.  At  the  same  time  its  duties  and  functions  were  greatly  increased. 
By  the  constitution  of  Solon  its  principal  business  was  to  prepare  matters 
for  discussion  in  the  Ecclesia ;  but  Cleisthenes  gave  it  a  great  share  in  the 
administration  of  the  state.  Its  sittings  became  constant,  and  the  year  was 
divided  into  ten  portions,  called  Prytanys,^  corresponding  to  a  similar 
division  in  the  Senate.  The  fifty  senators  of  each  tribe  took  by  turns  the 
duty  of  presiding  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  Ecclesia  during  one  Prytany, 
and  received  during  that  time  the  title  of  Prytcuieis.\  The  ordinary  Attic 
year  consisted  of  twelve  lunar  months,  or  three  hundred  and  sixty-four 
days,  so  that  six  of  the  Prytanys  lasted  thirty-five  days,  and  four  of  them 
thirty-six  days.  But  for  the  more  convenient  despatch  of  business,  every 
fifty  members  were  divided  into  five  bodies  of  ten  each,  who  presided  for 
seven  days,  and  were  hence  called  Pro'edri.  §  Moreover,  out  of  these 
proedri  a  chairman,  called  Epistates,  ||  was  chosen  by  lot  every  day  to  pre- 
side both  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  Ecclesia,  when  necessary,  and  to  him 
were  intrusted  during  his  day  of  office  the  keys  of  the  acropolis  and  the 
treasury,  and  the  public  seal. 

§  10.  The  Ecclesia,  or  formal  assembly  of  the  citizens,  was  accustomed 
at  a  later  period  to  meet  regularly  four  times  in  every  Prytany.  It  is  not 
stated  that  this  number  was  fixed  by  Cleisthenes,  and  it  is  more  probable 
that  he  did  not  institute  such  frequent  meetings ;  but  it  cannot  be  doubted 
that  it  was  a  part  of  his  system  to  summon  the  Ecclesia  at  certain  fixed 
periods.  By  the  constitution  of  Solon  the  government  of  the  state  seems 
to  have  been,  chiefly  vested  in  the  archons ;  and  it  was  one  of  the  principal 
reforms  of  Cleisthenes  to  transfer  the  political  power  from  their  hands  to 


§  Ilpofbpoi. 


t  JIpvTapfiai. 
II  *EmaTaTTjs. 


X  Tlpvraviit. 


104 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XI. 


B.  C.  510.] 


REFORMS   OF   CLEISTHEXES. 


105 


il 


the  Senate  and  the  Ecclesia.  He  accustomed  the  people  to  the  discussion 
and  management  of  their  own  affiiirs,  and  thus  prepared  them  for  the  still 
more  democratieal  reforms  of  Aristeides  and  Pericles.  At  a  later  time  we 
find  that  all  citizens  were  eligible  to  the  office  of  archon,  and  that  these 
magistrates  wei-e  chosen  by  lot,  and  not  elected  by  the  body  of  citizens. 
They  were  deprived,  moreover,  of  most  of  their  judicial  duties  by  the  ex- 
tension of  the  powers  of  the  popular  courts  of  justice. 

These  reforms,  however,  were  not  introduced  by  Cleisthenes.  He  con- 
tinued to  exclude  the  fourth  of  those  classes  into  which  Solon  had  divided 
the  citizens  from  the  post  of  archon  and  from  all  other  offices  of  state ;  he 
made  no  change  in  the  manner  of  appointmg  the  archons,  and  left  them  in 
the  exercise  of  important  judicial  duties.  Hence  the  constitution  of  Cleis- 
thenes, notwithstanding  the  increase  of  power  which  it  gave  to  the  people, 
came  to  be  regarded  as  aristocratical  in  the  times  of  Pericles  and  Demos- 
thenes. 

§  11.  Of  the  other  reforms  of  Cleisthenes  we  are  imperfectly  informed. 
He  increased  the  judicial  as  well  as  the  political  power  of  the  people.  It 
is  in  fact  doubtful  whether  Solon  gave  the  people  any  judicial  functions  at 
all ;  and  it  was  probably  Cleisthenes  who  enacted  that  all  public  crimes 
should  be  tried  by  the  whole  body  of  citizens  above  thirty  years  of  age, 
specially  convoked  and  sworn  for  the  purpose.  The  assembly  thus  con- 
vened was  called  Heltaea^  and  its  members  Heliasts,*  With  the  increase 
of  the  judicial  functions  of  the  people,  it  became  necessary  to  divide  the 
Heliaja  into  ten  distinct  courts ;  and  this  change  was  probably  introduced 
soon  after  the  time  of  Cleisthenes. 

The  new  constitution  of  the  tribes  introduced  a  change  in  the  military 
arrangements  of  the  state.  The  citizens,  who  were  required  to  serve,  were 
now  marshalled  accoixling  to  tribes,  each  of  which  was  subject  to  a  Strate-' 
pusy^  or  general  of  its  own.  These  ten  generals  were  elected  annually  by 
the  whole  body  of  citizens,  and  became  at  a  later  time  the  most  important 
officers  in  the  state,  since  they  possessed  the  direction  not  only  of  naval  and 
military  affaii-s,  but  also  of  the  relations  of  the  city  with  foreign  states. 
Down  to  the  time  of  Cleisthenes,  the  command  of  the  miUtary  force  had 
been  vested  exclusively  in  the  third  archon,  or  Polemarch ;  and  even  after 
the  institution  of  the  Strategi  by  Cleisthenes,  the  Polemarch  still  continued 
to  possess  a  joint  right  of  command  along  with  them,  as  will  be  seen  when 
we  come  to  relate  the  battle  of  Marathon. 

§  12.  There  was  another  remarkable  institution  expressly  ascribed  to 
Cleisthenes,  —  the  Ostracism  ;  the  real  object  of  which  has  been  explained 
for  the  first  time  by  Mr.  Grote.  By  the  Ostracism,  a  citizen  was  banished, 
without  special  accusation,  trial,  or  defence,  for  ten  years,  which  term  was 
subsequently  reduced  to  five :  he  was  not  deprived  of  his  property ;  and 


at  the  end  of  his  period  of  exile  was  allowed  to  return  to  Athens,  and  to 
resume  all  the  political  rights  and  privileges  which  he  had  previously  en- 
joyed. It  must  be  recollected  that  the  force  which  a  Greek  govenmient 
had  at  its  disposal  was  very  small ;  and  that  it  was  comparatively  easy 
for  an  ambitious  citizen,  supported  by  a  numerous  body  of  partisans,  to 
overthrow  the  constitution  and  make  himself  despot.  The  past  history  of 
the  Athenians  had  shown  the  dangers  to  which  they  were  exix)sed  from 
this  cause ;  and  the  Ostraeisni  was  the  means  devised  by  Cleisthenes  for 
removing  quietly  from  the  state  a  powerful  party  leader  before  he  could 
carry  into  execution  any  violent  schemes  for  the  subversion  of  the  govern- 
ment. Every  precaution  was  taken  to  guard  this  institution  from  abuse. 
The  Senate  and  the  Ecclesia  had  first  to  determine  by  a  special  vote  wheth- 
er the  safety  of  the  state  required  such  a  step  to  be  tiiken.  If  they  de- 
cided in  the  affirmative,  a  day  was  fixed  for  tlie  voting,  and  each  citizen 
wrote  upon  a  tile  or  oyster-shell  *  the  name  of  the  person  whom  he  wished 
to  banish.  The  votes  were  then  collected,  and  if  it  was  found  that  six 
thousand  had  been  recorded  against  any  one  person,  he  was  obliged  to 
withdraw  from  the  city  within  ten  days ;  if  the  number  of  votes  did  not 
amount  to  six  thousand,  nothmg  was  done.  The  large  number  of  votes 
required  for  the  ostracism  of  a  person  (one  fourth  of  the  entire  citizen 
population)  was  a  sufficient  guaranty  that  a  very  large  proportion  of  the 
citizens  considered  him  dangerous  to  the  state.  It  is  a  proof  of  the  utility 
of  this  institution,  that  from  the  time  of  its  establishment  no  further  at- 
tempt was  made  by  any  Athenian  citizen  to  overthrow  the  democracy  by 
force.t 

§  13.  The  reforms  of  Cleisthenes  were  received  with  such  popular  hr 
vor,  and  so  greatly  mcreased  the  mfluence  of  their  author,  that  Isagoras 
saw  no  hope  for  hun  and  his  party  except  by  calling  in  the  interference  of 
Cleomenes  and  the  Laeedajmonians.  This  was  readily  promised,  and  her- 
alds were  sent  from  Sparta  to  Athens,  demanding  the  expulsion  of  Cleis- 
thenes and  the  rest  of  the  Alcmasonida?,  as  the  accursed  family  on  whom 
rested  the  pollution  of  Cylon's  murder.  Cleisthenes,  not  daring  to  disobey 
the  Lacedaemonian  government,  retu-ed  voluntarily ;  and  thus  Cleomenes, 
arriving  at  Athens  shortly  afterwards  with  a  small  force,  found  hunself  un- 


*  *HXtata,  'HXiacrnu. 


t  STpoTTycJf . 


«  Ostracon  {ocrrpaKov^  whence  the  name  of  Ostracism  {ocrrpaKiafios). 

t  It  is  quite  idle  to  attempt  a  defence  of  the  practice  of  ostracism.  It  was  mani- 
festly and  atrociously  unjust,  and  was  never  put  in  force  without  great  injurv  to  the 
country;  and  though  it  is  true  in  form  that  no  single  citizen  attempted  to  overthrow  the 
democracy  after  its  estabUshment,  yet  parties,  under  the-  lead  of  individuals,  made  several 
attempts  that  were  temporarily  successful.  Ostracism  subjected  the  wisest  and  best  of  the 
Athenians  to  the  whims  and  caprices  of  the  mob,  without  remedy.  Men  were  exiled  for 
ten  years,  often  for  no  better  reason  than  that  given  by  the  rustic,  too  iUiterate  to  inscribe 
the  name  of  his  victim  upon  the  shell,  that  he.  was  tired  of  hearing  Aristeides  catted  iht 
Just.  Such  an  institution  never  was,  and  in  the  nature  of  things  never  could  be,  useful 
To  call  it  80  is  illogical;  since  nothmg  can  be  useful  which  is  unjust.  —  Ed. 

14 


106 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XI. 


1i 


disputed  master  of  the  city.  He  first  expelled  seven  hundred  famiUes 
pointed  out  by  Isagonis,  and  then  attempted  to  dissolve  the  Senate  of  Five 
Hundred,  and  place  the  government  in  the  hands  of  three  hundred  of  his 
friends  and  partisans.  This  proceeding  excited  general  indignation ;  the 
people  rose  in  arms ;  and  Cleomenes  and  Isagoras  took  refuge  in  the 
Acropolis.  At  the  end  of  two  days  tlieir  provisions  were  exhausted,  and 
they  were  obliged  to  capitulate.  Cleomenes  and  the  Lacedaemonian  tixwps, 
as  well  as  Isagoras,  were  allowed  to  retire  m  safety ;  but  all  their  adher- 
ents who  were  captured  with  them  were  put  to  death  by  the  Athenian 
people.  Cleisthenes  and  the  seven  hundred  exiled  families  were  immedi- 
ately recalled,  and  the  new  constitution  was  materially  strengthened  by  the 
iulure  of  this  attempt  to  overthrow  it. 

§  14.  The  Athenians  had  now  openly  broken  with  Sparta.  Fearing 
the  vengeance  of  this  fonnidable  state,  Cleisthenes  sent  envoys  to  Arta- 
phernes,  the  Persian  satrap  at  Sardis,  to  solicit  the  Persian  alliance,  which 
was  offered  on  condition  of  the  Athenians*  sending  earth  and  water  to  the 
king  of  Persia  as  a  token  of  their  submission.  The  envoys  promised  com- 
pUance  ;  but  on  their  return  to  Athens,  their  countrjTnen  rejmdiated  their 
proceeding  with  indignation.  Meantime,  Cleomenes  was  preparing  to 
take  vengeance  upon  the  Athenians,  and  to  establish  Isagoras  as  a  despot 
over  them.  He  summoned  the  Peloponnesian  allies  to  the  field,  but  with- 
out informing  them  of  the  object  of  the  expedition  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
he  concerted  measures  with  the  Thebans  and  the  Chalcidians  of  Eubcca 
lor  a  simultaneous  attack  ui^on  Attica.  The  Peloponnesian  ai-my,  com- 
manded by  the  two  kings,  Cleomenes  and  Demaratus,  entered  Attica,  and 
advanced  as  far  as  Eleusis ;  but  when  the  allies  became  aware  of  the  object 
for  which  they  had  been  summoned,  they  refused  to  march  farther.  The 
power  of  Athens  was  not  yet  sufficiently  great  to  inspire  jealousy  among 
the  other  Greek  states ;  and  the  Corinthians,  who  stUl  smarted  under  the 
lecoUection  of  the  sufferings  inflicted  upon  them  by  their  own  despots,  took 
the  lead  in  denouncmg  the  attempt  of  Cleomenes  to  crush  the  liberties  of 
Athens.  Tlieir  remonstrances  were  seconded  by  Demaratus,  the  other 
Spartan  king ;  so  that  Cleomenes  found  it  necessary  to  abandon  the  ex- 
pedition and  return  home.  The  dissension  of  the  two  kings  on  this  occa- 
sion is  said  to  have  led  to  the  enactment  of  the  law  at  Sparta,  that 
both  kings  should  never  have  the  command  of  the  army  at  the  same 
time. 

The  unexpected  retreat  of  the  Peloponnesian  army  delivered  the  Athe- 
nians from  their  most  fonnidable  enemy,  and  they  lost  no  time  in  turn- 
ing then-  arms  against  their  other  foes.  Marching  into  Bceotia,  they  de- 
feated the  Thebans,  and  then  crossed  over  into  Euboea,  where  they  gained 
a  decisive  victory  over  the  Chalcidians.  In  order  to  secure  their  dommion 
m  Euboea,  and  at  the  same  time  to  provide  for  their  poorer  citizens,  the 
Athenians  distributed  the  estates  of  the  wealthy  Chalcidian  land-owners 


B.  C.  508.] 


SUCCESSES  OF  THE  ATHENIANS. 


107 


among  four  thousand  of  their  citizens,  who  settled  in  the  country  under 
the  name  of  Cleruchi,* 

§  15.  The  successes  of  Athens  had  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  Spartans, 
and  they  now  resolved  to  make  a  third  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Athenian 
democracy.  They  had  meantime  discovered  the  deception  which  had  been 
practised  upon  them  by  the  Delphic  oracle ;  and  they  invited  Hippias  to 
come  from  Sigeum  to  Sparta,  in  order  to  restore  him  to  Athens.  The  ex- 
perience of  the  last  campaign  had  taught  them  that  they  could  not  calcu- 
late upon  the  cooperation  of  their  allies  without  first  obtaining  their  ap- 
proval of  the  project ;  and  they  therefore  summoned  deputies  from  all  their 
allies  to  meet  at  Sparta,  in  order  to  determine  respecting  the  restoration 
of  Hippias.  The  despot  was  present  at  the  congress ;  and  the  Spaitans 
urged  the  necessity  of  crushing  the  growing  insolence  of  the  Athenians  by 
placing  over  them  their  former  master.  But  then*  proposal  was  received 
with  universal  repugnance  ;  and  the  Corinthians  again  expressed  the  gen- 
eral indignation  at  the  design.  "  Surely  heaven  and  earth  are  about  to 
change  places,  when  you  Spartans  propose  to  set  up  in  the  cities  that 
wicked  and  bloody  thing  called  a  Despot.  First  try  what  it  is  for  your- 
selves at  Sparta,  and  then  force  it  upon  others.  If  you  persist  in  a  scheme 
so  wicked,  know  that  the  Corinthians  will  not  second  you."  These  vehe- 
ment remonstrances  were  received  with  such  approbation  by  the  other 
allies,  that  the  Spartans  found  it  necessary  to  abandon  their  project 
Hippias  returned  to  Sigeum,  and  afterwards  proceeded  to  the  court  of 
Darius. 

§  16.  Athens  had  now  entered  upon  her  glorious  career.  The  institur 
tions  of  Cleisthenes  had  given  her  citizens  a  personal  interest  in  the  wel- 
fare and  the  grandeur  of  their  country.  A  spirit  of  the  warmest  patriot- 
ism rapidly  sprang  up  among  them  ;  and  the  history  of  the  Persian  wars, 
which  followed  almost  immediately,  exhibits  a  striking  proof  of  the  heroic 
sacrifices  wliich  they  were  prepared  to  make  for  the  liberty  and  indepen- 
dence of  their  state. 


*  KXi;povxot,  that  is,  "  lot-holders." 


Coin  of  Athens. 


108 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chaf.  xn. 


Chap.  XIL] 


THE    GREEK   COLONIES. 


109 


I 


I 


Ancient  Sculptures  from  Selinus. 


CHAPTER  xn. 

HISTORY  OF   THE   GREEK   COLONIES. 

\  1.  Connection  of  the  Subject  with  the  General  History  of  Greece.  {  2.  Origin  of  the 
Greek  Colonies  and  their  Relation  to  the  Mother  Country.  §  3.  Characteristics  common  to 
most  of  the  Greek  Colonies.  §  4.  The  Jlolic,  Ionic,  and  Doric  Colonies  in  Asia.  Miletus 
the  most  important,  and  the  Parent  of  numerous  Colonies.  Ephesus.  Phocjea.  \  5. 
Colonies  in  the  South  of  Italy  and  Sicily.  History  of  Cumae.  §  6.  Colonies  in  Sicily. 
Syracuse  and  Agrigentum  the  most  important.  Phalaris,  Despot  of  Agrigentum. 
\  7.  Colonies  in  Magna  Graecia  (the  South  of  Italy).  Sybaris  and  Croton.  War  be- 
tween these  Cities,  and  the  Destruction  of  Sybaris.  §  8.  Epizephyrian  Locri:  its  Law- 
giver, Zaleucus.  Rhegiura.  §  9.  Tarentum.  Decline  of  the  Cities  in  Magna  Grsecia. 
^  10.  Colonies  in  Gaul  and  Spain.  Massalia.  §  11.  Colonies  m  Africa.  Cyrene. 
§  12.  Colonies  in  Epeirus,  Macedonia,  and  Thrace.  §  18.  Importance  of  a  Knowledge 
of  the  History  of  the  Greek  Colonies. 

§  1.  An  account  of  the  Greek  colonies  forms  im  important  part  of  the 
history  of  Greece.  It  has  been  already  observed,  that  Hellas  did  not  in- 
dicate a  country  marked  by  certain  geographical  limits,  but  included  the 
whole  bo€ly  of  Hellenes,  in  whatever  part  of  the  world  they  might  be 
settled.  Thus,  the  inhabitants  of  Trapezus  on  the  farthest  shores  of  the 
Black  Sea,  of  Cyrene  in  Africa,  and  of  Massalia  in  the  South  of  Gaul, 
were  as  essentially  members  of  Hellas  as  the  citizens  of  Athens  and  Spar- 
ta. They  all  gloried  in  the  name  of  Hellenes ;  they  all  boasted  of  their 
descent  from  their  common  ancestor,  Hellen  ;  and  they  all  possessed  and 
frequently  exercised  the  right  of  contending  in  the  Olympic  games  and 
the  other  national  festivals  of  Greece. 

The  vast  number  of  Greek  colonies,  their  wide-spread  diffusion  over  all 
:parts  of  the  Mediterranean,  which  thus  became  a  kind  of  Grecian  lake, 
their  rapid  growth  in  wealth,  power,  and  intelHgence,  afford  the  most  strik- 


/ 


ing  proofs  of  the  greatness  of  this  wonderful  people.  It  would  cany  u? 
too  far  to  give  an  account  of  the  origin  of  all  these  colonies,  or  to  narrate 
their  liistory  at  any  length.  We  must  content  ourselves  with  briefly  men- 
tioning the  more  important  of  them,  after  stating  the  causes  to  which 
they  owed  their  origin,  the  relation  in  which  they  stood  to  the  mother 
country,  and  certain  characteristics  which  were  common  to  them  all. 

§  2.  Civil  dissensions  and  a  redundant  population  were  the  two  chief 
causes  of  the  origin  of  most  of  the  Greek  colonies.*  They  were  usually 
undertaken  with  tlie  approbation  of  the  cities  from  which  they  issued,  and 
under  the  management  of  leaders  appointed  by  them.  In  most  cases  the 
Delphic  oracle  had  previously  given  the  divine  sanction  to  the  enterprise, 
which  was  also  undertaken  under  the  encouragement  of  the  gods  of  the 
mother  city.  But  a  Greek  colony  was  always  considered  politically  inde- 
pendent of  the  latter,  and  emancipated  from  its  control.  The  only  con- 
nection between  them  was  one  of  filial  affection  and  of  common  relijrious 
ties.  The  colonists  worsliipped  in  their  new  settlement  the  deities  whom 
they  had  been  accustomed  to  honor  in  their  native  country ;  and  the 
sacred  fire,  which  was  constantly  kept  burning  on  their  public  hearth,  was 
taken  by  them  from  the  Prytaneum  of  the  city  from  which  they  sprung. 
They  usually  cherished  a  feeling  of  reverential  respect  for  the  mother  city, 
which  they  displayed  by  sending,  deputations  to  the  principal  festivals  of 
the  latter,  and  also  by  bestowing  places  of  honor  and  other  marks  of  re- 
spect upon  the  ambassadors  and  other  members  of  the  mother  city,  when 
they  visited  the  colony.  In  the  same  spirit,  they  paid  divine  woi'ship  to 
the  founder  of  the  colony  after  his  death,  as  the  representative  of  the 
mother  city ;  and  when  the  colony  in  its  turn  became  a  parent,  it  usually 
sought  a  leader  from  the  state  from  which  it  had  itself  sprung.  It  was 
accordingly  considered  a  violation  of  sacred  ties  for  a  mother  country  and 
a  colony  to  make  war  upon  one  another.  These  bonds,  however,  were 
often  insufficient  to  maintain  a  lasting  union  ;  and  the  memorable  quarrel 
between  Corinth  and  her  colony  of  Corcyra  will  show  how  easily  they 
might  be  severed  by  the  ambition  or  the  interest  of  either  state. 

§  3.  The  Greek  colonies,  unUke  most  which  have  been  founded  in  mod- 
em times,  did  not  consist  of  a  few  straggling  bands  of  adventurers,  scat- 
tered over  the  country  in  which  they  settled,  and  only  coalescing  into  a 
city  at  a  later  period.  On  the  contrary,  the  Greek  colonists  formed  from 
the  beginning  an  organized  political  body.  Their  first  care  upon  settling 
in  their  adopted  country  was  to  found  a  city,  and  to  erect  in  it  those  pub- 
lic buildings  which  were  essential  to  the  religious  and  social  life  of  a 
Greek.  Hence  it  was  quickly  adorned  with  temples  for  the  worship  of 
the  gods,  with  an  agora  or  place  of  public  meeting  for  the  citizens,  with  a 

*  A  colony  was  called  dnoiKia  ;  a  colonist,  airoiKos ;  the  mother  city,  firfTpoTroXiSj 
and  the  leader  of  a  colony  oiKiarrjs. 


[ 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIL 


B.  C.  735.1 


COLONIES   IN   ITALY  AND    SICILY. 


Ill 


gymnasium  for  the  exercise  of  the  youth,  and  at  a  later  time  with  a  thea- 
tre for  di-amatic  representations.  Almost  every  colonial  Greek  city  was 
built  upon  the  sea-coast,  and  the  site  usually  selected  contained  a  hill  suf- 
ficiently lofty  to  form  an  acropolis.  The  sfwt  chosen  for  the  purpose  was 
for  the  most  part  seized  by  force  from  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  coun- 
try. The  relation  in  which  the  colonists  stood  to  the  latter  naturally 
varied  in  different  localities.  In  some  places  they  were  reduced  to  slavery 
or  expelled  from  the  district;  in  others  they  became  the  subjects  of  the 
conquerors,  or  were  admitted  to  a  share  of  their  political  rights.  In  many 
cases  intennaiTiages  took  place  between  the  colonists  and  the  native  popu- 
lation, and  thus  a  foreign  element  was  introduced  among  them,  —  a  cir- 
cumstance which  must  not  be  lost  sight  of,  especially  in  tracmg  the  his- 
tory of  the  Ionic  colonies. 

It  has  frequently  been  observed  that  colonies  are  favorable  to  the  de- 
velopment of  democracy.  Ancient  customs  and  usjiges  cannot  be  pre- 
served in  a  colony  as  at  home.  Men  are  of  necessity  placed  on  a  greater 
equaUty,  since  they  have  to  share  the  same  hardships,  to  overcome  the 
same  difficulties,  and  to  face  the  same  dangers.  Hence  it  is  difhcult  for  a 
single  man  or  for  a  class  to  maintain  peculiar  privileges,  or  to  exercise  a 
permanent  authority  over  the  other  colonists.  Accoixlingly,  we  find  that 
a  democratieal  form  of  government  was  established  in  most  of  the  Greek 
colonies  at  an  earlier  i)eriod  than  in  the  mother  country,  and  that  an  aris- 
tocracy could  rarely  maintain  its  ground  for  any  length  of  time.  Owmg 
to  the  freedom  of  their  institutions,  and  to  their  favorable  position  for  com- 
mercial enter|)rise,  many  of  the  Greek  colonies  became  the  most  flourish- 
ing cities  in  the  Hellenic  world ;  and  in  the  earlier  period  of  Grecian  his- 
tory several  of  them,  such  as  IVIiletus  and  Epliesus  in  Asia,  Syracuse  imd 
Agrigentum  in  Sicily,  and  Croton  and  Sybaris  in  Italy,  suq^assed  all  the 
cities  of  the  mother  country  in  i)ower,  poi>ulation,  and  wealth. 

The  Grecian  colonies  may  be  arranged  in  four  gioups :  1.  Those  found- 
ed in  Asia  :Minorand  the  adjoining  islands;  2.  Those  in  the  western  parts 
of  the  Metliterranean,  in  Italy,  Sicily,  Gaul,  and  Spain ;  3.  Those  in 
Africa ;  4.  Those  in  EfRnrus,  Macedonia,  and  Thrace. 

§  4.  Tlie  eariiest  Greek  colonies  were  those  founded  on  the  western 
shores  of  ilsia  Minor.  They  were  divided  into  three  great  masses,  each 
bearing  the  name  of  that  section  of  the  Greek  race  with  which  they  claimed 
affinity.  The  iEolic  cities  covered  the  northern  part  of  this  coast ;  the 
lonians  occupied  the  centre,  and  the  Dorians  the  southern  portion.  The 
origin  of  these  colonies  is  lost  in  the  mythical  age ;  and  the  legends  of  the 
Greeks  resijecting  them  have  been  given  in  a  previous  part  of  the  present 
work.*  Their  political  history  will  claim  our  attention  when  we  come  to 
rekte  tlie  rise  and  progress  of  the  Persian  empire ;  and  their  successful 


\ 


.1 


*  See  pp.  33,  34. 


ul 


cultivation  of  literature  and  the  arts  will  form  the  chief  subject  of  our  next 
chapter.  It  is  sufficient  to  state  on  the  present  occasion  that  the  Ionic 
cities  were  early  distinguished  by  a  spirit  of  commercial  enterprise,  and 
soon  rose  superior  in  wealth  and  in  power  to  their  ^&lian  and  Dorian 
neighbors.  Among  the  Ionic  cities  themselves  Miletus  was  the  most  flour- 
ishing, and  during  the  eighth  and  seventh  centuries  before  Christ  was  the 
first  commercial  city  in  Hellas.  In  search  of  gain  its  adventurous  mari- 
ners penetrated  to  the  farthest  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  and  its  adjacent 
seas  ;  and  for  the  sake  of  protecting  and  enlarging  its  commerce,  it  planted 
numerous  colonies,  which  are  said  to  have  been  no  fewer  than  eighty.  Most 
of  them  were  founded  on  the  Propontis  and  the  Euxine ;  and  of  these, 
Cyzicus  on  the  former,  and  Sinope  on  the  latter  sea,  became  the  most 
celebrated.  Sinope  was  the  emporium  of  the  Milesian  commerce  in  the 
Euxine,  and  became  in  its  turn  the  parent  of  many  prosperous  colonies. 

Ephesus,  which  became  at  a  later  time  the  first  of  the  Ionic  cities,  was 
at  this  period  inferior  to  Miletus  in  population  and  in  wealth.  It  was  never 
distinguished  for  its  enterprise  at  sea,  and  it  planted  few  maritime  colonies ; 
it  owed  its  greatness  to  its  trade  with  the  interior,  and  to  its  large  terri- 
tory, which  it  gradually  obtained  at  the  expense  of  the  Lydians.  Other 
Ionic  cities  of  less  importance  than  Ephesus  possessed  a  more  powerful 
navy ;  and  the  adventurous  voyages  of  the  Phocieans  deserve  to  be  par- 
ticularly mentioned,  in  which  they  not  only  visited  the  coasts  of  Gaul  and 
Spain,  but  even  planted  in  those  countries  several  colonies,  of  which  IVIas- 
silia  became  the  most  prosperous  and  celebrated. 

§  5.  The  colonies  of  whose  origin  we  have  an  historical  account  began 
to  be  founded  soon  after  the  first  Olympiad.  Those  established  in  Sicily 
and  the  South  of  Italy  claim  our  first  attention,  as  well  on  account  of  their 
importance  as  of  the  priority  of  their  foundation.  Like  the  Asiatic  colo- 
nies, they  were  of  various  origin  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  Chalcis  in  Euboea, 
of  Corinth,  Megara,  and  Sparta,  and  the  Achajans  and  Locrians,  were  all 
concerned  in  them. 

One  of  the  Grecian  settlements  in  Italy  lays  claim  to  a  mu^i-  .OTier 
date  than  any  other  in  the  country.  This  is  the  Campanian  Cumje,  situ- 
ated near  Cape  Misenum,  on  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea.  It  is  said  to  have  been 
a  joint  colony  from  the  JEoWc  Cyme  in  Asia  and  from  Chalcis  in  Euboea, 
and  to  have  been  founded,  accordmg  to  common  chronology,  in  b.  c.  1050. 
This  date  is  of  course  uncertain :  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  was  the 
most  ancient  Grecian  establishment  in  Italy,  and  that  a  long  period  elapsed 
before  any  other  Greek  colonists  were  bold  enough  to  follow  in  the  same 
track.  Cuma3  was  for  a  long  time  the  most  flourishing  city  in  Campania : 
and  it  was  not  till  its  dechne  in  the  fifth  century  before  the  Christian  era 
that  Capua  rose  into  importance. 

§  6.  The  earliest  Grecian  settlement  in  Sicily  was  founded  in  b.  c.  735. 
The  greater  part  of  Sicily  was  then  inhabited  by  the  rude  tribes  of  Sicels 


110 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIL 


B.  C.  735.1 


COLOXIES   IN   ITALY  AND    SICILY. 


Ill 


I i 


gynuiasiiiin  for  the  exercise  of  the  youth,  and  at  a  later  time  with  a  thea- 
tre for  dramatic  representations.  Ahnost  every  colonial  Greek  city  was 
built  u[K)n  the  sea-coast,  and  the  site  usually  selected  contained  a  hill  suf- 
ficiently lofty  to  form  an  acroi)olis.  Tlie  spot  chosen  for  the  purpose  was 
for  the  most  part  seized  by  force  from  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  coun- 
try. The  relation  in  which  the  colonists  stood  to  the  latter  naturaUy 
varied  in  different  localities.  In  some  places  they  were  reduced  to  slavery 
or  exjielled  from  the  district ;  in  others  they  became  the  subjects  of  the 
conquerore,  or  were  admitted  to  a  share  of  their  political  rights.  In  many 
cases  interman-iages  took  place  between  the  colonists  and  the  native  popu- 
lation, and  thus  a  foreign  element  was  introduced  among  them, a  cir- 
cumstance which  must  not  be  lost  sight  of,  especiaUy  in  tracmg  the  his- 
tory of  the  Ionic  colonies. 

It  has  frequently  been  observed  that  colonies  are  favorable  to  the  de- 
velopment of  democracy.  Ancient  customs  and  usages  cannot  be  pre- 
served in  a  colony  as  at  home.  Men  are  of  necessity  placed  on  a  greater 
equahty,  since  they  have  to  share  the  same  hardships,  to  overcome  the 
same  difficulties,  and  to  face  the  same  dangers.  Hence  it  is  difficult  for  a 
single  man  or  for  a  class  to  maintain  peculiar  privileges,  or  to  exercise  a 
permanent  autliority  over  the  other  colonists.  Accordingly,  we  find  that 
a  democratical  fonn  of  government  was  established  in  most  of  the  Greek 
colonies  at  an  earlier  period  than  in  the  mother  country,  and  that  an  aris- 
tocracy could  rarely  maintain  its  ground  for  any  length  of  time.  Owing 
to  the  freedom  of  their  institutions,  and  to  their  favorable  position  for  com- 
mercial enterprise,  many  of  the  Greek  colonies  became  the  most  flourish- 
ing cities  in  the  Hellenic  worid ;  and  in  the  eariier  period  of  Grecian  his- 
tory several  of  them,  such  as  IMiletus  and  Ephesus  in  Asia,  Syracuse  and 
Agrigentura  in  Sicily,  and  Croton  and  Sybaris  in  Italy,  surpassed  all  the 
cities  of  the  mother  country  in  power,  population,  and  wealth. 

The  Grecian  colonies  may  be  arranged  in  four  groups :  1.  Those  found- 
ed in  Asia  Minor  and  the  adjoining  islands ;  2.  Those  in  the  western  parts 
of  the  Mediterranean,  in  Italy,  Sicily,  Gaul,  and  Spain ;  3.  Those  in 
Africa ;  4.  Those  in  Epeinis,  Macedonia,  and  Thrace. 

§  4.  The  earliest  Greek  colonies  were  those  founded  on  the  western 
shores  of  Asia  Minor.  They  were  divided  into  three  great  masses,  each 
beaiing  the  name  of  that  section  of  the  Greek  race  with  which  they  claimed 
affinity.  The  iEolic  cities  covered  the  northern  part  of  this  coast  j  the 
lonians  occupied  the  centre*,  and  the  Dorians  the  southern  portion.  The 
origin  of  these  colonies  is  lost  in  the  mythical  age ;  and  the  legends  of  the 
Greeks  res|>ectmg  them  have  been  given  in  a  previous  part  of  the  present 
work.*  Their  political  histoiy  will  claim  our  attention  when  we  come  to 
relate  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Persian  empire ;  and  their  successful 


*  See  pp.  33,  34. 


cultivation  of  literature  and  the  arts  will  form  the  chief  subject  of  our  next 
chapter.  It  is  sufficient  to  state  on  the  present  occasion  that  the  Ionic 
cities  were  early  distinguished  by  a  spirit  of  commercial  enterprise,  and 
soon  rose  superior  in  wealth  and  in  power  to  their  JEolian  and  Dorian 
neighbors.  Among  the  Ionic  cities  themselves  Miletus  was  the  most  flour- 
ishing, and  during  the  eighth  and  seventh  centuries  before  Christ  was  the 
first  commercial  city  in  Hellas.  In  search  of  gain  its  adventurous  mari- 
ners penetrated  to  the  farthest  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  and  its  adjacent 
seas  ;  and  for  the  sake  of  protecting  and  enlarging  its  commerce,  it  planted 
numerous  colonies,  which  are  said  to  have  been  no  fewer  than  eighty.  Most 
of  them  were  founded  on  the  Propontis  and  the  Euxine ;  and  of  these, 
Cyzicus  on  the  former,  and  Sinope  on  tlie  latter  sea,  became  the  most 
celebrated.  Sinope  was  the  emporium  of  the  Milesian  commerce  in  the 
Euxine,  and  became  in  its  turn  the  parent  of  many  prosperous  colonies. 

Ephesus,  which  became  at  a  later  time  the  first  of  the  Ionic  cities,  was 
at  this  period  inferior  to  Miletus  in  population  and  in  wealth.  It  was  never 
distinguished  for  its  enterprise  at  sea,  and  it  planted  few  maritime  colonies ; 
it  owed  its  greatness  to  its  trade  with  the  interior,  and  to  its  large  terri- 
tory, which  it  gradually  obtained  at  the  expense  of  the  Lydians.  Other 
Ionic  cities  of  less  importance  than  Ephesus  possessed  a  more  powerful 
navy ;  and  the  adventurous  voyages  of  the  Phoc^ans  deserve  to  be  par- 
ticularly mentioned,  in  which  they  not  only  visited  the  coasts  of  Gaul  and 
Spain,  but  even  planted  in  those  countries  several  colonies,  of  which  Mas- 
silia  became  the  most  prosperous  and  celebrated. 

§  5.  The  colonies  of  whose  origin  we  have  an  historical  account  began 
to  be  founded  soon  after  the  first  Olympiad.  Those  established  in  Sicily 
and  the  South  of  Italy  claim  our  first  attention,  as  well  on  account  of  their 
importance  as  of  the  priority  of  their  foundation.  Like  the  Asiatic  colo- 
nies, they  were  of  various  origin ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  Chalcis  in  Euboea, 
of  Corinth,  Megara,  and  Sparta,  and  the  Achaeans  and  Locrians,  were  all 
concerned  in  them. 

One  of  the  Grecian  settlements  in  Italy  lays  claim  to  a  much  earlier 
date  than  any  other  in  the  country.  This  is  the  Campanian  Cumte,  situ- 
ated near  Cape  Miscnum,  on  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea.  It  is  said  to  have  been 
a  joint  colony  from  the  iEohc  Cyme  in  Asia  and  from  Chalcis  in  Eubaia, 
and  to  have  been  founded,  according  to  common  chronology,  in  b.  c.  1050. 
This  date  is  of  course  uncertain :  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  was  the 
most  ancient  Grecian  establishment  in  Italy,  and  that  a  long  period  elapsed 
before  any  other  Greek  colonists  were  bold  enough  to  follow  in  the  same 
track.  Cumai  was  for  a  long  time  the  most  flourishing  city  in  Campania  : 
and  it  was  not  till  its  decline  in  the  fifth  century  before  the  Christian  era 
that  Capua  rose  into  importance. 

§  6.  The  eariiest  Grecian  settlement  in  Sicily  was  founded  in  b.  c.  735. 
The  greater  part  of  Sicily  was  then  inhabited  by  the  rude  tribes  of  Sicels 


I 


I 


112 


HISTORY  OF  GB££C£. 


CChap.XU 


and  Sicanians.     The  Carthaginian  settlements  mostly  lay  on  the  western 
side  of  the  island  j  but  the  eastern  and  the  southern  coasts  were  occupied 
only  by  the  Sicels  and  Sicanians,  who  were  easily  driven  by  the  Greeks 
into  the  interior  of  the  country.     The  extraordinary  fertihty  of  the  land, 
united  with  the  fiicility  of  its  acquisition,  soon  attracted  numerous  colonists 
from  various  parts  of  Greece ;  and  there  arose  on  the  coasts  of  Sicily  a 
succession  of  flourishing  cities,  of  which  a  list  is  given  below  *     Of  these, 
Syracuse  and  Agrigentum,  both  Dorian  colonies,  became  the  most  power- 
ful   The  fonner  was  founded  by  the  Corinthians  in  b.  c.  734,  and  at  the 
time  of  its  gix^atest  prosperity  contained  a  population  of  five  hundred  thou- 
sand souls,  and  was  surrounded  by  walls  twenty-two  miles  in  circuit.     Its 
greatness,  however,  belongs  to  a  later  period  of  Grecian  liistory ;  and  we 
know  scarcely  anything  of  its  affairs  till  the  usurpation  of  Gelon  in  b.  c. 
485.     Agrigentum  was  of  later  origin,  for  it  was  not  founded  till  b.  c.  582, 
by  the  Dorians  of  Gela,  which  had  itself  been  colonized  by  Khodians  and 
Cretans.     But  its  growth  was  most  rapid,  and  it  soon  rose  to  an  extraor- 
dinary degree  of  prosperity  and  jwwer.    It  was  celebrated  in  the  ancient 
world  for  the  magnificence  of  its  public  buildings,  and  within  a  century 
after  its  foundation  was  called  by  Pindar  « the  fairest  of  mortal  cities." 
Its  early  history  only  claims  our  attention  on  account  of  the  desi)otism  of 


Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies  in  Sicily. 


J\t  ^^       .\         '^'^'''*'  *^'°"*'^'*  ^y  *^'  Chakidlans,  b.  c.  735.    2.  Syracuse,  founded 

73(y  4  Hy!.b-au  Megara,  f,.vnulea  by  Megara,  u.  c.  728.  5.  Gela,  founded  by  the  Lindians 
m  Rhode.,  and  by  the  CvtMns,  u.  c.  690.  6.  Zancle,  afterwanl.  called  Messana,  founded  by 
the  Cnma^an.  and  Chalcidians:  it.  date  is  uncertain.  7.  Acne,  founded  by  Svmcuse,  ,i.  c. 
664.  8.  tasmeux,  toun.led  l,y  Syracuse,  n.  c.  644.  9.  Selinus,  founded  *  by  Hvbl^an 
Megara  B.  c.  630.  10.  Caraarina,  tV,un.led  by  Syracuse,  b.  c.  599.  11.  Acragas*  better 
known  by  the  Eoman  name  of  Agrigentum,  founded  by  Gela,  b.  c.  682.  12.  Himer*, 
fooBde^  by  Zancle:  its  date  uncertain.  """«», 


< 


\ 


V 


B.  C.  720.] 


COLONIES   IN    ITALY. 


113 


Phalaris,  who  has  obtained  a  proverbial  celebrity  as  a  cruel  and  inhuman 
tyrant.  His  exact  date  is  uncertain  ;  but  he  was  a  contemporary  of  Peisis- 
tratus  and  Crajsus ;  and  the  commencement  of  his  reign  may  perhaps  be 
placed  in  b.  c.  570.  He  is  said  to  have  burnt  alive  the  victims  of  his 
cruelty  in  a  brazen  bull ;  and  this  celebrated  instrument  of  torture  is  not 
only  noticed  by  Pindar,  but  was  in  existence  at  Agrigentum  in  later 
times.  He  was  engaged  in  frequent  wars  with  his  neighbors,  and  ex- 
tended his  power  and  dominion  on  all  sides ;  but  his  cruelties  rendered 
him  so  abhorred  by  the  people,  that  they  suddenly  rose  against  him,  and 
put  him  to  death.* 

The  prosperity  of  the  Greek  cities  in  Sicily  afterwards  received  a  severe 
check  from  the  hostilities  of  the  Carthaginians ;  but  for  two  centuries  and 
a  half  after  the  first  Greek  settlement  in  the  island  they  did  not  come  into 
contact  with  the  latter  people,  and  were  thus  left  at  liberty  to  develop  their 
resources  without  any  opposition  from  a  foreign  power. 

§.  7.  The  Grecian  colonies  in  Italy  began  to  be  planted  at  nearly  the 
same  time  as  in  Sicily.     They  eventually  lined  the  whole  soutliern  coast, 
as  far  as  Cumaj  on  the  one  sea,  and  Tarentum  on  the  other.     They  even 
surpassed  those  in  Sicily  in  number  and  importance ;  and  so  numerous  and 
flourishing  did  they  become,  that  the  South  of  Italy  received  the  name  of 
Magna  Grascia.     Of  these,  two  of  the  earliest  and  most  prosperous  were 
Sybaris  and  Croton,  both  situated  uix)n  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum,  and  both  of 
Achiean  origin.     Sybaris  was  planted  in  b.  c.  720,  and  Croton  in  b.  c.  710. 
For  two  centuries  they  seem  to  have  lived  in  harmony,  and  we  know 
scarcely  anything  of  their  history  tUl  their  fatal  contest  in  b.  c.  510,  which 
ended  in  the  ruin  of  Sybaris.     During  the  whole  of  this  period  they  were 
two  of  the  most  flourishing  cities  in  all  Hellas.     The  walls  of  Sybaris  em- 
braced a  cu-cuit  of  six  mUes,  and  those  of  Croton  were  not  less  than  twelve 
miles  in  circumference;  but  the  fonner,  though  smaller,  was  the  more 
powerful,  since  it  possessed  a  larger  extent  of  territory  and  a  greater  num- 
ber of  colonies,  among  which  was  the  distant  to^\^l  of  Posidonia  (Pa?stum), 
whose  magnificent  ruins  still  attest  its  former  greatness.     Several  native 
tribes  became  the  subjects  of  Sybaris  and  Croton,  and  then-  dommions 
extended  across  the  Calabrian  peninsula  from  sea  to  sea. 

Sybaris  in  particular  attained  to  an  extraordinary  degree  of  wealth ;  and 
its  inhabitants  were  so  notorious  for  their  luxury,  effeminacy,  and  debauch^ 
ery,  that  their  name  has  become  proverbial  for  a  voluptuary  in  ancient 
and  modern  times.  Many  of  the  anecdotes  recorded  of  them  bear  on  their 
face  the  exaggerations  of  a  later  age ;  but  their  great  wealth  is  attested  by 


♦  There  are  extant  certain  Greek  letters  attributed  to  Phalaris,  celebrated  on  account 
of  the  literary  controversy  to  which  they  gave  rise  in  modern  times.  Their  genuineness 
was  mamtamed  by  Boyle  and  the  contemporarj'  scholars  of  Oxford;  but  Bentlev,  in  his 
masterly  "  Dissertation  upon  the  Epistles  of  Phalaris,"  in  reply  to  Bovle,  proved  beyond 
question  that  they  were  the  production  of  a  sophist  of  a  later  age. 

15 


\ 


t 


114 


HISTORY   OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XlL 


the  fact,  that  five  thousand  horsemen,  clothcil  in  magnificent  attire,  formed 
a  part  of  the  procession  in  certain  festivals  of  the  city,  whereas  Athens  in 
her  best  days  conld  not  number  more  than  twelve  hundred  knights. 

Croton  was  distinguished  for  the  excellence  of  its  physicians  or  surgeons, 
and  for  the  numbers  of  its  citizens  who  gained  prizes  sit  the  Olympic  games. 
Its  government  was  an  aristocracy,  and  was  in  the  hands  of  a  senate  of 
one  thousand  persons.  It  was  in  this  city  that  Pythagoras  settled,  and 
founded  a  frateniity,  of  which  an  account  is  given  in  the  following  cliapter.. 

The  war  between  these  two  powerful  cities  is  the  most  important  event 
recorded  in  the  history  of  Magna  Gnecia.  It  arose  from  the  civil  dissen- 
sions of  Sybaris.  The  oligarchical  government  was  overthrown  by  a 
popular  insun-ection,  headed  by  a  citizen  of  the  name  of  Telys,  who  suc- 
ceeded in  making  himself  de^^pot  of  the  city.  The  leading  members  of  the 
oligarchical  party,  five  hundred  in  number,  were  driven  into  exile ;  and 
when  they  took  reftige  at  Croton,  their  surrender  was  demanded  by  Telys, 
and  war  threatened  in  case  of  refusal.  This  demand  excited  the  greatest 
alarm  at  Croton,  since  the  military  strength  of  Sybaris  was  decidedly 
superior ;  and  it  was  only  owing  to  the  urgent  persuasions  of  Pythagoras 
that  the  Crotoniates  resolved  to  brave  the  vengeance  of  their  neighbors 
rather  than  incur  the  disgrace  of  betraying  suppliants.  In  the  war  which 
followed,  Sybaris  is  said  to  have  taken  the  field  with  three  hundred  thou- 
sand men,  and  Croton  with  one  hundred  thousand,  —  numbers  which  seem 
to  have  been  grossly  exaggerated.  The  Crotoniates  were  commanded  by 
Milo^  a  disciple  of  Pythagoras,  and  the  most  celebrated  athlete  of  his  time, 
and  they  were  further  reinforced  by  a  body  of  Spartans  under  the  com- 
mand of  Dorieus,  younger  brother  of  King  Cleomenes,  who  was  sailing 
along  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum,  in  order  to  found  a  settlement  in  Sicily. 
The  two  armies  met  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Tneis  or  Trionto,  and  a 
bloody  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  Sybarites  were  defeated  with  pro- 
digious slaughter.  The  Crotoniates  followed  up  their  victory  by  the  cap- 
ture of  the  city  of  Sybaris,  which  they  razed  to  the  ground ;  and  in  order 
to  obliterate  all  traces  of  it,  they  turned  the  course  of  the  river  Crathis 
through  its  ruins  (b.  c.  510).  The  destruction  of  this  wealthy  and  power- 
ful city  excited  strong  sympathy  through  the  Hellenic  world;  and  the 
Milesians,  with  whom  the  Sybarites  had  always  maintained  the  most 
friendly  connections,  shaved  their  heads  in  token  of  mourning.* 

§  8.  Of  the  numerous  other  Greek  settlements  in  the  South  of  Italy, 
those  of  Locri,  Rhegium,  and  Tarentum  were  the  most  important. 

Locri,  called  Epizephyrian,  from  the  neighborhood  of  Cape  Zephyrium, 
was  founded  by  a  body  of  Locrian  freebooters  from  the  mother  country,  in 
B.  c.  683.  Their  early  history  is  memorable  on  account  of  their  being  the 
first  Hellenic  people  who  possessed  a  body  of  written  laws.  They  are 
said  to  have  suffered  so  greatly  from  lawlessness  and  disorder,  as  to  apply 

*  In  B.  c.  443  the  Athenians  founded  Thurii,  near  the  site  of  Sybarb. 


B.a6€4.] 


COLONIES   IN  ITALY. 


115 


to  the  Delphic  ora<;le  for  advice,  and  were  thus  led  to  accept  the  ordi- 
nances of  Zaleucus,  who  is  represented  to  have  been  originally  a  shepherd. 
His  laws  were  promulgated  in  b.  c.  664,  forty  years  earher  than  those  of 
Draco  at  Athens.     They  resembled  the  latter  in  the  severity  of  their  pun- 
ishments ;  but  they  were  observed  for  a  long  period  by  the  Locrians,  who 
were  so  averse  to  any  change  in  them,  that  whoever  proposed  a  new  law 
had  to  appear  in  the  public  assembly  with  a  rope  round  his  neck,  which 
was  immediately  tightened  if  he  failed  to  convince  his  fellow-citizens  of 
the  necessity  of  his  propositions.     Two  anecdotes  are  related  of  Zaleucus, 
which  deserve  mention,  though  their  authenticity  cannot  be  guaranteed. 
His  son  had  been  guilty  of  an  oifence,  the  penalty  of  wliich  was"  the  loss  of 
both  eyes :  the  father,  in  order  to  maintain  the  law,  and  yet  save  his  son 
from  total  blmdness,  submitted  to  the  loss  of  one  of  his  o^v^l  eyes.     Another 
ordinance  of  Zaleucus  forbade  any  citizen  to  enter  the  senate-house  in 
anns  under  penalty  of  death.     On  a  war  suddenly  breaking  out,  Zaleucus 
transgressed  his  own  law;  and  when  his  attention  was  called  to  it  by  one 
present,  he  repUed  that  he  would  vmdicate  the  law,  and  straightway  fell 
upon  his  sword. 


Map  of  the  chief  Greek  Colonies  in  Southern  Italy. 


116 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XH 


e; 


J       I 


Rhegium,  situated  on  the  Straits  of  Messina,  opposite  Sicily,  was  colon- 
ized by  the  Chalcidians,  but  received  a  large  number  of  Messenians,  who 
settled  here  at  the  close  both  of  the  first  and  second  Messenian  wars. 
Anaxihis,  who  made  himself  despot  of  the  city  about  b.  c.  500,  was  of  Mes- 
senian descent;  and  it  was  he  who  changed  the  name  of  the  Sicilian 
Zancle  into  Messana,  when  he  seized  the  latter  city  in  b.  c.  494. 

§  9.  Tarentum,  situated  at  the  head  of  the  gulf  wliich  bears  its  name, 
was  a  colony  from  Sparta,  and  was  founded  about  B.  c.  708.  During  the 
long  absence  of  the  Spailans  in  the  first  Messenian  war,  an  illegitimate 
race  of  citizens  had  been  bom,  to  whom  the  name  of  Partheniai  (sons  of 
maidens)  was  given.  Being  not  only  treated  with  contempt  by  the  other 
Spartans,  but  excluded  from  the  citizenship,  they  formed  a  conspiracy 
mider  Phalanthus,  one  of  their  number,  against  the  goveniment;  and 
when  their  plot  was  detected,  they  were  allowed  to  quit  the  country  and 
plant  a  colony  under  his  guidance.  It  was  to  these  circumstances  that 
Tarentum  owed  its  origin.  It  was  admirably  situated  for  commerce,  and 
was  the  only  town  in  the  gulf  which  possessed  a  perfectly  safe  hai'bor. 
After  the  desti-uction  of  Sybaris,  it  became  the  most  powerful  and  flourish- 
ing city  in  Magna  Graicia,  and  contmued  to  enjoy  great  prosperity  till  its 
subjugation  by  the  Romans.  Although  of  Spartan  origin,  it  did  not  main- 
tain Spartan  habits ;  and  ite  citizens  were  noted  at  a  later  time  for  their 
love  of  luxury  and  pleasure. 

The  cities  of  Magna  Graecia  rapidly  declined  in  power  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  fifth  century  before  the  Christian  era.  This  was  mainly 
owing  to  two  causes.  First,  the  destruction  of  Sybaris  deprived  the 
Greeks  of  one  of  their  most  powerful  cities,  and  of  a  territory  and  an  influ- 
ence over  the  native  population,  to  which  no  other  Greek  town  could  suc- 
ceed ;  and,  secondly,  they  were  now  for  the  first  time  brought  into  contact 
with  the  warlike  Samnites  and  Lucanians,  who  began  to  spread  from 
Middle  Italy  towards  the  south.  Cumaj  was  taken  by  the  Samnites,  and 
Posidonia  (Paestum)  by  the  Lucanians ;  and  the  latter  people  in  course  of 
time  deprived  the  Greek  cities  of  the  whole  of  their  inland  territory. 

§  10.  The  Grecian  settlements  in  the  distant  countries  of  Gaul  and 
Spain  were  not  numerous.  The  most  celebrated  was  Massalia,  the  modem 
Marseilles,  founded  by  the  Ionic  Phoca?ans  in  B.  c.  600.  It  planted  five 
colonies  along  the  eastem  coast  of  Spain  and  was  the  cliief  Grecian  city 
in  the  sea  west  of  Italy.  The  commerce  of  the  Massahots  was  extensive, 
and  their  navy  sufficiently  powerful  to  repel  the  aggressions  of  Carthage. 
They  possessed  considerable  influence  over  the  Celtic  tribes  in  their  neigh- 
borhood, among  whom  they  diifused  the  arts  of  civilized  life,  and  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  Greek  alphabet  and  literature. 

§  11.  The  northern  coast  of  Africa  between  the  territories  of  Carthage 
and  Egypt  was  also  occui)ied  by  Greek  colonists.  About  the  year  G50  b.  c. 
the  Greeks  were  for  the  first  time  allowed  to  settle  in  Egypt  and  to  carry 


B.  C.  664.]  COLONIES  IN  MACEDONIA  AND   THRACE. 


117 


on  commerce  with  the  country.     This  privilege  they  owed  to  Psammeti- 
chus,  who  had  raised  hunself  to  the  throne  of  Egypt  by  the  aid  of  Ionian 
and  Carian  mercenaries.     The  Greek  tradei-s  were  not  slow  in  availing 
themselves  of  the  opening  of  this  new  and  important  market,  and  thus 
became  acquainted  with  the  neighboring  coast  of  Africa.     Here   they 
founded  the  city  of  Cyrene  about  b.  c.  630.     It  was  a  colony  from  the 
island  of  Thera  in  the  ^gean,  which  was  itself  a  colony  from  Sparta. 
The  situation  of  Cyrene  was  well  chosen.     It  stood  on  the  edge  of  a  range 
of  hills,  at  the  distance  of  ten  miles  from  the  Mediterranean,  of  which'it 
commanded  a  fine  view.     These  hills  descended  by  a  succession  of  terraces 
to  the  port  of  the  town,  ciiUed  ApoUonia.     The  climate  was  most  salubrious, 
and  the  soil  was  distinguished  by  extraordinary  fertility.     With  these 
advantages  Cyrene  rapidly  grew  in  wealth  and  power ;  and  its  greatness  is 
attested  by  the  immense  remains  which  still  mark  its  desolate  site.     Unlike 
most  Grecian  colonies,  Cyrene  was  governed  by  kings  for  eight  genera- 
tions.    Battus,  the  founder  of  the  colony,  was  the  first  king;  and  his  suc- 
cessors bore  alternately  the  names  of  Arcesilaus  and  Battus.     On  the 
death  of  Arcesilaiis  IV.,  which  must  have  happened  after  b.  c.  460,  royalty 
was  abohshed  and  a  democratical  form  of  govemment  estabUshed. 

Cyrene  planted  several  colonies  in  the   adjoining  district,   of  which 
Bai-ca,  founded  about  b.  c.  560,  was  the  most  important 

§  12.  The  Grecian  settlements  in  Epeirus,  Macedonia,  and  Thrace  claim 
a  few  words. 

There  were  several  Grecian  colonies  situated  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Ionian  Sea,  in  Epeirus  and  its  immediate  neighborhood.  Of  these  the 
island  of  Corcyra,  now  called  Corfu,  was  the  most  wealthy  and  powerful. 
It  was  founded  by  the  Corinthians,  about  b.  c.  700 ;  and  in  consequence  of 
its  commercial  activity  it  soon  became  a  formidable  rival  to  the  mother 
city.  Hence  a  war  broke  out  between  these  two  states  at  an  early  period ; 
and  the  most  ancient  naval  battle  on  record  was  the  one  fought  between 
their  fleets  in  b.  c.  664.  The  dissensions  between  the  mother  city  and  her 
colony  are  frequently  mentioned  in  Grecian  history,  and  were  one  of  the 
immediate  causes  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Notwithstanding  their  quar- 
rels, they  joined  in  planting  four  Grecian  colonies  upon  the  same  line  of 
coast,  —  Leucas,  Anactorium,  Apollonia,  and  Epidamnus:  in  the  settle- 
ment of  the  two  fomier  the  Corinthians  were  the  principals,  and  in  that  of 
the  two  latter  the  Corcyneans  took  the  leachng  part. 

The  colonies  in  Macedonia  and  Thrace  were  very  numerous,  and  ex- 
tended all  along  the  coast  of  the  ^gean,  of  the  Hellespont,  of  the  Pro- 
pontis,  and  of  the  Euxine,  from  the  borders  of  Thessaly  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Danube.  Of  these  we  can  only  glance  at  the  most  important.  The 
colonies  on  the  coast  of  Macedonia  were  chiefly  founded  by  Chalcis  and 
Eretria  in  Euboea;  and  the  peninsula  of  Chalcidice,  with  its  three  project- 
ing headlands,  was  covered  witl^  then-  settlements,  and  derived  its  name 


118 


HISTORY  OP  6BEECE. 


[Chap.  XIL 


from  the  former  city.  The  Corinthians  likewise  planted  a  few  colonies  on 
this  coast,  of  which  Potidaea,  on  the  narrow  isthmus  of  Pallene,  most 
deserves  mention. 

Of  the  colonies  in  Thrace,  the  most  flourishmg  were  SeljTnhria  and 
Byzantium,*  both  founded  by  the  Megarians,  who  appear  as  an  enterj)ris- 
ing  maritime  people  at  an  eariy  period.  The  farthest  Grecian  settlement 
on  the  western  shores  of  the  Euxine  was  the  Milesian  colony  of  Istria, 
near  the  southern  mouth  of  the  Danube. 

§  13.  The  preceding  survey  of  the  Grecian  colonies  shows  the  wide  dif- 
fusion of  the  Hellenic  race  in  the  sixth  century  before  the  Christian  era. 
Their  history  has  come  down  to  us  in  such  a  fragmentary  and  unconnected 
state,  that  it  has  been  imposible  to  render  it  interesting  to  the  reader ;  but 
it  could  not  be  passed  over  entirely,  since  some  knowledge  of  the  ori<nn 
and  progress  of  the  more  important  of  these  cities  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary, m  order  to  understand  aright  many  subsequent  events  in  Grecian 
history. 


■iM^^^^^^^^    iii 


*  The  foundation  of  Byzantium  is  placed  in  b.  c.  657. 


Coin  of  Cyr»ne,  representing  on  the  reverse  the  Silphium,  which  was  the  chief  article  in  the 

export  trade  of  the  city.  ' 


Chap.  Xni.] 


HISTORY   OF  LITERATURE. 


119 


*vi:*/<i. 


Alcsus  and  Sappho. 


From  a  Painting  on  a  Vase. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 


HISTORY   OF    LITERATURE. 


4  1.  Perfection  of  the  Greeks  in  Literature.  §  2.  Greek  Epic  Poetry  divided  into  Two 
Classes,  Homeric  and  Hesiodic.  §  3.  Poems  of  Hesiod.  §  4.  Origin  of  Greek  Lyric 
Poetry.  §  5.  Archilochus.  §  6.  Simonides  of  Amorgos.  §  7.  Tyrtrfius  and  Alcman. 
^  8.  Anon  and  Stesichorus.  §  9.  Alcaeus  and  Sappho.  §  10.  Anacreon.  §  11.  The 
Seven  Sages  of  Greece.  §  12.  The  Ionic  School  of  Philosophy.  Thales,  Anaximander, 
and  Anaximenes.  §  13.  The  Eleatic  School  of  Philosophy.  Xcnophanes.  §  14.  The 
Pythagorean  School  of  Philosophy.  Life  of  Pythagoras.  Foundation  and  Suppression 
of  his  Society  in  the  Cities  of  Magna  Graecia. 

§  1.  The  perfection  which  the  Greeks  attained  in  literature  and  art  is 
one  of  the  most  striking  features  in  the  history  of  the  people.  Their 
intellectual  activityand  their  keen  appreciation  of  the  beautiful  constantly 
gave  birth  to  new  forms  of  creative  genius.  There  was  an  uninterrupted 
progress  in  the  development  of  the  Grecian  mind  from  the  earUest  dawn 
of  the  history  of  the  people  to  the  downfall  of  their  political  independence ; 
and  each  succeeding  age  saw  the  production  of  some  of  those  master  works 
of  genius  which  have  been  the  models  and  the  admiration  of  all  subsequent 
time.  It  is  one  of  the  objects  of  the  present  work  to  trace  the  different 
phases  of  this  intellectual  growth.  During  the  two  centuries  and  a  half 
comprised  in  this  book,  many  species  of  composition,  in  which  the  Greeks 
afterwards  became  pre-eminent,  were  either  unknown  or  Httle  practised. 
The  drama  was  still  in  its  infancy,  and  prose-writing,  as  a  branch  of  popu- 
lar literature,  was  only  beginning  to  be  cultivated ;  but  epic  poetry  had 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XHL 


peached  its  culminating  point  at  the  commencement  of  this  epoch,  and 
throughout  the  whole  period  the  lyric  muse  shone  with  undiminished  lus- 
tre. It  is  therefore  to  these  two  species  of  composition  that  our  attention 
will  he  more  particularly  directed  on  the  present  occasion. 

§  2.  There  were  in  antiquity  two  large  collections  of  epic  poetry.  The 
one  comprised  poems  relating  to  the  great  events  and  enterprises  of  the  He- 
roic Age,  and  characterized  hy  a  certain  poetical  unity ;  the  other  included 
works  tamer  in  character  and  more  desultory  in  their  mode  of  treatment, 
containing  the  genealogies  of  men  and  gods,  narratives  of  the  exploits  of 
separate  hemes,  and  descriptions  of  the  oi-dinary  pursuits  of  life.  The 
poems  of  the  former  class  passed  under  the  name  of  Homer ;  while  those 
of  the  latter  wei-e  in  the  same  general  way  ascribed  to  Hesiod.  The 
former  were  the  productions  of  the  Ionic  and  iEolic  minstrels  in  Asia 
Minor,  among  whom  Homer  stood  pre-eminent  and  eclipsed  the  brightness 
of  the  rest :  the  latter  were  the  comjwsitions  of  a  school  of  bards  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Mount  Helicon  in  Boeotia,  among  whom  in  like  manner 
Hesiod  enjoyed  the  greatest  celebrity.  The  poems  of  both  schools  were 
composed  in  the  hexameter  metre  and  in  a  similar  dialect ;  but  they  dif- 
fered widely  in  almost  every  other  feature.  Of  the  Homeric  poems,  and 
of  the  celebrated  controversy  to  which  they  have  given  rise  in  modem 
times,  we  have  already  spoken  at  length :  *  it  therefore  only  remains  to 
say  a  few  words  upon  those  ascribed  to  Hesiod. 

§  3.  Three  works  have  come  down  to  us  bearing  the  name  of  Hesiod, 

the  "  Works  and  Days,"  the  "  Theogony,"  and  a  description  of  the  "  Shield 
of  Hercules."     The  first  two  were  generally  considered  in  antiquity  as  the 
genuine  productions  of  Hesiod ;  but  the  "  Shield  of  Hercules  "  and  the 
other  Hesiodic  poems  were  admitted  to  be  the  compositions  of  other  poets 
of  his  seliool.     Many  ancient  critics,  indeed,  believed  the  "  Works  and 
Days  "  to  be  the  only  genuine  work  of  Hesiod,  and  their  opinion  has  been 
adopted  hj  most  modern  scholars.     Of  Hesiod  himself  there  are  various 
legends  related  by  later  writers  ;  but  we  learn  from  liis  own  poem  that  he 
was  a  native  of  Ascra,  a  village  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Helicon,  to  which 
his  father  had  migrated  from  the  ^Eolian  Cyme  in  Asia  Minor.     He  fur- 
ther tells  us,  that  he  gained  the  prize  at  Chalcis  in  a  poetical  contest ;  and 
that  he  wits  i-obbed  of  a  fair  share  of  his  heritage  by  the  unrighteous  de- 
cision of  judges  who  had  been  bribed  by  his  brother  Perses.     The  latter 
became  afterwards  reduce'd  in  circumstances,  and  apjdied  to  his  brother 
for  rehef ;  and  it  is  to  him  that  Hesiod  addresses  his  didactic  poem  of  the 
"  Works  and  Days,"  in  which  he  lays  down  various  moral  and  social  max- 
ims for  the  regulation  of  his  conduct  and  his  life.     It  contains  an  interest- 
ing representation  of  the  feelings,  habits,  and  superstitions  of  the  rural 
population  of  Greece  in  the  earlier  ages,  and  hence  enjoyed  at  all  periods 


*  See  Chap.  V. 


B.  C.  650.] 


LYRIC   POETRY. 


121 


great  popularity  among  this  class.  At  Sparta,  on  the  contrary,  where  war 
was  deemed  the  only  occupation  worthy  of  a  freeman,  the  poems  of  Hesiod 
were  held  in  contempt.  Cleomenes  called  him  the  bard  of  the  Helots,  in 
contrast  with  Homer,  the  delight  of  the  warrior.  Respecting  the  date  of 
Hesiod  nothing  certain  can  be  affinned.  Most  ancient  authorities  make 
him  a  contemporary  of  Homer  ;  but  modem  writers  usually  suppose  him 
to  have  flourished  two  or  tlu'ee  generations  later  than  the  poet  of  the  Iliad 
and  the  Odyssey. 

§  4.  The  commencement  of  Greek  lyric  poetry  as  a  cultivated  species 
of  composition  dates  from  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  before  the 
Christian  era.  In  the  Ionic  and  JEolic  colonies  of  Asia  Minor,  and  in  the 
Doric  cities  of  Peloponnesus,  an  advancing  civilization  and  an  enlarged 
experience  had  called  into  existence  new  thoughts  and  feelings,  and  sup- 
plied new  subjects  for  the  Muse.  At  the  same  time  epic  poetry,  after 
reaching  its  climax  of  excellence  in  the  Iliad  and  in  the  Odyssey,  had  fall- 
en into  the  hands  of  inferior  bards.  The  national  genius,  however,  was 
still  in  all  the  bloom  and  vigor  of  its  youth  ;  and  the  decay  of  epic  min- 
strelsy only  stimulated  it  more  vigorously  to  present  in  a  new  style  of 
poetry  the  new  circumstances  and  feelings  of  the  age.  The  same  desire 
of  change,  and  of  adapting  the  subjects  of  poetry  to  the  altered  condition 
of  society,  was  of  itself  sufficient  to  induce  poets  to  vaiy  the  metre  ;  but 
the  more  immediate  cause  of  this  alteration  was  the  improvement  of  the 
art  of  music  by  the  Lesbian  Terpander  and  others,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
seventh  century  b.  c.  The  lyric  poems  of  the  Greeks  were  composed,  not 
for  a  solitary  reader  in  his  chamber,  but  to  be  sung  on  festive  occasions, 
either  public  or  private,  with  the  accompaniment  of  a  musical  instrument 
Hence  there  was  a  necessary  connection  between  the  arts  of  music  and  of 
poetry  ;  and  an  improvement  in  the  one  led  to  a  corresponding  improve- 
ment in  the  other. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  pass  under  review  the  numerous  varieties  of 
Grecian  lyric  song,  and  to  pomt  out  all  the  occasions  which  called  into 
requisition  the  aid  of  the  poet.  It  is  sufficient  to  state,  in  general,  that  no 
important  event  either  in  the  public  or  private  life  of  a  Greek  could  dis- 
pense with  this  accompaniment ;  and  that  the  song  was  equally  needed  to 
solemnize  the  woi-ship  of  the  gods,  to  cheer  the  march  to  battle,  or  to  enli- 
ven the  festive  board.  The  lyric  poetry  belonging  to  the  brilliant  period  of 
Greek  literature  treated  in  this  book  has  almost  entirely  perished,  and  all 
that  we  ix>ssess  of  it  consists  of  a  few  songs  and  isolated  fragments.  Suf- 
ficient, however,  remains,  to  enable  us  to  form  an  opinion  of  its  surpassing 
excellence,  and  to  regret  the  more  bitterly  the  irreparable  loss  we  have 
sustained.  It  is  only  necessary  in  this  work  to  call  attention  to  the  most 
distinguished  masters  of  the  lyric  song,  and  to  illustrate  their  genius  by  a 
few  specimens  of  their  remains. 

§  5.  The  great  satuist  Archilochus  was  one  of  the  earliest  and  most 

16 


1S2 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.XIII 


celebrated  of  all  the  lyric  poets.  He  flourished  about  the  year  700  b,  c. 
His  extraordinary  poetical  genius  is  attested  by  the  unanimous  voice  of 
antiquity,  which  placed  him  on  a  level  with  Homer.  He  was  the  first 
Greek  poet  who  composed  iambic  verses  according  to  fixed  rules  ;  the  in 
vention  of  the  elegy  is  ascribed  to  him  as  well  as  to  CalHnus ;  and  he  also 
struck  out  many  other  new  paths  in  poetry.  His  fame,  however,  rests 
chiefly  on  his  terrible  satires,  composed  in  the  iambic  metre,*  m  which  he 
gave  vent  to  the  bitterness  of  a  disappointed  man.  He  was  poor,  the  son 
of  a  slave  mother,  and  therefore  held  in  contempt  in  his  native  land.  He 
had  been  a  suitor  to  Neobule,  one  of  the  daughters  of  Lycambes,  who  first 
promised  and  afterwards  refused  to  give  his  daughter  to  the  poet.  En- 
raged at  this  treatment  he  held  up  the  family  to  pubHc  scorn,  in  an  iambic 
poem,  accusing  Lycambes  of  perjury  and  his  daughters  of  the  most  aban- 
doned profligacy.  His  lamjxwns  produced  such  an  effect,  that  the  daugh- 
ters of  Lycambes  are  said  to  have  hanged  themselves  through  shame. 
Discontented  at  home,  the  poet  accompanied  a  colony  to  Thasos ;  but  he 
was  not  more  happy  in  his  adopted  country,  which  he  frequently  attacks 
in  his  satires.  He  passed  a  great  part  of  his  life  in  wandering  in  other 
countries,  and  at  length  fell  in  a  battle  between  the  Parians  and  Naxians. 
The  following  Hues  of  Archilochus,  addressed  to  his  own  soul,  exhibit  at 
the  same  tune  the  higher  attributes  of  his  style,  and  his  own  morbid  phi- 
losophy :  — 

"  Soul,  my  soul,  with  helpless  sorrows  overladen  and  distraught, 
Bear  thee  firmly,  and  to  hostile  hosts  a  manly  breast  oppose; 
When  the  foeman's  shafts  fall  thickest,  motionless  thy  post  maintain; 
If  victorious,  yield  thee  not  to  open  triumph  overmuch, 
Nor,  if  conquered,  cast  thee  prostrate,  nor  at  home  thy  lot  bewail, 
But  in  pleasures  take  thy  pleasance  and  in  evils  bear  thy  pain 
Not  too  much,  but  understand  the  rhythm  that  governs  mortal  men."t 

§  6.  Simonides  of  Amorgos,  who  must  not  be  confounded  with  his  more 
celebrated  namesake  of  Ceos,  was  a  contemporarj^  of  Archilochus,  with 
whom  he  shares  the  honor  of  inventing  the  iambic  metre.  He  was  bom 
in  Samos,but  led  a  colony  to  the  neighboring  island  of  Amorgos,  where  he 
spent  the  greater  part  of  his  life.  He  is  the  earliest  of  the  gnomic  poets, 
or  moralists  in  verse.  The  most  imiK)rtimt  of  his  extant  works  is  a  satui- 
cal  poem  "  On  Women,*'  in  which  he  describes  their  various  characters. 
In  order  to  give  a  livelier  image  of  the  female  character  he  derives  their 
different  qualities  from  the  variety  of  tlieir  origin ;  the  cunning  woman  being 
formed  from  the  fox,  the  talkative  woman  from  the  dog,  the  uncleanly  wo- 
man from  the  swine,  and  so  on.  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  the  poem :  — 

"  Next  in  the  lot  a  gallant  dame  mc  see, 
Sprung  from  a  mare  of  noble  pedigree. 
No  servile  work  her  spirit  proud  can  brook ; 
Her  hands  were  never  taught  to  bake  or  cook; 

*  **  Archilochnm  proprio  rabies  armavit  iambo."  —  Hor.  Ars  Pott.  79. 
t  Translated  literally  and  in  the  measure  of  the  original  by  the  Editob. 


B.  C.  635.] 


ALCMAN.     AKION. 


m 


The  vapor  of  the  oven  makes  her  ill ; 

She  scorns  to  empty  slops  or  turn  the  mill. 

No  household  washings  her  fair  skin  deface, 

Her  own  ablutions  are  her  chief  solace. 

Three  baths  a  day,  with  balms  and  perfumes  rare, 

Refresh  her  tender  limbs :  her  long  rich  hair 

Each  time  she  combs,  and  decks  with  blooming  flowers 

No  spouse  more  fit  than  she  the  idle  hours 

Of  wealthy  lords  or  kings  to  recreate. 

And  grace  the  splendor  of  their  courtly  state. 

For  men  of  humbler  sort,  no  better  guide, 

Heaven,  in  its  wrath,  to  ruin  can  provide."  * 

§  7.  TyrtaBus  and  Alcman  were  the  two  great  lyric  poet*?  of  Sparta, 
though  neither  of  them  was  a  native  of  Lacedajmon.  The  personal  his- 
tory of  Tyrtaeus,  and  his  warlike  songs,  which  roused  the  Minting  courage 
of  the  Spartans  during  the  second  Messenian  war,  have  already  occupied 
our  attention.t  Alcmtm  was  originally  a  Lydian  slave  in  a  Spartan  fami- 
ly, and  was  emancipated  by  his  master.  He  lived  from  about  b.  c.  670  to 
611 ;  and  most  oi  his  poems  were  composed  in  the  period  which  followed 
the  conclusion  of  the  second  Messenian  war.  They  partake  of  the  char- 
acter of  this  period,  which  was  one  of  repose  and  enjoyment  atler  the 
fatigues  and  perils  of  war.  Many  of  his  songs  celebrate  the  pleasures  of 
good  eating  and  drinking ;  but  the  more  important  were  intended  to  be 
sung  by  a  chorus  at  the  pubhc  festivals  of  Sparta.  His  description  of 
Night  is  one  of  the  most  striking  remains  of  his  genius :  — 

,  "  Now  o'er  the  drowsy  earth  still  Night  prevails. 

Calm  sleep  the  mountain-tops  and  shady  vales, 
The  rugged  clifis  and  hollow  glens ; 
The  wild  beasts  slumber  in  their  dens, 
The  cattle  on  the  liill.    Deep  in  the  sea 
The  countless  finny  race  and  monster  brood 
Tranquil  repose.    Even  the  busy  bee 
Forgets  her  daily  toil.    The  silent  wood 
No  more  with  noisy  hum  of  insect  rings ; 
And  all  the  feathered  tribes,  by  gentle  sleep  subdued, 
Boost  in  the  glade,  and  hang  their  drooping  wings."  * 

§  8.  Although  choral  poetry  was  successfully  cultivated  by  Alcman,  it 
received  its  chief  improvements  from  Arion  and  Stesichorus.  Both  of  these 
poets  comix)sed  for  a  trained  body  of  men ;  while  the  poems  of  Alcman 
were  sung  by  the  popular  chorus. 

Arion  was  a  native  of  Methymna  in  Lesbos,  and  spent  a  great  part  of 
his  life  at  the  court  of  Periander,  tyrant  of  Corinth,  who  began  to  reign 
B.  C.  625.  Nothing  is  known  of  his  life  beyond  the  beautiful  story  of  his 
escape  from  the  sailors  with  whom  he  sailed  from  Sicily  to  Corinth.  On 
one  occasion,  thus  runs  the  story,  Arion  went  to  Sicily  to  take  part  in  a 
musical  contest.  He  won  the  prize,  and,  laden  with  presents,  he  embarked 
in  a  Corinthian  ship  to  return  to  his  .friend  Periander.     The  rude  sailors 


*  Translated  by  CJolonel  Mure. 


t  See  above,  p.  72. 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


fCHAP.Xnt 


B.  C.  600.] 


ALCiEUS.      SAPPHO. 


125 


coveted  his  treasures,  and  meditated  his  murder.  After  imploring  them  in 
Tain  to  spare  his  life,  he  obtained  permission  to  play  for  the  last  time  on 
his  beloved  lyre.  In  festal  attire  he  placed  himself  on  the  prow  of  the 
vessel,  invoked  the  gods  in  inspired  strains,  and  then  threw  himself  into 
the  sea.  But  many  song-loving  dolpliins  had  assembled  round  the  vessel, 
and  one  of  them  now  took  the  bard  on  its  back,  and  carried  him  to  Ta?na- 
rum,  from  whence  he  returned  to  Corinth  in  safety,  and  related  his  adven- 
ture to  Periander.  Upon  the  arrival  of  the  Corinthian  vessel,  Periander 
inquired  of  the  sailors  after  Arion,  who  replied  tbiit  he  had  remained  behind 
at  Tarentum ;  but  when  Arion,  at  the  bidding  of  Periander,  came  forwanl, 
the  sailors  owned  their  guilt,  and  were  punislied  according  to  their  desert. 
In  later  times  there  existed  at  Ta?narum  a  bronze  monument  representing 
Arion  riding  on  a  dolphin.  The  great  improvement  in  lyric  poetry 
ascribed  to  Arion  is  the  invention  of  the  Dithyramb.  This  was  a  choral 
song  and  dance  m  honor  of  the  god  Dionysus,  and  existed  in  a  rude  form 
even  at  an  earlier  time.  Arion,  however,  converted  it  into  an  elaborate 
composition,  sung  and  danced  by  a  chorus  of  fifty  persons  specially  trained 
for  the  purpose.  Dithyramb  is  of  great  interest  in  the  history  of  poetry, 
smce  it  was  the  germ  from  which  sprung  at  a  later  time  the  magnificent 
productions  of  the  tragic  Muse  at  Athens. 

Stesichorus  was  a  native  of  Himera  in  Sicily.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
bom  in  b.  c.  632,  to  have  flourished  about  b.  c.  G08,  and  to  have  died  in 
B.  c.  5  60.  He  travelled  in  many  parts  of  Greece,  and  wjis  buried  in  Catana, 
where  his  grave  was  shown  near  a  gate  of  the  city  in  later  times.  He  in- 
troduced such  great  improvements  into  the  Greek  chorus,  that  he  is  fre- 
quently described  as  the  inventor  of  choral  poetry.  He  was  the  first  to 
break  the  monotony  of  the  choral  song,  wliich  had  consisted  previously  of 
nothing  more  than  one  uniform  stanza,  by  dividing  it  into  the  Strophe, 
the  Antistrophe,  and  the  Epodus,  — the  turn,  the  return,  and  the  rest. 

§  9.  Alcaeus  and  Sappho  were  both  natives  of  Mytilene,  in  the  island  of 
Lesbos,  and  flourished  about  b.  c.  610-580.  Their  songs  were  com- 
posed for  a  single  voice,  and  not  for  the  chorus,  and  each  of  them  was  the 
inventor  of  a  new  metre,  which  bears  the  inventor's  name,  and  is  familiar 
to  us  in  the  well-known  odes  of  Horace.  Their  poetry  was  the  warm  out- 
pouring of  the  writers'  inmost  feelings,  and  presents  the  lyric  poetry  of  the 
JEoKans  at  its  highest  point 

Of  the  life  of  Alcieus  we  have  several  interesting  particulars.  He 
fought  in  the  war  between  the  Athenians  and  IMytilenjeans  for  the  posses- 
sion of  Sigeum  (b.  c.  606),  and  incurred  the  disgrace  of  leaving  his  arms 
behind  him  on  the  field  of  battle.  He  enjoyed,  notwithstanding,  the  repu- 
tation of  a  brave  and  skilful  warrior,  and  his  house  is  described  by  himself 
as  furnished  with  the  weapons  of  war  rather  than  with  the  mstruments  of 
his  art.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  civil  dissensions  of  his  native  state, 
and  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  the  aristocratical  party,  to  which  he 


belonged  by  birth.  Wlien  the  nobles  were  driven  into  exile,  he  endeav- 
ored to  cheer  their  spirits  by  a  number  of  most  animated  odes,  full  of 
invectives  against  the  popular  party  and  its  leaders.  In  order  to  oppose 
the  attempts  of  the  exiled  nobles,  Pittacus  was  unanimously  chosen  by  the 
people  as  ^symnetes  or  Dictator.  He  held  his  office  for  ten  years  (b.  o. 
589-579),  and  during  that  time  he  defeated  all  the  efforts  of  the  exiles, 
and  established  the  constitution  on  a  popular  basis.  When  Alca;us  per- 
ceived that  all  hope  of  restoration  to  his  native  country  was  gone,  he 
travelled  into  Egypt  and  other  lands.  The  fragments  of  his  poems  which 
remain,  and  the  excellent  imitations  by  Horace,  enable  us  to  understand 
something  of  their  character.  Those  which  have  received  the  highest 
praise  are  his  warUke  odes,*  of  which  we  have  a  specimen  in  the  following 
description  of  his  palace  halls :  — 

"  From  floor  to  roof  the  spacious  palace  halls 

Glitter  with  war's  array ;    . 
With  burnished  metal  clad,  the  lofty  walls 

Beam  like  the  bright  noonday. 
There  white-plumed  helmets  hang  from  many  a  nail, 

Above  in  threatening  row ; 
Steel-garnished  tunics,  and  broad  coats  of  mail, 

Spread  o'er  the  space  below. 
Chalcidian  blades  enow,  and  belts,  are  here, 

Greaves  and  emblazoned  shields ; 
Well-tried  protectors  from  the  hostile  spear 

On  other  battle-fields. 
With  these  good  helps  our  work  of  war 's  begun; 
With  these  our  victory  must  be  won."  f 

In  some  of  his  poems  Alcoeus  described  the  hardships  of  exile,  and  the 
perils  he  encountered  in  his  wanderings  by  land  and  by  sea ;  J  while  in 
others  he  sang  of  the  pleasures  of  love  and  of  wine. 

Sappho,  the  contemporary  of  Alcaeus,  whom  he  addresses  as  "the 
violet-haired,  spotless,  sweetly-smiling  Sappho,"  was  the  greatest  of  all  the 
Greek  poetesses.  The  ancient  writers  agree  in  expressing  the  most  un- 
bounded admiration  for  her  poetry ;  Plato  in  an  extant  epigram  calls  her 
the  tenth  Muse ;  and  it  is  related  of  Solon,  that,  on  hearing  for  the  first 
time  the  recital  of  one  of  her  poems,  he  prayed  tliat  he  might  not  see 
death  until  he  had  committed  it  to  memory.  Of  the  events  of  her  life  we 
have  scarcely  any  information  ;  and  the  common  story  that,  being  in  love 
with  Phaon  and  finding  her  love  unrequited,  she  leaped  down  from  the 
Leucadian  rock,  seems  to  have  been  an  invention  of  later  times.  At 
Mytilene  Sappho  was  the  centre  of  a  female  literary  society,  the  members 
of  which  were  her  pupils  in  poetry,  fasliion,  and  gallantry.     Modem 


*  "  Alcaei  minaces  CameniB."  — HoR.  Carm.  iv.  9.  7. 
t  Translated  by  Colonel  Mure. 

}  "  Et  te  sonantem  plenius  aureo, 
Alcsee,  plectro  dura  navis, 

Dura  fugae  mala,  dura  belli."  —  HoR.  Carm.  ii.  13, 26. 


/t 


126 


HISTORY   OP   GREECE. 


[Chap.  Xm. 


B.  C.  600.) 


IHE   SEVEN    SAGES. 


127 


writers  have  inileed  attempted  to  prove  that  the  moral  character  of  Sappho 
was  free  from  all  reproach,  and  that  her  tenderness  was  as  pure  as  it  was 
glowing;  but  it  is  imiKJssible  to  read  the  extant  fragments  of  her  poetry 
without  being  forced  to  come  to  the  conclusion,  that  a  female  who  could 
write  such  verses  could  not  be  the  pure  and  virtuous  woman  which  her 
modern  apologists  pretend.  Her  ix)ems  were  chiefly  amatory,*  and  the 
most  important  of  the  fragments  which  have  been  preserved  is  a  magnifi- 
cent ode  to  the  Goddess  of  Love.  In  several  of  Sappho's  fragments  we 
perceive  the  exquisite  taste  with  which  she  employed  images  drawn  from 
nature,  of  which  we  have  an  example  in  the  beautiful  line  imitated  by 

Byi^>n,- 

«  O  Hesperas!  thou  bringest  all  things."  f 

§  10.  Anacreon  is  the  last  lyric  poet  of  this  period  who  claims  our 
attention.  He  was  a  native  of  the  Ionian  city  of  Teos.  He  spent  part  of 
his  life  at  Samos,  under  the  patronage  of  Polycrates,  in  whose  praise  he 
wrote  many  songs.  After  the  death  of  this  despot  (b.  c.  522),  he  went  to 
Athens,  at  tlie  invitation  of  Hipparchus,  who  sent  a  galley  of  fifty  oars  to 


*  "  Spirat  adhuc  amor 
Vivuntque  commissi  calores 
iEoliiB  fidibus  puellae."  —  Hor.  Cnrm.  iv.  9, 10. 

t  Xlie  charges  brought  against  Sappho  are  unsustained  by  a  particle  of  contemporary 
proof.  The  warm  tone  of  a  part  of  her  poetry  cannot  fairly  be  used  to  impeach  her  personal 
character.  The  stories  of  her  passion  for  Phaon,  and  of  her  having  taken  the  leap  from  the 
Leucadian  cliff,  by  way  of  a  water-cure  for  disappointed  love,  are  the  inventions  of  a  later 
age,  and  are  not  alluded  to  by  any  contemporary  authority.  The  Roman  poets,  particu- 
larly Ovid,  six  hundred  years  after  tlie  death  of  Sappho,  took  up  and  exaggerated  the  scan- 
dals of  the  Attic  comedians,  with  whom  a  buriesque  Sappho  was  a  stock  character,  about 
as  much  like  the  real  person  as  the  Socrates  of  the  Clouds  resembles  the  philosopher  who 

died  a  martyr  to  Virtue. 

There  is  a  passage  in  Aristotle  (Rhet.  T.  9)  where  he  quotes  some  lines  from  a  poem 
addressed  by  Alcseus  to  Sappho,  and  her  reply. 

"  Aleam.  I  fain  would  speak,  but  shame  '^^^thholds  my  tongue. 
"  Sappho,  If  love  of  good  or  noble  aims  impelled  thee, 

Nor  ill  thy  tongue  were  struggling  to  declare, 
Shame  would  not,  seated  in  thine  eyes,  have  held  thee,— 
Thou  wouldst  have  spoken  out  thy  purpose  faur." 

This  is  not  the  style  in  which  a  wanton  would  have  been  woed,  or  would  have  answered  a 
poet  like  Alcaus.  Several  other  names  are  mentioned  in  disreputable  connection  with  hers, 
by  the  ancient  libellers.  .But  Archilochus  died  before  Sappho  was  born  ;  Hipponax  was  bora 
after  Sappho  died  ;  Anacreon  was  two  years  old  when  Sappho  was  forty-eight;— and  these 
are  the  only  persons  specified  as  having  been  her  lovers.  Mr.  Mure,  however,  who  examines 
the  evidence  with  the  metaphysical  acuteness  characteristic  of  his  nation,  decides  the  case 
against  the  accused.  Professor  Volger  believes  the  story  of  her  love  affair  with  Phaon,  and 
the  Leucadian  leap,  though  he  admits  she  must  have  been  at  least  forty  years  old.  As  to 
the  unprobability  of  her  being  so  desperately  enamored,  at  that  sober  and  respectable  age, 
with  young  Phaon,  who  seems  to  have  been  troubled  with  what  old  Mr.  Weller  calls  "in- 
adwertent  captiwation,"  the  learned  Professor  says,  "  We  are  not  without  examples  of 
elderly  ladies  m  love  with  young  gentlemen,  and  young  gentlemen  not  m  love  with  elderly 
ladies."  — Eo. 


fetch  him.  He  remained  at  Athens  till  the  assassination  of  Hipparchus 
(b.  c.  514),  when  he  is  supposed  to  have  returned  to  Teos.  The  univer- 
sal tradition  of  antiquity  represents  Anacreon  as  a  coiisummate  volup- 
tuary ;  and  his  poems  prove  the  truth  of  the  tradition.  He  sings  of  love 
and  wine  with  hearty  good-will,  and  we  see  in  him  the  luxury  of  the 
Ionian  inflamed  by  the  fervor  of  the  poet.  His  death  was  worthy  of  his 
life,  if  we  may  believe  the  account  that  he  was  choked  by  a  grape-stone. 
Only  a  few  genuine  fragments  of  his  poems  have  come  down  to  us,  for 
the  odes  ascribed  to  him  are  now  universally  admitted  to  be  spurious. 

§  11.  Down  to  the  end  of  the  seventh  century  before  Christ  Uterary 
celebrity  in  Greece  was  exclusively  confined  to  the  poets ;  but  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  following  century  there  sprang  up  in  different  parts  of 
Greece  a  number  of  men  who,  under  the  name  of  the  Seven  Sages, 
became  distinguished  for  their  practical  sagacity  and  wise  sayings  or 
maxims.  Their  names  are  differently  given  in  the  various  popular  cata- 
logues ;  but  those  most  generally  admitted  to  the  honor  are  Solon,  Thales, 
Pittacus,  Periander,  Cleobolus,  Chilo,  and  Bias.  Most  of  these  person- 
ages were  actively  engaged  in  the  affairs  of  public  life,  and  exercised  great 
influence  upon  their  contemporaries.  They  were  the  authors  of  the  cele- 
brated mottoes  inscribed  in  later  days  in  the  Delphian  temple,  — "  Know 
thyself,"  —  "  Nothing  too  much,"  —  "  Know  thy  op^wrtunity,"  —  "  Surety- 
ship is  the  precursor  of  ruin." 

Of  Solon,  the  legislator  of  Athens,  and  of  Periander,  the  despot  of 
Corinth,  we  have  already  spoken  at  length ;  and  Thales  will  presently 
claim  our  notice  as  the  founder  of  Grecian  philosophy. 

Pittacus  has  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Ufe  of  Alcaeus,  aa 
the  wise  and  virtuous  ruler  of  Mytilene,  who  resigned  the  sovereign  power 
which  his  fellow-citizens  had  voluntarily  conferred  upon  him,  after  establish- 
ing political  order  in  the  state.  The  maxims  attributed  to  him  illustrate  the 
amiable  features  of  his  character.  He  pronounced  "  the  greatest  blessing 
which  a  man  can  enjoy  to  be  the  power  of  doing  good  " ;  that  "  the  most 
sagacious  man,  was  he  who  foresaw  the  approach  of  misfortune " ;  "  the 
bravest  man,  he  who  knew  how  to  bear  it " ;  that  "  victory  should  never 
be  stained  by  blood  " ;  and  that  "  pardon  was  often  a  more  effectual  check 
on  crime  than  punishment." 

Cleobulus  was  despot  of  Lindus,  in  the  island  of  Rhodes,  and  is  only 
known  by  his  pithy  sayings.  He  taught  that  "  a  man  should  never  leave 
his  dwelling  without  considering  well  what  he  was  about  to  do,  or  re-enter 
it  without  reflecting  on  what  he  had  done  "  ;  and  that  "  it  was  folly  in  a 
husband  either  to  fondle  or  reprove  his  wife  in  company." 

Chilo,  of  Sparta,  had  filled  the  office  of  Ephor  in  his  native  city,  and 
his  daughter  was  married  to  the  Spartan  king,  Demaratus.  When  asked 
what  were  the  three  most  difficult  things  in  a  man's  life,  he  replied :  "  To 
keep  a  secret,  to  forgive  injuries,  and  to  make  a  profitable  use  of  leisure 


time. 


» 


128 


raSTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XHl 


B.  C.  600.] 


SCHOOLS    OF   PHILOSOPHY. 


129 


|lf 

III 


I* 

Bias,  of  Priene  in  Ionia,  appears  to  have  been  tlie  latest  of  the  Seven 
Sages,  since  he  was  alive  at  the  Persian  conquest  of  the  Ionian  cities. 
The  following  are  specimens  of  his  maxims :  he  declared  "  the  most  unfor- 
tunate of  all  men  to  be  the  man  who  knows  not  hoi^'  to  bear  misfortune  " ; 
that  «  a  man  should  be  slow  in  making  up  his  mmd,  but  swift  in  executing 
his  decisions";  that  "a  man  should  temper  his  love  for  his  friends  by  the 
reflection  that  they  might  some  day  become  his  enemies,  and  moderate  his 
hatred  of  his  enemies  by  the  reflection  that  they  might  some  day  become 
his  friends."  When  overtaken  by  a  storm  on  a  voyage  with  a  dissolute 
crew,  and  hearing  them  offer  up  prayers  for  their  safety,  he  advised  them 
rather  "to  be  silent,  lest  the  gods  should  discover  that  they  were  at  sea." 

§  12.  The  history  of  Greek  philosophy  begins  with  Thales  of  Miletus, 
who  was  bom  about  b.  c.  640,  and  died  in  550,  at  the  age  of  90.  He  was 
the  founder  of  the  Ionic  school  of  pliilosophy,  and  to  him  were  traced  the 
first  beginnings  of  geometry  and  astronomy.  The  main  doctrine  of  his 
philosophical  system  was,  that  water,  or  fluid  substance,  was  the  single 
original  element  from  which  everythmg  came,  and  into  wliich  everything 
returned. 

Anaximander,  the  successor  of  Thales  in  the  Ionic  school,  lived  from 
B.  c.  610  to  547.  He  was  distinguished  for  his  knowledge  of  astronomy 
and  geography,  and  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  to  introduce  the  use  of 
the  sun-dial  into  Greece.  He  was  also  one  of  the  earliest  Greek  writers  in 
prose,  in  which  he  composed  a  geographical  treatise.  He  is  further  said 
to  have  constructed  a  chart  or  map  to  accompany  this  work ;  and  to  this 
account  we  may  give  the  more  credence,  since  in  the  century  after  his 
death,  at  the  time  of  the  Ionic  revolt,  the  Ionian  Aristagoras  showed  to  the 
Spartan  Cleomenes  "a  tablet  of  copper,  upon  which  was  inscribed  eveiy 
known  part  of  the  habitable  world,  the  seas,  and  the  rivers." 

Anaximenes,  the  third  in  the  series  of  the  Ionian  philosophers,  lived  a 
little  later  than  Anaximander.  He  endeavored,  like  Thales,  to  derive  the 
origin  of  all  material  things  from  a  single  element;  and,  according  to  his 
theory,  air  was  the  source  of  life.  In  like  manner,  Heracleitus  of  Ephesus, 
who  flourished  about  b.  c.  513,  regarded  fire  or  heat  as  the  primary  form 
of  all  matter;  and  theories  of  a  similar  nature  were  held  by  other  philoso- 
phers of  this  school. 

A  new  path  was  struck  out  by  Anaxagoras  of  Clazomeme,  the  most 
illustrious  of  the  Ionic  philosophers.  Anaxagoras  was  born  in  b.  c.  499, 
and  consequently  his  life,  strictly  speaking,  belongs  to  the  next  period  of 
Grecian  history ;  but  we  mention  him  here  in  order  to  complete  our  account 
of  the  Ionic  school.  He  came  to  Athens  in  480  b.  c,  being  then  only  in 
his  twentieth  year.  Though  he  inherited  a  considerable  property  from  his 
father,  he  resigned  it  all  to  his  relatives,  m  order  to  devote  himself  entkely 
to  philosophy.  He  continued  to  teach  at  Athens  for  thirty  years,  and 
numbered  among  his  hearers  Pericles,  Socrates,  and  Euripides.  He 
abandoned  the  system  of  his  predecessors,  and,  instead  of  regarding  some 


elementary  form  of  matter  as  the  origin  of  all  things,  he  conceived  a 
supreme  mind  or  intelligence,*  distinct  from  the  visible  world,  to  have  im- 
parted form  and  order  to  the  chaos  of  nature.  These  innovations  afforded 
the  Athenians  a  pretext  for  indicting  Anaxagoras  of  impiety,  though  it  is 
probable  that  his  connection  with  Pericles  was  the  real  cause  of  that  pro- 
ceeding. It  was  only  through  the  influence  and  eloquence  of  Pericles  that 
he  was  not  put  to  death ;  but  he  was  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  five  talents 
and  quit  Athens.  The  philosopher  retu-ed  to  Lampsacus,  where  he  died 
at  the  age  of  seventy-two. 

§  13.  The  second  school  of  Greek  philosophy  was  the  Eleatic,  which 
derived  its  name  from  Elea  or  Velia,  a  Greek  colony  on  the  western  coast 
of  Southern  Italy.  It  was  founded  by  Xenoplianes  of  Colophon,  who  fled 
to  Elea  on  the  conquest  of  his  native  land  by  the  Persians.  He  conceived 
the  whole  of  nature  to  be  God,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  denounce  as  abom- 
inable the  Homeric  descriptions  of  the  gods.  His  pliilosophical  system 
was  developed  in  the  succeeding  century  by  his  successors,  Parmenides 
and  Zeno,  who  exercised  great  influence  upon  Greek  speculation  by  the 
acuteness  of  their  dialectics. 

§  14.  The  third  school  of  philosophy  was  founded  by  Pythagoras.  The 
history  of  this  celebrated  man  has  been  obscured  by  the  legends  of  later 
writers ;  but  there  are  a  few  important  facts  respecting  him  which  are 
sufficently  well  ascertained.  He  was  a  native  of  Samos,  and  was  bom 
about  B.  c.  580.  His  father  was  an  opulent  merchant,  and  Pythagoras 
himself  travelled  extensively  in  the  East.  His  travels  were  greatly  mag- 
nified by  the  credulity  of  a  later  age,  but  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt 
that  he  visited  Egypt,  and  perhaps  also  Phoenicia  and  Babylon.  He  is 
said  to  have  received  instruction  from  Thales,  Anaximander,  and  other  of 
the  early  Greek  pliiloso[)hers.  Of  his  own  philosophical  views  our  knowl- 
edge is  very  limited ;  since  he  left  nothing  behind  him  in  writing,  and  the 
later  doctrines  of  the  Pythagoreans  were  naturally  attributed  to  the  founder 
of  the  school.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  he  believed  in  the  transmigra- 
tion of  souls ;  and  his  contemporary  Xenophanes  related  that  Pythagoras, 
seeing  a  dog  beaten,  interceded  in  its  behalf,  saying,  "  It  is  the  soul  of 
a  friend  of  mine,  whom  I  recognize  by  its  voice."  Later  writers  added 
that  Pythagoras  asserted  that  his  own  soul  had  formerly  dwelt  in  the  body 
of  the  Trojan  Euphorbus,  the  son  of  Panthoiis,  who  was  slain  by  Menelaiis, 
and  that  in  proof  of  his  assertion  he  took  down,  at  first  sight,  the  shield  of 
Euphorbus  from  the  temple  of  Hera  (Juno)  at  Argos,  where  it  had  been 
dedicated  by  Menelaiis.f     Pythagoras  was  distinguished  by  his  knowledge 


NoCff. 


t  "  habentque 
Tartara  Panthoiden,  iterum  Oreo 
Demissum,  quamvis  clipeo  Trojana  refixo 
Tempora  testatus,  nihil  ultra 

Nervos  atque  cutem  morti  concesserat  atrae."  —  Hoe.  Carm.  i.  28. 10. 
17 


180 


HISTORY   OP   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIII. 


B.  C.  530.] 


PYTHAGORAS. 


131 


I 


^  I 


IM 


of  geometry  and  arithmetic  ;  and  it  was  probably  from  his  teaching  that 
the  Pythagoreans  were  led  to  regard  numbers  in  some  mysterious  manner 
as  the  basis  aiid  essence  of  all  things.  We  shall,  however,  form  an  erro- 
neous opinion  of  the  character  of  Pythagoras,  if  we  regard  him  simply  as 
a  philosopher,  attaching  to  the  word  the  same  meaning  which  it  bore 
among  the  Athenians  of  a  later  age.  He  was  in  fact  more  of  the  religious 
teacher  than  of  the  philosopher ;  and  he  looked  ujwn  liimself  as  being  des- 
tined by  the  gods  to  reveal  to  his  disciples  a  new  and  purer  mode  of  life. 
The  religious  element  in  his  character  made  a  profound  impression  upon 
his  contemporaries,  and  they  believed  him  to  stand  in  a  close  connection 

with  the  gods. 

Pythagoras  is  said  to  have  returned  to  Samos  about  the  age  of  forty, 
with  a  mind  deeply  impressed  with  his  divine  mission.     Finding  the  con- 
dition of  his  native  country,  which  was  then  under  the  despotism  of  Poly- 
crates,  unfavorable  to  the  dissemination  of  his  doctrines,  he  migrated  to 
Croton  in  Italy.     Here  he  met  with  the  most  wonderful  success.     His 
public  exhortations  induced  numbers  to  enroll  themselves  as  members  of 
the  new  society  which  he  sought  to  establish.     This  society  was  a  kind  of 
religious  brotherhood,  the  members  of  which  were  bound  together  by  pecu- 
liar rites  and  observances.    There  were  various  gradations  among  the 
members,  and  no  candidates  were  admitted  without  passing  through  a 
period  of  probation,  in  which  their  intellectual  faculties  and  general  char- 
acter were  tested.     Everythmg  done  and  taught  in  the  fraternity  was  kept 
a  profound  secret  from  all  without  its  pale.     It  appears  that  the  members 
had  some  private  signs,  like  Freemasons,  by  which  they  could  recognize 
each  other,  even  if  they  had  never  met  before.     From  the  secrecy  in  which 
their  proceedings  were  enveloped,  we  do  not  know  the  nature  of  their  re- 
ligious rites,  nor  the  peculiar  diet  to  which  they  are  said  to  have  been  sub- 
jected.    Some  writers  represent  Pythagoras  as  forbidding  all  animal  food ; 
but  all  the  members  could  not  have  been  subjected  to  this  prohibition, 
since  we  know  that  the  celebrated  athlete  Milo  was  a  Pythagorean,  and  it 
would  not  have  been  possible  for  him  to  have  dispensed  with  animal  food. 
But  temperance  was  strictly  enjoined;  and  their  whole  training  tended  to 
produce  great  self-possession  and  mastery  over  the  passions.    Most  of  the 
converts  of  Pythagoras  belonged  to  the  noble  and  wealthy  classes.    Three 
hundred  of  them,  most  attached  to  their  teacher,  formed  the  nucleus  of  the 
society,  and  were  closely  united  to  Pythagoras  and  each  other  by  a  sacred 
vow.     His  doctrines  spread  rapidly  over  Magna  Gnecia,  and  clubs  of  a 
shnilar  character  were  established  at  Sybaris,  Metapontum,  Tarentum,and 

other  cities. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Pythagoras  had  originally  any  political  designs 
ji  the  foundation  of  the  brotherhood ;  but  it  was  only  natural  that  a  club 
like  that  of  the  Three  Hundred  at  Croton  should  speedily  acquire  great 
influence  in  the  conduct  of  pubUc  aflfairs,  which  it  uniformly  exerted  in 


favor  of  the  oligarcliical  party.  Pythagoras  himself  also  obtained  great 
political  power.  He  did  not,  it  is  true,  hold  any  public  office,  either  at 
Croton  or  elsewhere ;  but  he  was  the  general  of  a  powerful  and  well- 
discipUned  order,  which  appears  to  have  paid  implicit  obedience  to  his 
commands,  and  which  bore  in  many  respects  a  striking  resemblance  to  the 
one  founded  in  modem  times  by  Ignatius  Loyola.  The  influence,  how- 
ever, exercised  by  the  brotherhood  upon  public  affairs  proved  its  ruin. 
The  support  which  it  lent  to  the  oligarchical  party  in  the  various  cities, 
the  secrecy  of  its  proceedings,  and  the  exclusiveness  of  its  spirit,  produced 
against  the  whole  system  a  wide-spread  feeling  of  hatred. 

The  conquest  of  Sybaris  by  Croton  (b.  c.  510),  of  which  an  account  has 
been  already  given,  seems  to  have  elated  the  Pythagoreans  beyond  meas- 
ure. The  war  had  been  undertaken  through  the  advice  of  Pythagoras 
himself;  and  the  forces  of  Croton  had  been  commanded  by  Milo,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  brotherhood.  Accordingly,  on  the  termination  of  the  war,  the 
Pytliagoreans  opposed  more  actively  than  ever  the  attempts  of  the  popu- 
lar party  to  obtain  a  share  in  the  government  of  Croton,  and  refused  to 
divide  among  the  people  the  territory  of  the  conquered  city.  A  revolu- 
tion was  the  consequence.  A  democratical  form  of  government  was  estab- 
lished at  Croton ;  and  the  people  now  took  revenge  upon  their  powerfiil 
opponents.  In  an  outbreak  of  popular  fury  an  attack  was  made  upon  the 
house  in  which  the  leading  Pythagoreans  were  assembled ;  the  house  was 
set  on  fire  ;  and  many  of  the  members  perished.  Similar  riots  took  place 
in  the  other  cities  of  Magna  Gnecia,  in  which  Pythagorean  clubs  had  been 
formed;  and  civil  dissensions  ensued,  which,  after  lasting  many  years, 
were  at  length  pacified  by  the  friendly  mediation  of  the  Acha^ans  of  the 
mother  country.  The  Pythagorean  order,  as  an  active  and  organized 
brotherhood,  was  thus  suppressed  ;  but  the  Pythagoreans  continued  to  ex- 
ist as  a  philosophical  sect,  and  after  some  interval  were  again  admitted 
into  the  cities  from  which  they  had  been  expelled.  There  were  different 
accounts  of  the  fate  of  Pythagoras  himself;  but  he  is  generally  stated 
to  have  died  at  Metapontum,  where  his  tomb  was  shown  in  the  time  of 
Cicero. 


./" 


132 


BISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIV 


Chap.  XIV.] 


ARCHITECTURE. 


133 


IP 


II 


til 


Temple  at  iEgina,  restored. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

HISTORY  OP  ART. 

1 1.  Perfection  of  Grecian  Art.  §  2.  Origin  of  Architecture.  §  8.  Cyclopean  Walls.  Treas 
ury  of  Atreus.  §  4.  Architecture  of  Temples.  §  6.  Three  Orders  of  Architecture,  the 
Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian.  \  6.  Temples  of  Artemis  (Diana)  at  Ephesus,  of  Hera 
(Juno)  at  Samoa,  of  Apollo  at  Delphi,  and  of  Jove  at  Athens.  Remains  of  Temples  at 
Posidonia  (Psestum),  Selinus,  and  .Egina.  |  7.  Origin  of  Sculpture.  Wooden  Images  of 
the  Gods.  Sculptured  Figures  on  Architectural  Monuments.  Lions  over  the  Gate  at 
Mycence.  §  8.  Improvements  in  Sculpture  in  the  Sixth  and  Fifth  Centuries  b.  c. 
\  9.  Extant  Specimens  of  Grecian  Sculpture.  The  Selinuntine,  ^gmetan,  and  Lycian 
Marbles.    §  10.  History  of  Painting. 

§  1.  The  perfection  of  Greek  art  is  still  more  wonderful  than  the  per- 
fection of  Greek  literature.  In  poetr}-,  history,  and  oratory,  other  lan- 
guages have  produced  works  which  may  stand  comparison  with  the  master- 
pieces of  Greek  literature ;  but  m  architecture  and  sculpture  the  pre- 
eminence of  the  Hellenic  race  is  acknowledged  by  the  whole  civilized  world, 
and  the  most  successful  artist  of  modern  times  only  hopes  to  approach,  and 
dreams  not  of  surpassing,  the  glorious  creations  of  Grecian  art.  The  art 
of  a  people  is  not  only  a  most  interesting  branch  of  its  antiquities,  but  also 
an  important  part  of  its  history.  It  forms  one  of  the  most  durable  eviden- 
ces of  a  nation's  growth  in  civilization  and  social  progress.  The  remains 
of  the  Parthenon  alone  would  have  borne  the  most  unerring  testimony  to 
the  intellectual  and  social  greatness  of  Athens,  if  the  history  of  Greece 
had  been  a  blank,  and  the  names  of  Pericles  and  Pheidias  unknown. 


§  2.  Architecture  first  claims  our  attention  in  tracing  the  history  of 
Grecian  art,  since  it  attained  a  high  degree  of  excellence  at  a  much  earUer 
period  than  either  sculpture  or  painting.  Architecture  has  its  origin  in 
nature  and  in  religion.  The  necessity  of  a  habitation  for  man,  and  the 
attempt  to  erect  habitations  suitable  for  the  gods,  are  the  two  causes  from 
which  the  art  derives  its  existence.  In  Greece,  however,  as  in  most  other 
countries,  architecture  was  chiefly  indebted  to  religion  for  its  development; 
and  hence  its  history,  as  a  fine  art,  is  closely  connected  with  that  of  the 
temple.  But  before  speaking  of  the  Grecian  temples,  it  is  necessary  to 
say  a  few  words  respecting  the  earlier  buildings  of  the  Greeks. 

§  3.  The  oldest  works  erected  by  Grecian  hands  are  those  gigantic 
walls  which  are  still  found  at  Tiiyns  and  Mycenae,  and  other  cities  of 
Greece.  They  consist  of  enormous  blocks  of  stone  put  together  without 
cement  of  any  kind,  though  they  differ  from  one  another  in  the  mode  of 
their  construction.  In  the  most  ancient  specimens,  the  stones  are  of  irreo"- 
ular  polygonal  shapes,  and  no  attempt  is  made  to  fit  them  into  one  an- 
other, the  gaps  being  filled  up  with  smaller  stones :  of  this  we  have  an 
example  in  the  walls  of  the  citadel  of  Tiiyns. 


Wall  at  Tiryns. 

In  other  cases  the  stones,  though  they  are  still  of  irregular  polygonal 
shapes,  are  skilfully  hewn  and  fitted  to  one  another,  and  their  faces  are 
cut  so  as  to  give  the  whole  wall  a  smooth  appearance.  A  specimen  of  this 
kind  is  seen  in  the  walls  of  Larissa,  the  citadel  of  Argos.  In  the  third 
species  the  stones  are  more  or  less  regular,  and  are  laid  in  horizontal  cour- 
ses.   The  walls  of  Mycenae  present  one  of  the  best  examples  of  this  struc- 


Wall  of  the  Citadel  of  Argos. 


1^'^'^  "^fc 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE* 


[Chat.  XIV 


Chap.  XIV.] 


TEMPLES. 


lao 


I 

i?i 


N 


i 


tare.  (See  drawing  on  p.  24.)  These  gigantic  walls  are  generally  known 
by  the  name  of  Cyclopean,  because  posterity  could  not  believe  them  to  be 
|he  works  of  man.  Modem  writers  assign  them  to  the  Pelasgians  ;  but 
we  know  nothing  of  their  origin,  though  we  may  safely  believe  them  to 
belong  to  the  earliest  periods  of  Greek  history.  In  the  Homeric  poems 
we  find  the  cities  of  Greece  surrounded  with  massive  walls  ;  and  the  poet 
speaks  of  the  chief  cities  of  the  Argive  kingdom  as  "  the  walled  Tiryns," 
and  "  Mycenae,  the  well-built  city." 

The  only  other  remains  which  can  be  regarded  as  contemporary  with 
these  massive  walls  are  those  subterraneous,  dome-shaped  edifices  usually 
supposed  to  have  been  the  treasuries  of  the  Heroic  kings.  This,  however, 
seems  doubtful,  and  many  modem  writers  maintain  them  to  have  been  the 
family  vaults  of  the  ancient  heroes  by  whom  they  were  erected.  The  best 
preserved  monument  of  tliis  kind  is  the  one  at  Mycenae,  where  we  find  so 
many  remains  of  the  earliest  Grecian  art.  This  building,  genemlly  called 
the  Treasury  of  Atreus,  is  entirely  under  ground.  It  contains  two  cham- 
bers, the  one  upon  entrance  being  a  large  vault  about  fifty  feet  in  width 
and  forty  in  height,  giving  access  to  a  small  chamber  excavated  in  the 
solid  rock.  The  building  is  constmcted  of  horizontal  courses  of  masonry, 
which  gradually  approach  and  unite  in  the  top  in  a  closing  stone.  Its 
principle  is  that  of  a  wall  resisting  a  superincumbent  weight,  and  deriving 
strength  and  coherence  from  the  weight  itself,  which  is  in  reality  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  arch.  The  doorway  of  the  monument  was  formerly  adorned 
with  pilasters  and  other  ornaments  in  marble  of  different  colors.  It  ap- 
pears to  have  been  lined  in  the  interior  with  bronze  plates,  the  holes  for 
the  nails  of  which  are  still  visible  in  horizontal  rows. 

§  4  The  temples  of  the  gods  were  originally  small  in  size  and  mean  in 
appearance.  The  most  ancient  were  nothing  but  hollow  trees,  in  wliich 
the  images  of  the  gods  were  placed,  since  the  temple  in  early  times  was 
simply  the  habitation  of  the  deity,  and  not  a  place  for  the  worshippers. 
As  the  nation  grew  in  knowledge  and  in  civilization,  the  desire  naturally 
arose  of  improving  and  embellisliing  the  habitations  of  their  deities.  The 
tree  was  first  exchanged  for  a  wooden  house.  The  form  of  the  temple 
was  undoubtedly  borrowed  from  the  common  dwellings  of  men.  Among 
the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor,  we  still  find  an  exact  conformity  of  style  and 


arrangement  between  the  wooden  huts  now  occupied  by  the  peasantry 
and  the  splendid  temples  of  antiquity.  The  wooden  habitation  of  the 
god  gave  way  in  turn  to  a  temple  of  stone.  In  the  erection  of  tliese 
fiacred  edifices,  architecture  made  great  and  rapid  progress;  and  even 
as  early  as  the  sixth  century  there  were  many  magnificent  temples 
erected  in  various  parts  of  Hellas.  Most  of  the  larger  temples  received 
their  light  from  an  opening  in  the  centre  of  the  building,  and  were 
for  this  reason  called  hypcBthral,*  or  under  the  sky.  They  usually 
consisted  of  three  parts :  the  pronaos,^  or  vestibule ;  the  naos,  X  or  cella, 
which  contained  the  statue  of  the  deity;  and  the  opisthodomos,%  or 
back-building,  in  wliich  the  treasures  of  the  temple  were  frequently 
kept.  The  form  of  the  temples  was  very  simple,  being  either  oblong 
or  round;  and  their  grandeur  was  owing  to  the  beautiful  combination 
of  columns  which  adorned  the  interior  as  well  as  the  outside.  These 
columns  either  surrounded  the  building  entirely,  or  were  arranged  in 
porticos  on  one  or  more  of  its  fronts;  and  according  to  their  number 
and  distribution  temples  have  been  classified  both  by  ancient  and  modem 
writers  on  architecture.  Columns  were  originally  used  simply  to  sup- 
port the  roof  of  the  building ;  and,  amidst  all  the  elaborations  of  a  later 
age,  this  object  was  always  kept  in  view.  Hence  we  find  the  column 
supporting  a  horizontal  mass,  technically  called  the  entablature.     Both  the 

NnFffFTTff 


[ 


©5?!*® 


E 


Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  Columns. 
column  and  the  entablature  are  again  divided  into  three  distinct  parts. 
The  foi-mer  consists  of  the  base,  the  shaft,  and  the  capital ;  the  latter,  of  the 
architrave,  the  frieze,  and  the  cornice.  The  architrave  is  the  chief  beam,  || 
resting  on  the  summit  of  the  row  of  columns ;  the  frieze  rises  above  the 
architrave,  and  is  frequently  adorned  by  figures  in  relief,  whence  its  Greek 


Wooden  Hut  in  Asia  Minor. 


*  viraiBpoi.  t  frpovooy.  J  vdoSf  also  called  (njKoS' 

U  Called  by  the  Greeks  ^EniarrvXioPf  epistylium. 


§  67n(rd68fioS' 


IBS 


HISTORY   OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIV. 


Chap.  XIV.] 


TEMPLES. 


137 


)\\i 


I 


■ 


\ 


name ;  *  and  above  the  frieze  projects  the  comice,t  forming  a  handsome 
finish  to  the  entablature.  According  to  certain  differences  in  the  pro- 
portions and  embelUshments  of  the  columns  and  entablature,  Grecian 
architecture  was  divided  into  three  orders,  called  respectively  the  Doric, 
Ionic,  and  Corintliian. 

§  5.  The  Doric  order  is  the  most  ancient,  and  is  marked  by  the  charac- 
teristics of  the  people  from  whom  it  derives  its  name.  It  is  simple, 
massive,  and  majestic.  The  column  is  characterized  by  the  absence  of  a 
base,  by  the  thickness  and  rapid  diminution  of  the  shaft,  and  by  the  sim- 
plicity and  massiveness  of  the  capital.  In  the  entablature,  the  architrave 
is  in  one  surface,  and  quite  plain.  The  frieze  is  ornamented  by  triglyphs, 
so  called  from  the  three  flat  bands  into  which  they  are  divided  by  the 
intervening  channels ;  while  the  metopes,  or  the  vacant  spaces  between 
the  triglyphs,  are  also  adorned  with  sculptures  in  high  relief.  The 
cornice  projects  far,  and  on  its  under  side  are  cut  several  sets  of  drops, 
called  mutules. 


4- 


^^^^  LT  ^  .J  ^  ur  u ' 


r^vmpni 


•J  ^-^  oP- 


iSM  I '  ill  I .  I  Ji  VJilUWAiVJig 


i 


liuu 


rfft'"'"w»J"'"'™*«»""'-*^ 


Ionic  Architecture. 
From  the  Erechtheum. 


Doric  Architecture. 
From  Temple  at  Phigalia. 

The  Ionic  order  is  distinguished  by  simple  gracefuhiess,  and  by  a  much 
richer  style  of  ornament  than  the  Doric.  The  shaft  of  the  column  is 
much  more  slender,  and  rests  upon  a  base ;  while  the  capital  is  adorned 
by  spiral  volutes.  The  architrave  is  in  three  faces,  the  one  slightly  pro- 
jectmg  beyond  the  other ;  there  is  a  small  cornice  between  the  architrave 


Zm(f>6poSi  zophoTUt' 


f  KofMvlst  coromt. 


and  the  frieze,  and  all  three  members  of  the  entablature  are  more  or  less 
ornamented  with  mouldings. 

The  Corinthian  order  is  only  a  later  form  of  the  Ionic,  and  belongs  to  a 
period  subsequent  to  the  one  treated  in  the  present  book.  It  is  especially 
characterized  by  its  beautiful  capital,  which  is  said  to  have  been  suggested 
to  the  mind  of  the  celebrated  sculptor  Callimaehus  by  the  sight  of  a 
basket,  covered  by  a  tile,  and  overgrown  by  the  leaves  of  an  acanthus,  on 
which  it  had  accidentally  been  placed.  The  earliest  known  example  of 
its  use  throughout  a  building  is  in  the  Choragic  monument  of  Lysicrates, 
formerly  called  the  Lantern  of  Demosthenes,  wliich  was  built  in  b.  c.  335. 


Corinthian  Architecture.    From  the  Monument  of  Lysicrates.* 

§  6.  Passing  over  the  earUer  Greek  temples,  we  find  at  the  beginning 
of  the  sixth  century  b.  c.  several  magnificent  buildings  of  this  kind  men- 
tioned by  the  ancient  writers.  Of  these  two  of  the  most  celebrated  were 
the  temple  of  Artemis  (Diana)  at  Ephesus,  and  the  temple  of  Hera  (Juno) 
at  Samos.  The  former  was  erected  on  a  gigantic  scale,  and  from  its  size 
and  magnificence  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world.    It 


«  In  the  Street  of  Tripods  (pBbs  Tpnrodoip)  at  Athens.— Ed. 
18 


138 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIV. 


Chap.  XIV.] 


STATUARY. 


139 


\ 


was  commenced  about  B.  c.  600,  under  the  superintendence  of  the  archi- 
tects Chersiphron  and  his  son  Metagenes,  of  Cnossos  in  Crete,  but  it  occu- 
pied many  years  in  building.  The  material  employed  was  white  marble, 
and  the  order  of  architecture  adopted  was  the  Ionic.  Its  length  was  four 
hundred  and  twenty-five  feet,  its  breadth  two  hundred  and  twenty  feet ; 
the  columns  were  sixty  feet  in  height,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
in  number;  and  the  blocks  of  marble  composing  the  architrave  were 
thirty  feet  in  length.  This  wonder  of  the  world  was  bunit  down  by 
Herostratus,  in  oixler  to  immortalize  himself,  on  the  same  night  that  Alex- 
ander the  Great  was  bom  (b.  c.  356)  ;  but  it  was  afterwai-ds  rebuilt  with 
still  greater  magnificence  by  the  contributions  of  all  the  states  of  Asia 
Minor. 

The  temple  of  Hera  (Juno)  at  Samos  was  begun  about  the  same  time 
as  the  one  at  Ephesus ;  but  it  appears  to  have  been  finished  much  earlier, 
since  it  was  the  largest  temple  with  wliich  Herodotus  was  acquainted. 
It  was  three  hundred  and  forty-six  feet  in  length,  and  one  hundred  and 
eighty-nine  in  breadth,  and  was  originally  built  in  the  Doric  style,  but  the 
existing  remains  belong  to  the  Ionic  order.  The  architects  were  Ehoecus 
and  his  son  Theodorus,  both  natives  of  Samos. 

In  the  latter  half  of  the  same  century  the  temple  of  Delphi  was  rebuilt 
after  its  destruction  by  fire  in  b.  c.  548.  The  sum  required  for  the  erec- 
tion of  this  temple  was  three  hundred  talents,  or  about  £  75,000,*  which 
had  to  be  collected  fi-om  the  various  cities  in  the  Hellenic  world.  The 
contract  for  the  building  w  as  taken  by  the  Alcmaeonida?,  and  the  magnifi- 
cent mjmner  m  which  they  executed  the  work  has  been  already  men- 
tioned. It  was  in  the  Doric  style,  and  the  front  was  cased  with  Parian 
marble. 

About  the  same  time  Peisistratus  and  his  sons  commenced  the  temple 
of  the  Olympian  Zeus  at  Athens.  It  was  a  colossal  fabric  in  the  Corm- 
thian  style,  three  hundred  and  fifty-nine  feet  in  length  by  one  hundred  and 
seventy-three  in  breadth,  and  was  only  completed  by  the  Emperor  Hadri- 
an, six  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  its  foundation. 

The  temples  mentioned  above  have  entirely  disappeared,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  few  columns  ;  but  others  erected  in  the  sixth  and  fifth  centu- 
ries b.  c.  have  withstood  more  successfully  the  ravages  of  time.  Of  these 
the  most  perfect  and  the  most  striking  are  the  two  temples  at  Posidonia, 
or  Pajstum,  the  colony  of  Sybaris  in  Southern  Italy,  the  remains  of  which 
still  fill  the  beholder  with  admiration  and  astonishment.  The  larger  of 
the  two,  which  is  the  more  ancient,  is  characterized  by  the  massive  sim- 
plicity of  the  ancient  Doric  style.  It  is  one  hundred  and  ninety-five  feet 
long  by  seventy-five  feet  wide.  There  are  likewise  considerable  remains 
of  three  ancient  temples  at  Selinus  in  Sicily,  built  in  the  Doric  style.    The 


*  Equal  to  about  $350,000,  in  round  numbers.  —  En. 


temple  of  Zeus  Panhellemus,  in  the  island  of  JEgina,  of  which  many  columns 
are  stiU  standing,  was  probably  erected  in  the  sixth  centuiy  b.  c,  and  not 
after  the  Persian  wars,  as  is  stated  by  many  modern  writers.  It  stands  in 
a  sequestred  and  lonely  spot  in  the  northeast  corner  of  the  island,  over- 
looking the  sea  and  commanding  a  view  of  the  opposite  coast  of  Attica. 
It  is  in  the  Doric  style ;  and  the  front  elevation,  as  restored,  is  exhibited 
in  the  engraving  at  the  head  of  this  chapter. 

§  7.  Sculpture,  or,  to  use  a  more  correct  expression.  Statuary,  owed  its 
origin,  like  architecture,  to  religion.  The  only  statues  in  Greece  were  for 
a  long  time  those  of  the  gods ;  and  it  was  not  till  about  b.  c.  550  that  stat- 
ues began  to  be  erected  in  honor  of  men.  The  most  ancient  representa- 
tions of  the  gods  did  not  even  pretend  to  be  images,  but  were  only  sym- 
bolical signs  of  their  presence,  and  were  often  nothing  more  than  unhe^vn 
blocks  of  stone  or  simple  pieces  of  wood.  Sometimes  there  was  a  real 
statue  of  the  god,  carved  in  wood,  of  which  material  the  most  ancient 
statues  were  exclusively  made.*  The  ai*t  of  carvmg  in  wood  was  confined 
to  certain  families,  and  was  handed  down  from  father  to  son.  Such 
families  are  represented  in  Attica  by  the  mythical  name  of  Dtedalus,  and 
in  ^gina  by  the  equally  mythical  name  of  Smilis,  from  both  of  whom 
many  artists  of  a  later  age  traced  then*  descent  The  hereditary  cultiva- 
tion of  tlie  art  tended  to  repress  its  improvement  and  development ;  and 
the  carvers  long  contmued  to  copy  from  generation  to  generation  the  exact 
type  of  each  particular  god.  These  wooden  figures  were  frequently 
painted  and  clothed,  and  were  decorated  with  diadems,  ear-rings,  and 
necklaces,  and  in  course  of  time  were  partly  covered  with  gold  or  ivory. 
Statues  in  marble  or  metal  did  not  begin  to  be  made  till  the  sixth  cen- 
tury B.  C. 

Though  statuary  proper,  or  the  construction  of  a  round  figure  standing 
by  itself,  continued  in  a  rude  state  for  a  long  time  in  Greece,  yet  sculp- 
tured figures  on  architectural  monuments  were  executed  at  an  early  period 
in  a  superior  style  of  art.  One  of  the  earliest  specimens  of  sculpture  still 
extant  is  the  work  in  relief  above  the  ancient  gate  at  Mycenae,  represent- 
ing two  lions  standing  on  their  hind  legs,  with  a  kind  of  pillar  between 
them.     They  are  figured  on  p.  24. 

§  8.  About  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  b.  c.  a  fresh  impulse  was 
given  to  statuary,  as  well  as  to  the  other  arts,  by  the  discovery  of  certain 
mechanical  processes  in  the  use  and  application  of  the  metals.  Glaucus 
of  Chios  is  mentioned  as  the  inventor  of  the  art  of  soldering  metal ;  t  and 
Rhoecus  and  Theodorus  of  Samos,  who  have  been  ah*eady  spoken  of  as 
architects,  invented  the  art  of  casting  figures  of  bronze  in  a  mould.  The 
magnificent  temples,  which  began  to  be  built  about  the  same  period,  called 

♦  A  -wooden  statue  was  called  ^oavov,  from  ^«,  "  polish"  or  "  carve." 
f  (Tibripov  KoXXijo'tff,  Herod.  I.  26. 


IM 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIV. 


Chap.  XTV.] 


PAINTING. 


141 


III 

I 


♦ 


1! 


into  exercise  the  art  of  the  sculptor,  since  the  friezes  and  pediments  were 
usually  adorned  with  figures  in  relief.  Dipcenus  and  Scyllis  of  Crete, 
who  practised  their  art  at  Sicyon  al)out  B.  c.  580,  were  the  first  sculptors 
who  obtained  renown  for  their  statues  in  marble.  They  founded  a  school 
of  art  in  Sicyon,  which  long  enjoyed  great  celebrity.  The  other  most  dis- 
tinguished schools  of  art  were  at  Samos,  Chios,  iEgina,  and  Argos.  The 
practice  of  erecting  statues  of  the  victors  in  the  great  public  games,  which 
commenced  about  b.  c.  550,  was  likewise  of  great  service  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  art.  In  foiming  these  statues  the  sculptor  was  not  tied  down 
by  a  fixed  type,  as  in  the  case  of  the  images  of  the  gods,  and  consequently 
gave  greater  play  to  his  inventive  powers.  The  improvement  thus  pro- 
duced in  the  statues  of  men  was  gradually  extended  to  the  images  of  the 
gods ;  and  the  artist  was  emboldened  to  depart  from  the  ancient  models, 
and  to  represent  the  gods  under  new  forms  of  beauty  and  grandeur. 
Nevertheless,  even  the  sculptures  which  belong  to  the  close  of  the  present 
period  still  bear  traces  of  the  religious  restraints  of  an  earHer  age,  and 
form  a  transition  from  the  hardness  and  stiffness  of  the  archaic  style  to 
that  ideal  beauty  which  was  shortly  afterwards  developed  in  the  sublime 
works  of  Pheidias. 

§  9.  Among  the  remains  of  the  sculpture  of  this  period  still  extan^ 
those  most  worthy  of  notice  are  the  reUefs  in  the  metopes  of  the^emple  of 
Selinus,  the  statues  on  the  pediments  of  the  temple  of  -^gina,  and  the 
reliefs  on  the  great  monument  recently  discovered  at  Xanthus  in  Lycia. 
The  two  reliefs  given  on  p.  108  are  taken  from  the  metopes  of  two 
temples  at  Selinus.  The  first,  belonging  to  the  more  ancient  of  the  tem- 
ples, which  was  probably  built  about  b.  c.  GOO,  represents  Pei-seus  cutting 
off  the  head  of  Medusa,  with  the  assistance  of  Pallas.  The  work  is  very 
rude  and  very  inferior,  both  in  style  and  execution,  to  the  lions  over  the 
gate  at  Mycenae.  The  second,  belonging  to  the  more  recent  of  the  tem- 
ples, probably  erected  in  the  latter  half  of  the  fifth  century,  exhibits  a 
marked  improvement  It  represents  Actaeon  metamorphosed  into  a  stag 
by  Artemis  (Diana),  and  torn  to  pieces  by  his  own  dogs. 

Two  of  the  statues  on  one  of  the  pediments  of  the  temple  at  -^gina  are 
represented  on  pp.  15,  16.  These  statues  were  discovered  in  1812,  and 
are  at  present  in  the  collection  at  Munich.  They  have  been  restored  by 
Thorwaldsen.  The  subject  is  Athena  (Minerva),  leading  the  -^acids  or 
^ginetan  heroes  in  the  war  against  the  Trojans.  There  are  traces  of 
color  on  the  clothes,  arms,  eyeballs,  and  hps,  but  not  the  flesh;  and  it 
appears,  from  the  many  small  holes  found  in  the  marble,  that  bronze 
armor  was  fixed  to  the  statues  by  means  of  nails.  There  is  great  anima- 
tion in  the  figures,  but  their  gestures  are  too  violent  and  abrupt ;  and  one 
may  still  perceive  evident  ti*aces  of  the  archaic  style.  The  close  imitation 
of  nature  is  very  striking. 

The  reliefs  on  the  monument  at  Xanthus  in  Lycia  were  evidently  exe- 


cuted by  Greek  artists,  and  probably  about  the  same  time  as  the  JEgine- 
tan  statues.  The  monument  consists  of  a  quadrangular  tower  of  lime- 
stone on  a  base,  and  was  surrounded  on  four  sides  by  marble  friezes  at 
the  height  of  twenty  feet  from  the  ground.  On  these  friezes,  which  ai-e 
now  in  the  British  Museum,  there  are  sculptures  representing  various 
mythological  subjects ;  and  from  the  ends  of  the  narrower  sides  contain- 
ing four  beautiful  Harpies  carrying  off  maidens,  the  building  is  frequently 
called  the  Harpy  Monument.  The  general  character  of  these  sculptures 
is  an  antique  sunplicity  of  style,  united  with  grace  and  elegance  of  exe- 
cution. 

§  10.  Painting  is  not  mentioned  as  an  imitative  art  in  the  earliest  rec- 
ords of  Grecian  litemture.     Homer  does  not  speak  of  any  kind  of  pamt- 
ing,  although  he  frequently  describes   garments   inwoven   with  figures. 
The  fine  arts  in  all  countries  appear  to  have  been  indebted  to  religion  for 
their  development ;  and  since  painting  was  not  connected  in  early  times 
with  the  worship  of  the  gods,  it  long  remained  behind  the  sister  arts  of 
architecture  and  sculpture.     For  a  considerable  period  all  painting  con- 
sisted in  coloring  statues  and  architectural  monuments,  of  which  we  find 
traces  in  the  ruins  of  the  temples  already  described.     The  first  improve- 
ments in  painting  were  made  in  the  schools  of  Corinth  and  Sicyon ;  and 
the  most  ancient  specimens  of  the  art  which  have  come  down  to  us  are 
found  on  the  oldest  Corinthian  vases,  which  may  be  assigned  to  the  begin- 
ning of  the  sixth  century  b.  c.     About  the  same  tune  painting  began  to 
be  cultivated  in  Asia  Minor,  along  with  architecture  and  sculpture.     The 
paintings  of  the  town  of  Phocsea  are  mentioned  on  the  capture  of  that  city 
by  Harpagus  in  b.  c.  544 ;  and  a  few  years  afterwards  (b.  c.  508)  Man- 
drocles,  wlio  constructed  for  Darius  the  bridge  of  boats  across  the  Bosporus, 
had  a  picture  painted  representing  the  passage  of  the  army  and  the  king 
himself  seated  on  the  throne  reviewing  the  troops  as  they  passed.    The 
only  great  painter,  however,  of  this  period,  whose  name  has  been  preserved, 
is  Cimon  of  Cleonae,  whose  date  is  uncertain,  but  who  probably  must  not 
be  placed  later  than  the  time  of  Peisistratus  and  his  sons  (b.  c.  560  -  510). 
He  introduced  great  improvements  into  the  art,  and  thus  prepared  the 
way  for  the  perfection  in  which  it  appears  at  the  beginning  of  the  follow- 
ing period.     His  works  probably  held  the  same  place  in  the  history  of 
painting  which  the  ^ginetan  marbles  occupy  in  the  history  of  sculpture, 
forming  a  transition  from  the  archaic  stiffness  of  the  old  school  to  the 
ideal  beauty  of  the  paintmgs  of  Polygnotus  of  Thasos. 


!  ' 


Chap.  XV.J         the  Assyrian  and  median  empires. 


14B 


fmfu 


*■ 


H|i! 


Ml  If* 


f    t 


Cynuh  from  a  bas^wUef  at  Pasargada. 

BOOK    III. 
THE    PERSIAN    WARS 


B.  C.  500-478. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

THE  MSB  AND  QKOWTH  OF  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE. 

§  1.  IniToduction.  4  2.  The  Assyrian  Empire.  4  8.  The  Median  Empire.  1 4.  The  Baby- 
lonian Empire.  ^  5.  The  Lydian  Monarchy,  and  its  Influence  npon  the  Asiatic  Oreeka. 
{  6.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  by  Croesus,  King  of  Lydia.  \  7.  Foundation  of  the 
Persian  Empire  by  Cyrus,  and  Overthrow  of  the  Median  Empire  by  the  latter.  S  B.Um- 
quest  of  the  Lvdian  Monarchy  by  Cyrus.  |  9.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic  ^^^\^r 
Harpagus,  the  General  of  Cyrus.  Death  of  Cyrus,  k  10.  Reigns  of  Cambyses  and  of 
the  false  Smerdis.  §  11.  History  of  Polycrates,  Despot  of  Samos.  §  12.  Accession  or 
Darius,  Son  of  Hystaspes.  His  Organization  of  the  Persian  Empire.  \  13.  Invasion  or 
Scythia  by  Dariua.    i  14.  Subjection  of  Thrace  and  Macedonia  to  the  Persian  ijnpire. 

§  1.  The  period  upon  which  we  are  now  entering  is  the  most  bnlliant 
in  the  history  of  Greece.  The  subject  has  hitherto  been  confined  to  the 
history  of  separate  and  isolated  cities,  which  were  but  Uttle  affected  by 


each  other's  prosperity  or  adversity.  But  the  Persian  invasion  produced 
an  important  change  in  the  relations  of  the  Greek  cities.  A  common 
danger  drew  them  closer  together  and  compelled  them  to  act  in  concert 
Thus  Grecian  history  obtains  a  degree  of  unity,  and  consequently  of 
interest.  The  rise  and  progress  of  the  Persian  empire,  which  produced 
such  important  results  upon  the  Grecian  states,  therefore  claim  our  atten- 
tion ;  but  in  order  to  understand  the  subject  aright,  it  is  necessary  to  go  a 
little  further  back,  and  to  glance  at  the  history  of  those  monarchies  which 
were  overthroMm  by  the  Persians. 

§  2.  From  the  first  dawn  of  history  to  the  present  day,  the  East  has 
been  the  seat  of  vast  and  mighty  empires.  Of  these  the  earUest  and  the 
most  extensive  was  founded  by  the  Assyrian  kings,  who  resided  at  the 
city  of  Nineveh  on  the  Tigris.  At  the  time  of  its  greatest  prosperity  this 
empire  appears  to  have  extended  over  the  South  of  Asia,  from  the  Indus 
on  the  east  to  the  Mediterranean  Sea  on  the  west.  Of  its  history  we  have 
hardly  any  particulars;  but  its  greatness  is  attested  by  the  unanimous 
voice  of  sacred  and  profane  writers ;  and  the  wonderful  discoveries  which 
have  been  made  within  the  last  few  years  in  the  earthen  mounds  which 
entomb  the  ancient  Nmeveh  afford  unerring  testimony  of  the  progress 
which  the  Assyrians  had  made  in  architecture,  sculpture,  and  the  arts  of 
civilized  life.  At  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  before  the  Christian 
era,  the  power  of  this  vast  empire  was  broken  by  the  revolt  of  the  Medes 
and  Babylonians,  who  had  hitherto  been  its  subjects.  The  city  of  Nineveh 
still  continued  to  exist  as  the  seat  of  an  independent  kingdom,  but  the 
greater  part  of  its  dominions  was  divided  between  the  Medes  and  Baby- 
lonians. 

§  3.  The  Medes  belonged  to  that  branch  of  the  Indo-Grermanic  family 
inhabiting  the  vast  space  of  country  known  by  the  general  name  of  Iran  or 
Aria,  which  extends  south  of  the  Caspian  and  the  Oxus,  from  the  Indus 
on  the  east  to  Mount  Zagros  on  the  west,  —  a  range  of  mountains  running 
parallel  to  the  Tigris  and  eastward  of  that  river.  The  northwestern  part 
of  this  country  was  occupied  by  the  Medes,  and  their  capital,  Ecbatana, 
was  situated  in  a  mountainous  and  healthy  district,  which  was  celebrated 
for  the  freshness  and  coolness  of  its  climate  in  the  summer  heats.  Their 
language  was  a  dialect  of  the  Zend ;  and  their  religion  was  the  one  which 
had  been  founded  by  Zoroaster.  They  worshipped  fire  as  the  symbol  of 
the  Deity,  and  their  priests  were  the  Magi,  who  foi-med  a  distinct  class  or 
caste,  possessing  great  influence  and  power  in  the  state.  The  people  were 
brave  and  warlike,  and  under  their  successive  monarchs  they  graduaUy 
extended  their  dominion  from  the  Indus  on  the  east  to  the  river  Halys  in 
the  centre  of  Asia  Minor  on  the  west.  Their  most  celebrated  conquest 
was  the  capture  of  Nineveh,  which  they  razed  to  the  ground  in  b.  c.  606.* 


♦  According  to  Herodotus,  there  were  four  Median  kings:  — 1.  Deioces,  the  founder  of 


h  *■ 


Chap.  XV.] 


THE   ASSYRIAN   AND   MEDIAN   EMPIRES. 


143 


Cyrus,  from  a  bas-relief  at  Pasargadse. 

BOOK    III. 
IHE    PERSIAN    WARS 


B.  C.  500  -  478. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

THE  RISE  AND   GROWTH  OF  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE. 

S  1.  Inircxluction.  §  2.  The  Assyrian  Empire.  §  3.  The  Median  Empire.  §4.  Jhe  Baby- 
lonian Empire.  §  5.  The  Lv.liaii  Monarchy,  and  its  Influence  upon  the  Asiatic  breeks. 
§  6.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic  Gi-ecks  by  Crcesus,  King  of  Lydia.  §  7.  foundation  of  the 
Persian  Empire  bv  Cyrus,  and  Overtiirow  of  the  Median  Empire  by  tlie  latter.  J  S.  l^on- 
quest  of  the  Lvdian  Monarchy  by  Cyrus.  §  9.  Conquest  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  by 
Hamasus,  the  General  of  Cvrus.  Death  of  Cyrus.  §  10.  Reigns  of  Cambyses  and  of 
the  false  Smerdis.  k  11.  History  of  Polycrates,  Despot  of  Samos.  §  12.  Accession  of 
Darius,  Son  of  Hvstaspcs.  His  Organization  of  the  Persian  Empire.  J  13.  invasion  ot 
Scythia  by  Darius.    §  14.  Subjection  of  Thrace  and  Macedonia  to  the  Persian  Empire. 

§  1.  The  period  upon  which  we  are  now  entering  is  the  most  bnlliant 
in  the  history  of  Greece.  The  subject  has  hitherto  been  confined  to  the 
history  of  separate  and  isolated  cities,  which  were  but  little  affected  by 


each  other's  prosperity  or  adversity.  But  the  Persian  invasion  produced 
an  important  change  in  the  relations  of  the  Greek  cities.  A  common 
danger  drew  them  closer  together  and  comi)elled  them  to  act  in  concert. 
Thus  Grecian  history  obtains  a  degree  of  unity,  jiiid  consequently  of 
interest.  The  rise  and  progress  of  tlie  Persian  empire,  which  produced 
sucli  important  results  upon  the  Grecian  states,  theret'ore  claim  our  atten- 
tion ;  l)ut  in  order  to  understiuid  the  subject  ariglit,  it  is  necessary  to  go  a 
little  further  back,  and  to  glance  at  the  history  of  those  monarchies  which 
were  overthrown  by  tlie  Persians. 

§  2.  From  the  first  dawn  of  history  to  the  present  day,  the  East  has 
been  the  seat  of  vast  and  miglity  empires.  Of  these  the  earliest  and  the 
most  extensive  Avas  founded  by  the  Assyrian  kings,  Avho  resided  at  the 
city  of  Nineveh  on  the  Tigris.  At  the  time  of  its  greatest  [)rosperity  this 
empire  appears  to  have  extended  over  the  South  of  Asia,  from  the  Indus 
on  the  east  to  the  Mediterranean  Sea  on  the  west.  Of  its  history  we  have 
hardly  any  particulars;  but  its  greatness  is  attested  by  the  unanimous 
voice  of  sacred  and  profane  writers ;  and  the  wonderful  discoveries  which 
have  been  made  within  the  last  few  years  in  the  etirthen  mounds  which 
entomb  the  ancient  Nineveh  attbrd  unerring  testimony  of  tlie  progress 
which  the  Assyrians  had  made  in  architecture,  sculpture,  and  the  arts  of 
civilized  life.  At  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  before  the  Christian 
era,  the  power  of  this  vast  empire  was  broken  by  the  revolt  of  the  Medea 
and  Babylonians,  who  had  hitherto  been  its  subjects.  The  city  of  Nineveh 
still  continued  to  exist  as  tlie  seat  of  an  indeiiendent  kingdom,  but  the 
greater  part  of  its  dominions  was  divided  between  the  Medes  and  Baby- 
lonians. 

§  3.  The  Medes  belonged  to  that  brancli  of  the  Indo-Germanic  family 
inhabiting  the  vast  space  of  country  known  by  the  general  name  of  Iran  or 
Aria,  which  extends  south  of  the  Caspian  and  the  Oxus,  from  the  Indus 
on  the  east  to  ISIount  Zagros  on  the  west,  —  a  range  of  mountains  running 
parallel  to  the  Tigris  and  eastward  of  that  river.  The  northwestern  part 
of  this  country  was  occupied  by  the  Medes,  and  their  capital,  Ecbatana, 
was  situated  in  a  mountainous  and  healthy  district,  which  was  celebrated 
for  the  freshness  and  coolness  of  its  climate  in  the  summer  heats.  Their 
language  was  a  dialect  of  the  Zend ;  and  their  religion  was  the  one  which 
had  been  founded  by  Zoroaster.  They  worshipped  lire  as  the  symbol  of 
the  Deity,  and  their  priests  were  the  Magi,  who  formed  a  distinct  class  or 
caste,  i)ossessing  great  influence  and  power  m  the  state.  The  people  were 
brave  and  warlike,  and  under  their  successive  monarchs  tliey  gradually 
extended  their  dominion  from  the  Indus  on  the  east  to  the  river  Halys  in 
the  centre  of  Asia  Minor  on  the  west.  Their  most  celebrated  conquest 
was  the  capture  of  Nineveh,  which  they  razed  to  the  ground  in  b.  c.  606.* 


According  to  Herodotus,  there  were  four  Median  kings:  — 1.  Deioces,  the  founder  of 


HISTOKT  OF  GREECE. 


[Crap.ZV 


B.  C.  S60.J 


THE   LTDIAN  MONARCHY. 


145 


*'i' 


I4HI 

it 


§  4.  The  Babylonians  were  a  Semitic  people.  Their  territory  com- 
prised  the  feilile  district  between  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  and  their 
capital,  Babylon,  situated  on  the  latter  river,  was  one  of  the  greatest  cities 
in  the  ancient  world.  Herodotus,  who  visited  it  in  its  decUne,  descnbes 
its  size  and  grandeur  in  terms  which  would  exceed  belief,  if  the  truthful- 
ness of  the  historian  was  not  above  all  suspicion.  It  was  built  in  the  form 
of  a  square,  of  which  each  side  was  fifteen  miles  in  length,  and  it  was 
surrounded  by  walls  of  prodigious  size,  three  hundred  feet  high  and 
seventy-five  feet  thick.  Under  Nebuchadnezzar  the  Babylonian  empire 
reached  its  height.  This  monarch  extended  his  dominions  as  far  as  the 
confines  of  Egypt.  He  took  Jerusalem,  and  carried  away  its  inhabitants 
into  captivity,  and  he  annexed  to  his  dominions  both  Judaea  and  Phoenicia. 
On  his  death,  in  b.  c.  5G2,  he  bequeathed  to  his  son  Labynetus  (the  Bel- 
shazzar  of  Scripture)  a  kmgdom  which  extended  from  the  Tigiis  to  the 
frontiers  of  Egypt  and  the  South  of  Phoenicia. 

§  5.  The  Median  and  Babylonian  empires. did  not  include  any  countries 
inhabited  by  the  Greeks,  and  exercised  only  a  remote  influence  upon 
Grecian  civiUzation.  There  was,  however,  a  third  power,  which  rose 
upon  the  ruins  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  with  wliich  the  Greeks  were 
brought  into  immediate  contact.  This  was  the  Lydian  monarchy,  whose 
territory  was  originally  confined  to  the  fertile  district  eastward  of  Ionia, 
watered  by  the  Cayster  and  the  Hermus.  The  capital  of  the  monarchy 
was  Sardis,  which  was  situated  on  a  precipitous  rock  belonging  to  the 
ridge  of  Mount  Tmolus.  Here  three  dynasties  of  Lydian  kings  are  said  to 
have  reigned.  Of  the  first  two  we  have  no  account,  and  it  is  probable  that, 
down  to  the  commencement  of  the  third  of  these  dynasties,  Lydia  formed 
a  provmce  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  However  this  may  be,  the  history  of 
Lydia  begins  only  with  the  accession  of  Gyges,  the  founder  of  the  third 
dynasty ;  and  it  cannot  be  a  mere  accident  that  the  beginning  of  his 
reign  is  nearly  coincident  with  the  decline  of  the  Assyrian  empire  and 
the  foundation  of  the  independent  monarchies  of  the  Babylonians  and 

Medes.* 

Under  Gyges  and  his  successors  Sardis  became  the  centre  of  a  power- 
ful  and  civilized  monarchy ;  and  the  existence  of  such  a  state  in  close 
proximity  to  the  Greek  cities  in  Ionia  exercised  an  important  influence 
upon  the  latter.  The  Lydians  were  a  wealthy  and  industrious  people, 
carrying  on  an  extensive  commerce,  practising  manufactures  and  ac- 
quainted with  various  arts.  The  Lydians  are  said  to  have  been  the  first 
people  to  coin  money  of  gold  and  silver ;  and  of  the  former  metal  they 


'■1 1 


the  empire,  who  reigned  b.c.  710-657;  3.  Phraortes,  b.  c.  657  -  635 ;  8.  Cyaxares,  b.  c. 
636-695;  4.  Astyages,  B.C.  696-559. 

♦  According  to  Herodotus,  there  were  five  Lydian  kfngs: — 1.  Gyges,  who  reigned  b.  c. 
n6-678;  2.  Ardys,  B.C.  678-629;  8.  Sadyattes,  B.C.  629-617;  4.  Alyattes,  B.C.  617- 
600;  6.  Croesus,  b.  c.  560  -  546. 


obtained  large  quantities  in  the  sands  of  the  river  Pactolus,  which  flowed 
down  from  Mount  Tmolus  towards  the  Hermus.  From  them  the  Ionic 
Greeks  derived  various  improvements  in  the  useful  and  the  ornamental 
arts,  especially  in  the  weaving  and  the  dyeing  of  fine  fabrics,  in  the  pro- 
cesses of  metallurgy,  and  in  the  style  of  their  music.  The  growth  of  the 
Lydian  monarchy  in  wealth  and  civilization  was  attended  witli  another 
advfintage  to  the  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast.  As  the  territory  of  the 
Lydians  did  not  originally  extend  to  the  sea,  the  whole  of  their  commerce 
with  the  Mediterranean  passed  through  the  Grecian  cities,  and  wjvs  carried 
on  in  Grecian  ships.  This  contributed  greatly  to  the  prosperity  and 
wealth  of  Miletus,  Phoca?a,  and  the  other  Ionian  cities. 

§  6.  But  while  the  Asiatic  Greeks  were  indebted  for  so  much  of  their 
grandeur  and  opulence  to  the  Lydian  monarchy,  the  increasing  power  of 
the  latter  eventually  deprived  them  of  their  political  independence.  Even 
Gyges  had  endeavored  to  reduce  them  to  subjection,  and  the  jlttempt  was 
renewed  at  various  times  by  his  successors ;  but  it  was  not  until  the  reign 
of  Croesus,  the  last  king  of  Lydia,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  in  b.  c. 
560,  that  the  Asiatic  Greeks  became  tlie  subjects  of  a  barbarian  power. 
This  monarch  succeeded  in  tlie  enterprise  in  which  his  predecessors  had 
failed.  He  began  by  attacking  Ephesus,  and  reduced  in  succession  all 
the  other  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast.  His  rule,  however,  was  not  oppres- 
sive ;  he  appears  to  have  been  content  with  tlie  payment  of  a  moderate 
tribute,  and  to  have  i)ermitted  the  cities  to  regulate  their  own  affairs.  He 
next  turned  his  arms  towards  tlie  east,  and  subdued  all  the  nations  in 
Asia  Minor  west  of  tlie  river  Ilalys,  with  tlie  exception  of  the  Lycians 
and  Cilicians.  The  fame  of  Croesus  and  of  his  countless  treasures  now 
resounded  through  Greece.  He  spoke  the  Greek  language,  welcomed 
Greek  guests,  and  reverenced  the  Greek  oracles,  which  he  enriched  with 
the  most  munificent  offerings.  The  wise  men  of  Greece  were  attracted 
to  Sardis  by  the  fiime  of  his  power  and  of  his  wealth.  Among  his  other 
visitors  he  is  said  to  have  entertained  Solon ;  but  the  celebrated  story  of 
the  interview  between  the  Athenian  sage  and  the  Lydian  monarch,  which 
the  stern  laws  of  chronology  compel  us  to  reject,  has  ah-eady  been  nar- 
rated in  a  previous  part  of  this  work.* 

Croesus  deemed  himself  secure  from  the  reach  of  calamities,  and  his 
kingdom  appeared  to  be  placed  upon  a  firm  and  lasting  foundation.  His 
own  subjects  were  submissive  and  obedient ;  and  he  was  closely  connected 
with  the  powerful  monarchs  of  Media,  Babylon,  and  Egypt.  Astyages,  the 
king  of  Media,  whose  territories  adjoined  his  own,  was  his  brother-in-law ; 
and  he  had  formed  an  alliance  and  friendship  with  Labynetus,  king  of 
Babylon,  and  Amasis,  king  of  Egypt.  The  four  kings  seemed  to  have 
nothing  to  fear,  either  from  internal  commotions  or  external  foes.    Yet 


*  Page  95. 


19 


146 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE- 


[Chap.  XV. 


B.  C.  546.1 


CYRUS. 


147 


witMn  the  space  of  a  few  years  their  dynasties  were  overthrown,  and  their 
territories  absorbed  in  a  vast  empire,  founded  by  an  adventurer  till  then 
unknown  by  name. 

§  7.  The  rise  and  fall  of  the  great  Asiatic  monarchies  have  been  char- 
acterized by  the  same  features  in  ancient  and  modem  times.  A  brave 
and  hardy  race,  led  by  its  native  cliief,  issues  either  from  the  mountains 
or  from  the  steppes  of  Asia,  overruns  the  more  fertile  and  cultivated  parts 
of  the  continent,  conquers  the  effeminate  subjects  of  the  existing  monar- 
chies, and  plfices  its  leader  upon  the  throne  of  Asia.  But  the  descendants 
of  the  new  monarch  and  of  the  conquering  race  give  way  to  sensuality  and 
sloth,  and  fall  victims  in  their  turn  to  the  same  bravery  in  another  people, 
which  had  given  the  sovereignty  to  tlieir  ancestors.  The  history  of  Cyrus, 
the  great  founder  of  the  Persian  empire,  is  an  illustration  of  these  remarks. 
It  is  true  that  the  earlier  portion  of  his  hfe  is  buried  under  a  heap  of 
fables,  and  that  it  is  impossible  to  determine  whether  he  was  the  grandson 
of  the  Median  king,  Astyages,  as  is  commonly  stated ;  but  it  does  not 
admit  of  doubt,  that  he  led  the  warlike  Persians  from  their  mountainous 
homes  to  a  series  of  conquests,  which  secured  him  an  empire  extending 
from  the  iEgean  to  the  Indus,  and  from  the  Caspian  and  the  Oxus  to  the 
Persian  Gulf  and  the  Indian  Ocean. 

Tlie  Persians  were  of  the  same  race  as  the  Medes,  spoke  a  dialect  of 
the  same  language,  and  were  adherents  of  the  same  religion.  They 
inhabited  the  mountainous  region  south  of  Media,  which  abounds  in 
several  well-watered  valleys,  and  slopes  gradually  down  to  the  low  grounds 
on  the  coast  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  While  the  Medes  became  enervated  by 
the  corrupting  influences  to  which  they  were  exposed,  the  Persians  pre- 
served in  their  native  mountains  their  simple  and  warlike  habits.  They 
were  divided  into  several  tribes,  partly  agricuUural  and  partly  nomadic; 
but  they  were  all  brave,  rude,  and  hardy,  clothed  in  skins,  drinking  only 
water,  and  ignorant  of  the  commonest  luxuries  of  hfe.  Cyrus  led  these 
fierce  warriors  from  their  mountain  fastnesses,  defeated  the  Medes  in 
battle,  took  Astyages  prisoner,  and  deprived  him  of  the  throne.  The 
other  nations  included  in  the  Median  empire  submitted  to  the  conqueror; 
and  the  sovereignty  of  Upper  Asia  thus  passed  from  the  Medes  to  the 
Persians.    The  accession  of  Cyrus  to  the  empire  is  placed  in  b.  c.  559. 

§  8.  This  important  revolution  excited  ahke  the  anger,  the  fears,  and  the 
hopes  of  Croesus.  Anxious  to  avenge  his  brother-in-law,  to  arrest  the 
alannmg  growth  of  the  Persian  power,  and  to  enlarge  his  own  dominions, 
he  resolved  to  attack  the  new  monarch.  But  before  embarking  upon  so 
perilous  an  enterprise  he  consulted  the  oracles  of  Amphiaraus,  and  of 
Apollo  at  Delphi,  in  whose  veracity  he  placed  the  most  unbounded  con- 
fidence. The  reply  of  both  oracles  was,  that,  "  if  he  should  make  war 
upon  the  Persians,  he  would  destroy  a  mighty  monarchy,"  and  they  both 
advised  him  to  make  alUes  of  the  most  powerful  among  the  Greeks.     Un- 


derstanding the  response  to  refer  to  the  Persian  empire,  and  not,  as  the 
priests  explained  it  after  the  event,  to  his  own,  he  had  no  longer  any  hesi- 
tation in  commencing  the  war.  In  obedience  to  the  oracles  he  first  sent 
to  the  Spartans  to  solicit  their  alliance,  which  was  readily  granted,  but  no 
troops  were  sent  to  his  immediate  assistance.  He  then  crossed  the  Halys 
at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  laid  waste  the  country  of  the  Syrians  of  Cap- 
padocia,  and  took  several  of  their  towns.  Cyrus  lost  no  time  in  coming  to 
the  help  of  his  distant  subjects.  The  two  armies  met  near  the  Pterian 
plam  in  Cappadocia,  where  a  bloody,  but  indecisive  battle  was  fought. 
As  the  forces  of  Croesus  were  inferior  in  number  to  those  of  the  Persian 
king,  he  thought  it  more  prudent  to  return  to  Sardis,  and  collect  a  large 
army  for  the  next  campaign.  Accordingly  he  despatched  envoys  to  Laby- 
-  netus,  Amasis,  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  requesting  them  to  send  auxiliaries 
to  Sardis  m  the  course  of  the  next  five  months ;  and  meantime  he  dis- 
banded the  mercenary  troops  who  had  followed  him  into  Cappadocia. 

Cyrus  anticipated  his  enemy's  plan ;  he  waited  till  the  Lydian  king  had 
re-entered  his  capital  and  dismissed  his  troops ;  and  he  then  marched  upon 
Sardis  with  such  celerity,  that  he  appeared  under  the  walls  of  the  city 
before  any  one  could  give  notice  of  his  approach.  Croesus  was  thus  com- 
pelled to  fight  without  his  allies ;  but  he  did  not  despair  of  success ;  for 
the  Lydian  cavalry  was  distinguished  for  its  efficiency,  and  the  open  plain 
before  Sardis  was  favorable  for  its  evolutions.  To  render  this  force  use- 
less, Cyrus  placed  in  front  of  his  Une  the  baggage  camels,  which  the 
Lydian  horses  could  not  endure  either  to  see  or  to  smell.  The  Lydians, 
however,  did  not  on  this  account  decline  the  contest;  they  dismounted 
from  their  horses,  and  fought  bravely  on  foot ;  and  it  was  not  until  after  a 
fierce  combat  that  they  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  within  the  city.  Here 
they  considered  themselves  secure  till  their  allies  should  come  to  their  aid ; 
for  the  fortifications  of  Sardis  were  deemed  impregnable  to  assault.  There 
was,  however,  one  side  of  the  city  which  had  been  left  unfortified,  because 
it  stood  upon  a  rock  so  lofty  and  precipitous,  as  to  appear  quite  inacces- 
sible. But  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  siege  a  Persian  soldier,  having 
seen  one  of  the  garrison  descend  this  rock  to  pick  up  his  hehnet  which 
had  rolled  down,  cUmbed  up  the  same  way,  followed  by  several  of  his 
comrades.  Sardis  was  thus  taken,  and  Croesus  with  all  his  treasures  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Cyrus  (b.  c.  546).  The  Lydian  king  was  condemned 
to  be  burnt  alive;  but  his  life  was  afterwards  spared  by  the  conqueror; 
and  he  became  the  confidential  adviser  both  of  Cyrus  and  his  son 
Cambyses. 

§  9.  The  fall  of  Croesus  was  followed  by  the  subjection  of  the  Greek 
cities  in  Asia  to  the  Persian  yoke.  As  soon  as  Sardis  had  been  taken, 
the  lonians  and  JEolians  sent  envoys  to  Cyrus,  offering  to  submit  to  hin 
on  the  same  terms  as  they  had  obtained  from  Croesus.  But  the  Persian 
conqueror,  who  had  m  vam  attempted  to  induce  them  to  revolt  from  the 


148 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XV. 


B.  C.  522.] 


GAMBYSES. 


149 


Lydian  king  at  tlie  commencement  of  the  war,  sternly  refused  their 
request,  except  in  the  case  of  Miletus.  The  other  Greeks  now  began  to 
prepare  for  defence,  and  sent  deputies  to  Sparta  to  solicit  assistance. 
This  was  refused  by  the  Spartans ;  but  they  despatched  some  of  their 
citizens  to  Ionia  to  investigate  the  state  of  atfairs.  One  of  their  number, 
exceeding  the  bounds  of  their  commission,  repaired  to  Cyrus  at  Sardis,  and 
warned  him  "not  to  injure  any  city  in  Hellas,  for  the  Lacedaemonians 
would  not  permit  it."  Astonished  at  such  a  message  from  a  people  of 
whom  he  had  never  heard,  the  conqueror  inquired  of  the  Greeks  who 
stood  near  him,  "  Wlio  are  these  Lacedaemonians,  and  how  many  are  they 
in  number  that  they  venture  to  send  me  such  a  notice?"  Having 
received  an  answer  to  his  question,  he  said  to  the  Spartan,  "  I  was  never 
yet  afraid  of  men  who  have  a  place  set  apart  in  the  middle  of  their  city 
where  they  meet  to  cheat  one  another  and  forswear  themselves.  If  I  live, 
they  shall  have  troubles  of  their  own  to  talk  about  apart  from  the  lonians." 
This  taunt  of  Cyrus  was  levelled  at  Grecian  habits  generally ;  for  to 
the  rude  barbarian,  buying  and  selling  seemed  contemptible  and  dis- 
graceful. 

Cyrus  soon  afterwards  quitted  Sardis  to  prosecute  his  conquests  in  the 
East,  and  left  the  reduction  of  the  Greek  cities,  and  of  the  other  districts 
in  Asia  Mmor,  to  his  lieutenants.  The  Greek  cities  offei*ed  a  brave,  but 
ineffectual  resistance,  and  were  taken  one  after  the  other  by  Ilarpagus,  the 
Persian  general.  The  inhabitants  of  Phocaea  and  Teos  preferred  expa- 
triation to  slavery ;  they  abandoned  their  homes  to  the  conqueror,  and 
sailed  away  in  search  of  new  settlements.  The  Plioca?ans,  after  experi- 
encing many  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  at  length  settled  in  the  South  of 
Italy,  where  they  founded  Elea.  The  Teians  took  refuge  on  the  coast 
of  Thrace,  where  they  built  the  city  of  Abdera.  All  the  other  Asiatic 
Greeks  on  the  mainland  were  enrolled  among  the  vassals  of  Cyrus ;  and 
even  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands  of  Lesbos  and  Chios  sent  in  their  sub- 
mission to  Hai*pagus,  although  the  Persians  then  possessed  no  fleet  to 
force  them  to  obedience.  Samos,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained  its  inde- 
pendence, and  appears  soon  afterwards  as  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  the 
Grecian  states.  After  the  reduction  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  Harpagus 
marched  against  the  other  districts  of  Asia  Minor,  which  still  refused  to 
own  the  authority  of  Cyrus.  They  were  all  conquered  without  any 
serious  resistance,  with  the  exception  of  the  Lycians,  who,  finding  it  im- 
possible to  maintain  their  freedom,  set  fire  to  their  chief  town  Xiuithus ; 
and  while  the  women  and  children  perished  in  the  flames,  the  men  sallied 
forth  against  the  enemy  and  died  sword  in  hand. 

While  Harpagus  was  thus  employed,  Cyrus  was  making  still  more 
extensive  conquests  in  Upper  Asia  and  Assyria.  The  most  imjwrtant  of 
these  was  the  capture  of  the  wealthy  and  populous  city  of  Babylon,  which 
lie  took  by  diverting  the  course  of  the  Euphrates,  and  then  marching  into 


the  city  by  the  bed  of  the  river  (b.  c.  538).  Subsequently  he  marched 
against  the  nomad  tribes  in  Central  Asia,  but  was  slain  in  battle  while 
fighting  against  the  Massagetae,  a  people  dwelling  beyond  the  Araxes. 
He  perished  in  b.  c.  520,  after  a  reign  of  thirty  years,  leaving  his  vast 
empire  to  his  son  Cambyses. 

§  10.  The  love  of  conquest  and  of  aggrandizement,  which  had  been  fed 
by  the  repeated  victories  of  Cyrus,  still  tired  the  Persians.  Of  the  four 
great  monarchies  which  Cyrus  had  found  in  all  their  glory  when  he  de- 
scended with  his  shepherds  from  the  Persian  mountains,  tliere  yet  re- 
mained one  which  had  not  been  destroyed  by  his  arms.  Amasis  con- 
tinued to  occupy  the  throne  of  Egypt  in  peace  and  prosperity,  while  the 
monarchs  of  Media,  Lydia,  and  Babylon  had  either  lost  their  lives,  or 
become  the  vassals  of  the  Persian  king.  Accordingly,  Cambyses  resolved 
to  lead  his  victorious  Persians  to  the  conquest  of  Egypt.  While  making 
his  preparations  for  the  invasion,  Amasis  died,  after  a  long  reign,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son,  Psainmenitus,  who  inherited  neither  the  abihties  nor 
the  good  fortune  of  his  father.  The  defeat  of  the  Egj^ptians  in  a  single 
battle,  followed  by  the  capture  of  Memphis  with  the  person  of  Psammeni- 
tus,  decided  the  fate  of  the  country.  Cambyses  resided  some  time  in 
Egypt,  which  he  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron.  His  temper  was  naturally 
violent  and  capricious  ;  and  the  possession  of  unlimited  power  had  created 
in  him  a  state  of  mind  bordering  upon  frenzy.  The  idolatry  of  the  Egyp- 
tians and  their  adoration  of  animals  excited  the  indignation  of  the  wor- 
shipper of  fire  ;  and  he  gave  vent  to  his  passions  by  wanton  and  sacrile- 
gious acts  against  the  most  cherished  objects  and  rites  of  the  national 
rehgion.  Even  the  Persians  experienced  the  effects  of  his  madness  ;  and 
his  brother  Smerdis  was  put  to  death  by  his  orders.  This  act  was  fol- 
lowed by  important  consequences.  Among  the  few  persons  privy  to  the 
murder  was  a  Magian,  who  had  a  brother  bearing  the  same  name  as  the 
deceased  prince,  and  strongly  resembling  him  in  person.  Taking  advan- 
tage of  these  circumstances,  and  of  the  alarm  excited  among  the  leading 
Persians  by  the  frantic  tyranny  of  Cambyses,  he  proclaimed  his  brother 
as  king,  representing  him  as  the  younger  son  of  Cyrus.  Cambyses  heard 
of  the  revolt  whilst  in  Syria ;  but  as  he  was  mounting  his  horse  to  march 
against  the  usurper,  an  accidental  wound  from  his  sword  put  an  end  to 
his  hfe,  B.  c.  522. 

As  the  younger  son  of  C3TUS  was  generally  believed  to  be  alive,  the 
false  Smerdis  was  acknowledged  as  king  by  the  Persians,  and  reigned 
without  opposition  for  seven  months.  But  the  leading  Persian  nobles  had 
never  been  quite  free  from  suspicion,  and  they  at  length  discovered  the  im- 
position wliich  had  been  practised  upon  them.  Seven  of  them  now  formed 
a  conspiracy  to  get  rid  of  the  usurper.  They  succeeded  in  forcing  their 
way  into  the  palace,  and  in  slaying  the  Magian  and  his  brother  in  the 
eighth  month  of  their  reign.  One  of  their  number,  Darius,  the  son  of 
Hystaspes,  ascended  the  vacant  throne,  b.  c.  521. 


r> 


150 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XV. 


DARIUS. 


lol 


§  11.  During  the  reign  of  Cambjses,  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  remained 
obedient  to  their  Persian  governors.  The  subjection  of  the  other  cities 
had  increased  the  power  and  influence  of  Sanios,  which,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  had  maintained  its  independence,  when  the  neighboring 
islands  of  Lesbos  and  Chios  had  submitted  to  the  lieutenant  of  Cyrus.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Cambyses,  Samos  had  reached,  under  its 
despot,  Polyerates,  an  extraordinary  degree  of  prosperity,  and  liad  become 
the  most  irajwrtant  naval  |)0wer  in  the  world.  The  ambition  and  good 
fortune  of  this  enterprising  desi)ot  were  alike  remai-kable.  He  possessed 
a  hundred  ships  of  war,  witli  which  he  conquered  several  of  the  ishinds, 
and  even  some  places  on  the  mainland ;  and  he  aspired  to  nothing  less 
than  the  dominion  of  Ionia,  as  well  as  of  the  islands  in  the  -^Egean.  The 
Lacediemonians,  who  had  invaded  the  island  at  the  invitation  of  the  Sa- 
mian  exiles  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  his  government,  were  obliged 
to  retire  after  besieging  his  city  in  vain  for  forty  days.  Everything  which 
he  undertook  seemed  to  prosper ;  but  his  uninterrupted  good  fortune  at 
length  excited  the  alarm  of  his  ally,  Amasis.  Acconlmg  to  the  tale  re- 
lated by  Herodotus,  the  Egyptian  king,  convinced  that  such  amazing  good 
fortune  would  sooner  or  later  incur  the  envy  of  the  gods,  wrote  to  Poly- 
ci^tes,  advising  Iiim  to  throw  away  one  of  his  most  valuable  jx)ssessions, 
and  thus  inflict  some  injuiy  upon  himself.  Thinking  the  advice  to  be 
good,  Polyerates  threw  into  the  sea  a  favorite  ring  of  matchless  price  and 
beauty ;  but,  unfortunately,  it  was  found  a  few  days  afterwai-ds  in  the  belly 
of  a  fine  fish,  which  a  fisherman  had  sent  him  as  a  present.  Amasis  now 
foresaw  that  the  ruin  of  Polyerates  was  inevitable,  and  sent  a  herald  to 
Samos  to  renounce  his  alliance.  The  gloomy  anticipations  of  the  Egyptian 
monarch  proved  well  founded.  In  the  midst  of  all  his  prosperity,  Poly- 
erates fell  by  a  most  ignominious  fiite.  Ortetes,  the  satrap  of  Sardis,  had 
for  some  unknown  cause  conceived  a  deadly  hatred  against  the  Samian 
despot.  By  a  cunning  stratagem,  the  satrap  allured  him  to  the  mainland, 
"where  he  was  immediately  arrested  and  hanged  upon  a  cross  (b.  c.  522). 
Like  many  other  Grecian  despots,  Polyerates  had  been  a  })atron  of  litera- 
ture and  the  arts,  and  the  poets  Ibycus  and  Anacreon  found  a  welcome  at 
Ms  court.  Many  of  the  gi*eat  works  of  Samos  —  the  vast  temple  of  Hera 
(Juno),  the  mole  to  protect  the  harbor,  and  the  aqueduct  for  sup[)lying 
the  city  with  water,  carried  through  a  mountain  seven  furlongs  long  — 
were  probably  executed  by  him. 

§  12.  The  long  reign  of  Darius  forms  an  important  epoch  in  the  Per- 
sian annals.  After  putting  down  the  revolts  of  the  Lydian  satrap,  Oroetes, 
of  the  Medes,  and  of  the  Babylonians,  he  set  himself  to  work  to  organize 
the  vast  mass  of  countries  which  had  been  conquered  by  Cyrus  and  Cam- 
byses. The  difierence  of  his  reign  frem  those  of  his  two  predecessoi-s  was 
described  by  the  Persians,  in  calling  Cyrus  the  father,  and  Cambyses  the 
master,  and  Darius  the  retail-trader,  —  an  epithet  implying  that  he  was 


B.  C.  521.] 

the  first  to  introduce  some  order  into  the  administration  and  finances  of 
the  empire.  He  divided  his  vast  dominions  into  twenty  provinces,  and 
appointed  the  tribute  which  each  was  to  pay  to  the  royal  treasury.  These 
provinces  were  called  satrapies,  from  the  satrap  or  governor,  to  whom  the 
administration  of  each  was  intrusted.  Darius  was  also  the  first  Persian 
kin-  who  coined  money ;  and  the  principal  gold  and  silver  com  of  the 
Persian  mint  was  called  after  him  the  Daric.  He  also  connected  Susa 
and  Ecbatana  with  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  empire  by  a  series  of  high- 
roads,  along  which  were  placed,  at  suitable  intervals,  buildings  for  the 
accommodation  of  all  who  travelled  in  the  king's  name,  and  rehiys  of  cou- 

riers  to  convey  royal  messages. 

§  13.  Although  Darius  devoted  his  chief  attention  to  the  consolidation 
and  organization  of  his  empire,  he  was  unpelled  by  his  own  ambition  or 
by  the  a--ressive  spirit  of  the  Persians,  to  seek  to  enlai-ge  still  further  his 
vast  dominions.     For  that  purpose  he  resolved  to  attack  Scythia  or  the 
great  plain  between  the  Danube  and  the  Don,  which  was  then  inhabited 
by  numerous  nomad  and  savage  tribes.     His  army  was  collected  from  aU 
parts  of  the  empire;  his  fleet  of  six  hundred  ships  was  furnished  exclu- 
sively  by  the  Asiatic  Greeks.     To  the  latter  he  gave  orders  to  sad  up  the 
Danube,  and  throw  a  bridge  of  boats  across  the  river,  near  the  ix)int  where 
the  channel  begins  to  divide.     With  his  land  forces  the  kmg  himself 
marched  through  Thrace,  crossed  the  Danube  by  the  bridge,  which  he 
found  finished,  and  then  ordered  the  Greeks  to  break  it  down  and  follow 
Mm  into  Scythia.     His  plan  seems  to  have  been  to  march  back  into  ^.la 
round  the  northern  shore  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  across  the  Caucasus.    But 
bein-  reminded  by  one  of  the  Grecian  generals  that  he  was  embarking 
upon  a  perilous  enterprise,  and  might  possibly  be  compelled  to  retreat,  he 
tliou-ht  it  more  prudent  to  leave  the  bridge  standing  under  the  care  of  the 
Gree\s  who  had  constructed  it,  but  told  them  that,  if  he  did  not  return 
withm  sixty  days,  they  might  break  down  the  bridge,  and  sail  home.     The 
kin<r  then  left  them,  and  penetrated  into  the  Scythian  territory.     The 
sixty  days  had  already  passed  away,  and  there  was  yet  no  sign  of  the  Per- 
sian  army.    But  shortly  afterwards  the  lonians,  who  still  continued  to  guard 
the  brid-e,  were  astonished  by  the  appearance  of  a  body  of  Scythians, 
who  info^rmed  them  that  Darius  was  in  full  retreat,  pursued  by  the  whole 
Scythian  nation,  and  that  his  only  hope  of  safety  depended  upon  that 
bridge      They  urged  the  Greeks  to  seize  this  opportunity  of  destroying 
the  whole  Persian  army,  and  recovering  their  own  liberty  by  breaking 
down  the  bridge.     Their  exhortations   were  warmly  seconded  by  the 
Athenian  Miltiades,  the  despot  of  the  Thracian  Chersonesus,  and  the 
future  conqueror  of  Marathon.     The  other  rulers  of  the  Ionian  cities  were 
at  first  disposed  to  follow  his  suggestion  ;  but  as  soon  as  Histi^eus  of  Mile- 
tus reminded  them  that  their  sovereignty  depended  upon  the  support  ot 
the  Persian  king,  and  that  his  ruin  would  involve  their  own,  they  changed 


152 


mSTORT   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XV. 


their  minds  and  resolved  to  preserve  the  bridge.  After  enduring  great 
privations  and  sufferings,  Darius  and  his  army  at  length  reached  the 
Danube,  and  crossed  the  bridge  in  safety.  Thus  the  selfishness  of  these 
Grecian  despots  threw  away  the  most  favorable  opportunity  that  ever 
presented  itself  of  delivering  their  native  cities  from  the  Persian  yoke. 

§  14.  Notwithstanding  the  failure  of  his  expedition  against  the  Scythi- 
ans, Darius  did  not  abandon  his  plans  of  conquest.  Returning  himself  to 
Sardis,  he  left  Megabazus  with  an  army  of  eighty  thousand  men  to  com- 
plete the  subjugation  of  Thrace,  and  of  the  Greek  cities  upon  the  Helle- 
spont. He  gave  to  Histiieus  the  town  of  Myrcinus,  near  the  Strjnion, 
which  the  loniim  prince  had  asked  as  a  reward  for  his  important  service 
in  the  Scythiim  campaign.  Megabazus  experienced  little  difficulty  in 
executing  the  ortlers  of  his  master.  He  not  only  subdued  the  Thracian 
tribes,  but  crossed  the  Strymon,  conquered  the  Pajonians,  and  penetrated 
as  far  as  the  frontiers  of  Macedonia.  He  then  sent  heralds  into  the  lat- 
ter country  to  demand  earth  and  water,  as  the  customary  symbols  of  sub- 
mission. These  were  immediately  granted  by  Amyntas,  the  reigning 
monarch,  b.  c.  510 ;  and  thus  the  Persian  dominions  were  extended  to 
the  borders  of  Thessaly. 

While  Megabazus  was  engaged  in  the  conquest  of  the  Pajonians,  he 
had  noticed  that  Histiajus  was  collecting  the  elements  of  a  power,  which 
might  hereafter  prove  formidable  to  the  Persian  sovereignty.  Myrcinus 
commanded  the  navigation  of  the  Strymon,  and  consequently  the  com- 
merce with  the  interior  of  Thrace ;  and  the  importance  of  this  site  is 
shown  by  the  rapid  growth  of  the  town  of  Amphipolis,  which  the  Atheni- 
ans founded  at  a  later  time  in  the  same  locality.  On  his  return  to  Sardis, 
Megabazus  communicated  his  suspicions  to  Darius.  The  Persian  king, 
perceiving  that  the  apprehensions  of  his  general  were  not  without  founda- 
tion, summoned  Histiaius  to  his  presence,  and,  under  the  pretext  that  he 
could  not  bear  to  be  deprived  of  the  company  of  his  friend,  proposed  that 
he  should  accompany  him  to  Susa.  Histiaeus  had  no  alternative  but  com- 
pliance, and  with  unwilling  steps  followed  the  monarch  to  his  capital. 
This  apparently  trivial  circumstance  was  attended  with  important  conse- 
quences, as  we  shall  presently  see,  to  the  Persian  empire  and  to  the  whole 
Hellenic  race. 


B.  C.  502.] 


THE   IONIC   REVOLT. 


15S 


Behistun  Bock,  on  which  are  inscribed  the  exploits  of  Darius.* 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


THE  IONIC   REVOLT. 


f  1.  Introduction.  §  2.  Naxian  Exiles  apply  for  Aid  to  Aristagoras.  §  3.  Expedition  of 
Aristagoras  and  the  Persians  against  Naxos.  Its  Failure.  §  4.  Revolt  of  Miletus  and  the 
other  Greek  Cities  of  Asia.  §  5.  Aristagoras  solicits  Assistance  from  Sparta  and  Athens, 
which  is  granted  by  the  latter.  §  6.  Burning  of  Sardis  by  the  Athenians  and  lonians. 
§  7.  Death  of  Aristagoras  and  Histia;us.  §  8.  Defeat  of  tlie  Ionian  Fleet  at  Ladd.  §  9. 
Capture  of  Miletus  and  Tennmation  of  the  Revolt. 

§  1.  Before  setting  out  for  Susa,  Darius  had  appointed  his  brother 
Artaphemes  satrap  of  the  western  provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  of  which 
Sai'dis  continued  to  be  the  capital,  as  in  the  time  of  the  Lydian  monarchy. 
The  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast  were  nominally  allowed  to  manage  their 
own  affairs ;  but  they  were  governed  for  the  most  part  by  despots,  who 
were  in  reality  the  instruments  of  the  Persian  satrap,  and  were  main- 
tained in  their  power  by  his  authority.     Miletus,  which  was  now  the  most 

*  The  above  most  remarkable  document  is  carved  on  the  side  of  a  rocky  mountain,  per- 
pendicularly smoothed  for  the  purpose.  The  mountain  was  known  to  the  ancient  Greeks 
as  the  Bagistan  {to  Baylaravov  opos) ,  —  a  name  formed  from  an  old  Persian  word  signify- 
ing Sacred  to  the  Bagas,  or  gods.  The  sculptures  consist  of  twelve  figures  in  relief,  below 
a  single  figure  in  the  air,  representing  the  Zend  and  Persian  deity,  Aurumazda  or  Or- 
muzd.  The  figures  are  the  king,  with  two  attendants,  and  nine  captive  rebels  brought 
into  his  presence,  with  their  hands  tied  behind  them,  and  cords  about  their  necks.  Below 
the  figures,  and  at  the  sides,  are  large  panels  on  the  smooth  surface  of  the  rock,  filled 
with  arrow-head  inscriptions;  the  whole  occupying  a  space  of  150  feet  in  length,  and  100 
in  breadth,  at  the  height  of  300  feet  from  the  base  of  the  mountain.  This  mountainous 
document  has  been  copied  by  Colonel  Rawlinson,  an  English  gentleman  formerly  residmg 
at  Bagdad  in  an  official  capacity.  He  has  explained  or  interpreted  the  Persian  part  of 
tiiese  inscriptions  (they  are  written  in  three  languages),  and  they  prove  to  be  a  very  inter- 
•Bting  and  important  record  of  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  King  Darius.  —  Ed. 

20 


152 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XV. 


tleir  laiiids  itiii  rwdvcd  to  pTC^enr*  lie  WMge.  After  enauring  great 
privations  and  sufferings,  Darius  and  Ms  anny  at  lengtli  reached  the 
Daniil){\  and  crossed  the  bridge  in  safety.  Tims  the  selfishness  of  these 
Gr«'cian  desjiots  tlu-ew  away  the  most  favoral)le  o])j)ortunity  that  ever 
presented  itself  of  delivering  their  native  cities  from  the  Persijui  yoke. 

§  11.  X«.t\vii]istanding  the  failure  of  his  exi)e(lition  against  the  Scythi- 
ans, Darius  did  not  ahaiidon  his  plans  of  conquest.  licturning  himself  to 
Sardis,  he  left  Megahazns  with  an  army  of  eighty  thousand  men  to  com- 
plete tlie  suhjuL^jition  of  Thrace,  and  of  the  Greek  cities  ui>on  the  Helle- 
spont, lie  gave  to  llistia-us  the  town  of  Myrcimis,  near  the  Strymon, 
which  the  Ionian  prince  had  asked  as  a  reward  for  his  imi)ortant  service 
in  the  Scythian  campaign.  Megal)azus  ex[.erienced  little  dillleulty  in 
executing  the  orders  of  his  master,  lie  not  only  subdued  the  Thracian 
tribes,  but  crossed  the  Strymon,  conquered  the  ra'oiiians,  and  [K'netrated 
as  far  as  the  frontiers  of  Maceaonia.  He  then  sent  heralds  into  the  lat- 
ter country  to  demand  earth  and  water,  as  the  customary  synd>ols  of  sub- 
mission. These  were  innnediately  gnmted  by  Amyntas,  the  reigning 
monarch,  u.  c.  ijlO  ;  and  thus  the  Persian  dominions  were  extended  to 
the  l>orders  of  Thessaly. 

While  3I('gabazus  was  engaged  in  the  conquest  of  the  Pa?onians,  he 
hud  noticed  that  Ilistiniis  was  collecting  the  elements  of  a  power,  which 
might  hereafter  prove  formidable  to  the  Persian  sovereignty.  ]\Iyrcinu3 
eommantled  the  navigation  of  the  Strymon,  an<I  consecpiently  the  com- 
merce with  the  interior  of  Thrace ;  and  the  im[iortance  of  this  site  is 
shown  by  the  rapid  growth  of  the  town  of  Amphipolis,  which  the  Atheni- 
ans founded  at  a  later  time  in  the  same  locality.  On  his  return  to  Sardis, 
Megjibazus  connnunicated  his  suspicions  to  Darius.  The  Persian  king, 
perceiving  that  the  apprehensions  of  his  general  were  not  without  founda- 
tion, summoned  Ilistiams  to  his  presenctj,  and,  under  the  pretext  that  he 
could  not  bear  to  be  deprived  of  the  company  of  his  friend,  i)roiH)sed  that 
lie  should  accomi)any  him  to  Susa.  Ilistiieus  had  no  alternati\  e  but  com- 
pliance, and  with  unwilling  steps  followed  the  monarch  to  his  cai)itaL 
This  apparently  triviid  circumstiuice  was  attended  with  imi)ortant  conse- 
quences, as  we  shall  presently  see,  to  the  Persian  empire  and  to  the  whole 
Hellenic  race. 


B.  C.  502-1 


THE   IONIC   REVOLT. 


153 


Behistun  Rock,  on  which  are  inscribed  the  exploits  of  Darius.* 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


THE   IONIC   REVOLT. 


f  1.  Introcluction.  §  2.  Xaxian  Exiles  apply  for  Aid  to  Aristagoras.  §  3.  Expedition  of 
Aristagoras  and  tlie  Persians  against  Naxos.  Its  Failure.  §  4.  Ilevolt  of  Miletus  and  the 
other  Greek  Cities  of  Asia.  §  5.  Aristagoras  solicits  Assistance  from  Sj»ai'tii  and  Athens, 
which  is  granted  by  the  latter.  §  6.  Burning  of  Sardis  by  the  Atlieiiians  and  lonians. 
§  7.  Death  of  Aristagoras  and  Ilistiieus.  \  8.  Defeat  of  the  Ionian  Fleet  at  Lade.  §  9. 
Capture  of  Miletus  and  Tenninatiun  of  the  Revolt. 

§  1.  Before  setting  ont  for  Susa,  Darius  had  appointed  his  brother 
Artaphernes  satrap  of  the  western  provinces  of  Asia  jNIinor,  of  which 
Sardis  continued  to  be  the  capital,  as  in  the  time  of  the  Lydian  monarchy. 
The  Grecian  cities  on  the  coast  were  nominally  allowed  to  manage  their 
own  affairs ;  but  they  were  governed  for  the  most  part  by  despots,  who 
were  in  reality  the  instruments  of  the  Persian  satrap,  and  were  main- 
tained in  their  power  by  his  autliority.     Miletus,  which  was  now  the  most 

*  The  above  most  remarkable  document  is  carved  on  the  side  of  a  rocky  mountain,  per- 
pendicularly smoothed  for  the  purpose.  The  mountain  Avas  known  to  the  ancient  Greeks 
as  the  Bagistan  {ro  Bayiaravov  opos) ,  —  a  name  formed  from  an  old  Persian  word  signify- 
ing Sacred  to  the  Bagas,  or  gods.  The  sculptures  consist  of  twelve  figures  in  relief,  below 
a  single  figure  in  the  air,  representing  the  Zend  and  Persian  deity,  Aunimazda  or  Or- 
muzd.  The  figures  are  the  king,  with  two  attendants,  and  nine  captive  rebels  brought 
into  his  presence,  with  their  hands  tied  behind  them,  and  cords  al)out  their  necks.  Below 
the  figures,  and  at  the  sides,  are  large  panels  on  the  smooth  surface  of  the  rock,  filled 
with  arrow-head  inscriptions;  the  whole  occupying  a  space  of  150  feet  in  length,  and  100 
in  breadth,  at  the  height  of  300  feet  from  the  base  of  the  mountain.  This  mountainous 
document  has  been  copied  by  Colonel  Kawlinson,  an  English  gentleman  formerly  residing 
at  Bagdad  in  an  official  capacity.  He  has  explained  or  interpreted  the  Persian  part  of 
these  inscriptions  (they  ai-e  written  in  tlircc  languages ),  and  they  prove  to  be  a  very  inter- 
esting and  important  record  of  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  King  Darius.  —  Ed. 

20 


/ 


154 


HISTORY  OF   GREECB. 


[Chat.  XVj 


B.  C.  500.] 


THE   IONIC   REVOLT. 


155 


fiourishing  city  of  Ionia,  was  ruled  by  Aristagoras,  the  son-in-law  of 
Histiseus,  since  Darius  had  allowed  the  latter  to  intrust  the  sovereignty 
to  his  son-in-law  during  his  absence.  For  a  few  yeara  after  the  return  of 
the  king  to  Upper  Asia,  the  Persian  empire  enjoyed  the  profound  calm 
which  often  precedes  a  stoi-m.  It  was  the  civil  dissensions  of  one  of  the 
islands  of  the  iEgean  which  first  disturbed  this  universal  repose,  and 
lighted  up  a  conflagration  which  soon  enveloped  both  Greece  and  Asia. 

§  2.  About  the  year  b.  c.  502,  the  ohgarchical  party  in  Naxos,  one  of 
the  largest  and  most  flourishing  of  the  Cyclades,  were  driven  out  of  the 
island  by  a  rising  of  the  people.  The  exiles  applied  for  aid  to  Aristag- 
oras,  who  lent  a  ready  ear  to  their  request ;  knowing  that,  if  tliey  were 
restored  by  his  means,  he  should  become  master  of  the  island.  But  his 
own  forces  were  not  equal  to  the  conquest  of  the  Naxians,  since  they  pos- 
sessed a  large  navy,  and  could  bring  eight  thousand  heavy-armed  infantry 
into  the  field.  Accordingly,  he  went  to  Sai-dis  to  secure  the  co-operation 
of  Artaphemes,  holding  out  to  the  satrap  the  prospect  of  annexing  not  only 
Naxos  and  the  rest  of  the  Cyclades,  but  even  the  large  and  valuable  island 
of  Euboea,  to  the  dominions  of  the  Great  King.  He  represented  the  en- 
terprise as  one  certain  of  success,  if  a  hundred  ships  were  granted  to  him, 
and  offered  at  the  same  time  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  armament. 
Artaphemes  gave  his  cordijd  approval  to  the  scheme ;  and  as  soon  as  the 
king's  consent  was  obtained,  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  ships  was  equipped 
and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Aristagoras.  The  forces  were  under  the 
command  of  JVIegabates,  a  Persian  noble  of  high  rank. 

§  3.  Taking  the  Naxian  exiles  on  board,  Aristagoras  sailed  from  Mile- 
tus towards  the  Hellespont  (b.  c.  501).  To  divert  the  suspicions  of  the 
Naxians,  a  report  was  spread  that  the  armament  was  destined  for  a  dif- 
ferent quarter ;  but  upon  reaching  Chios,  Megabates  cast  anchor  off  the 
western  coast,  waiting  for  a  ftur  wind  to  carry  them  straight  across  to 
Naxos.  Being  anxious  that  the  ships  should  be  in  readiness  to  depart  as 
soon  as  the  order  was  given,  Megabates  made  a  personal  inspection  of  the 
fleet,  and  discovered  one  of  the  vessels  left  without  a  single  man  on  board. 
Incensed  at  this  neglect,  he  summoned  the  captain  of  the  ship,  and  or- 
dered him  to  be  put  in  chains  with  his  head  projecting  through  one  of  the 
port-holes  of  his  own  vessel.  It  happened  that  this  man  was  a  friend  and 
guest  of  Aristagoras,  who  not  only  set  the  autliority  of  Megabates  at 
defiance  by  releasing  the  prisoner,  but  insisted  that  the  Persian  admiral 
held  a  subordinate  command  to  himself.  The  pride  of  Megabates  could 
not  brook  such  an  insult.  As  soon  as  it  was  night,  he  sent  a  message  to 
the  Naxians  to  warn  them  of  their  danger.  Hitherto  the  Naxians  had 
had  no  suspicion  of  the  object  of  the  expedition ;  but  they  lost  no  time  in 
carrying  their  property  into  the  city,  and  making  every  preparation  to 
sustain  a  long  siege.  Accordingly,  when  the  Persian  fleet  reached 
Naxos  they  experienced  a  vigorous  resistance ;  and  at  the  end  of  four 


months  they  had  made  such  little  way  in  the  reduction  of  the  city,  that 
they  were  compelled  to  abandon  the  enterprise  and  return  to  Miletus. 

§  4.  Aristagoras  was  now  threatened  with  utter  ruin.  Having  de- 
ceived Artaphemes,  and  incurred  the  enmity  of  Megabates,  he  could 
expect  no  favor  from  the  Persian  govemment,  and  might  be  called  upon 
at  any  moment  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  armament.  In  these  diffi- 
culties he  began  to  think  of  exciting  a  revolt  of  his  countrjinen ;  and 
while  revolving  the  project,  he  received  a  message  from  his  father-in-law, 
Histiajus,  urging  him  to  this  very  step.  Afraid  of  trusting  any  one  with 
so  dangerous  a  message,  Histiaeus  had  shaved  the  head  of  a  trusty  slave, 
branded  upon  it  the  necessary  words,  and,  as  soon  as  the  hair  had  gl•o^vn 
again,  sent  him  off  to  Miletus.  His  only  motive  for  urging  the  lonians  to 
revolt  was  his  desire  of  escaping  from  captivity  at  Susa,  thinking  that 
Darius  would  set  him  at  liberty  in  order  to  put  down  an  insurrection  of 
his  countrymen.  The  message  of  Histioeus  fixed  the  wavering  resolution 
of  Aristagoras.  He  forthwith  called  together  the  leading  citizens  of 
Miletus,  laid  before  them  the  project  of  revolt,  and  asked  them  for  advice. 
They  all  approved  of  the  scheme,  with  the  exception  of  Hecatceus,  who 
deserves  to  be  mentioned  on  account  of  his  celebrity  as  one  of  the  earliest 
Greek  historians.  Having  determined  upon  revolt,  the  next  step  was  to 
induce  the  other  Greek  cities  in  Asia  to  join  them  in  their  perilous  enter- 
prise. As  the  most  effectual  means  to  this  end,  it  was  resolved  to  seize 
the  persons  of  the  Grecian  despots,  many  of  whom  had  not  yet  quitted  the 
fleet  which  had  recently  returned  to  Naxos.  Aristagoras  laid  down  the 
supreme  power  in  Miletus,  and  nominally  resigned  to  the  people  the  man- 
agement of  their  own  affairs.  The  despots  were  seized,  and  a  democrat- 
ical  form  of  government  established  throughout  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia 
and  in  the  neighboring  islands.  This  was  followed  by  an  open  declara- 
tion of  revolt  from  Persia  (b.  c.  500). 

§  5.  The  insurrection  had  now  assumed  a  formidable  aspect ;  and  be- 
fore the  Persians  could  collect  sufficient  forces  to  cope  with  the  revolters, 
Aristajroi-as  resolved  to  cross  over  to  Greece,  in  order  to  solicit  assistance 
from  the  more  powerful  states  in  the  mother  country.  He  first  went  to 
Sparta,  which  was  now  admitted  to  be  the  most  powerful  city  in  Greece. 
In  an  interview  with  Cleomenes,  king  of  Sparta,  he  brought  forth  a  bra- 
zen tablet,  on  which  were  engraven  the  countries,  rivers,  and  seas  of  the 
world.  After  dwelling  upon  the  wealth  and  fertility  of  Asia,  he  traced 
on  the  map  the  route  from  Ephesus  to  Susa,  and  described  the  ease  with 
which  the  Spartans  might  march  into  the  very  heart  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire, and  obtain  possession  of  the  vast  treasures  of  the  Persian  capital. 
Cleomenes  demanded  three  days  to  consider  this  proposal;  and  when 
Aristagoras  returned  on  the  third  day,  he  put  to  him  the  simple  question, 
how  far  it  was  from  the  sea  to  Susa.  Aristagoi-as,  without  considering 
the  drift  of  the  question,  answered  that  it  was  a  journey  of  three  months. 


%• 


156 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chaf.  XVI 


B.C.500.] 


THE   IONIC   RETOLT. 


157 


"  Milesian  stranger,"  exclaimed  Deomenes,  **  quit  Sparta  before  sunset : 
you  are  no  friend  to  the  Spartans,  if  you  want  tliem  to  undertake  a  three 
months'  journey  from  the  sea."  Still,  however,  Aristagoras  did  not  de- 
spair, but  went  as  a  suppliant  to  the  king's  house,  to  see  if  he  could 
accomplish  by  money  what  he  had  failed  to  do  by  eloquence.  He  first 
offered  Cleomenes  ten  talents,  and  then  gradually  raised  the  bribe  to 
fifty ;  and  perhaps  the  king,  with  the  usual  cupidity  of  a  Spartan,  might 
have  yielded,  had  not  his  daughter  Gorgo,  a  cliild  of  eiglit  yeai-s  old,  who 
happened  to  be  present,  cried  out,  "  Fly,  fother,  or  this  stranger  will  cor- 
rupt you."  Cleomenes  accepted  the  omen,  and  broke  up  the  interview. 
Aristagoras  quitted  Sparta  forthwith. 

Disappointed  at  Spai-ta,  Aristagoras  repaired  to  Athens,  then  the  second 
city  in  Greece.  Here  he  met  with  a  veiy  different  reception.  Athens 
was  the  mother  city  of  the  Ionic  states ;  and  the  Athenians  were  disjwsed 
to  sympathize  with  the  lonians  as  their  kinsmen  and  colonists.  They 
were  moreover  incensed  against  Artaphemes,  wiio  had  recently  command- 
ed them  to  recall  Hippias,  unless  they  wished  to  provoke  the  hostility  of 
Persia.  Accordingly,  they  lent  a  ready  ear  to  the  tempting  promises 
of  Aristagoras,  and  voted  to  send  a  squadron  of  twenty  ships  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  lonians.  "  These  ships,"  says  Herodotus,  "  were  the  begin- 
ning of  mischiefs  between  the  Greeks  and  barbarians." 

§  6.  In  the  following  year  (b.  c.  500)  the  Athenian  fleet  crossed  the 
iEgean.  Tliey  were  joined  by  five  ships  from  Eretria  in  Euboca,  which 
the  Eretrians  had  sent  to  discharge  a  debt  of  gratitude  for  assistance 
which  they  had  received  from  the  Milesians  in  their  war  with  Chalcis. 
Upon  reaching  the  coast  of  Asiji,  Aristagoras  planned  an  expedition  into 
the  interior.  Disembarking  at  Ephesus,  and  being  remforced  by  a  strong 
body  of  lonians,  he  marched  upon  Sardis.  Artaphemes  was  taken  un- 
prepared ;  and  not  having  sufficient  troops  to  man  the  walls,  he  retired 
into  the  citadel,  leaving  the  town  a  prey  to  the  invaders.  Accordingly, 
they  entered  it  unopjiosed ;  and,  while  engaged  in  pillage,  one  of  the  sol- 
diers set  fire  to  a  house.  As  most  of  the  houses  were  built  of  wickerwork 
and  thatched  with  straw,  the  flames  mpidly  spread,  and  ^in  a  short  time 
the  whole  city  was  in  flames.  The  inhabitants,  driven  out  of  their  houses 
by  this  accident,  assembled  in  the  large  market-place  in  the  city ;  and  per- 
ceiving their  numbers  to  be  superior  to  those  of  the  enemy,  they  resolved 
to  attack  them.  Meantime  reinforcements  came  pouring  in  from  all  quar- 
ters ;  and  the  lonians  and  Athenians,  seeing  that  their  position  was  be- 
coming more  dangerous  every  hour,  abandoned  the  city  and  began  to 
retrace  their  steps.  But  before  they  could  reach  the  walls  of  Ephesus, 
they  were  overtaken  by  the  Persian  forces  and  defeated  with  great 
slaughter.  The  lonians  dispersed  to  their  several  cities ;  and  the  Athe- 
nians hastened  on  boaixl  their  ships  and  sailed  home. 

The  burning  of  the  capital  of  the  ancient  monarchy  of  Lydia  was 


attended  with  important  consequences.  Wlien  Darius  heard  of  it,  he 
burst  into  a  paroxysm  of  rage.  It  was  against  the  obscure  strangers  who 
had  dared  to  invade  his  dominions  and  burn  one  of  his  capitals,  that  Ids 
wrathwas  chiefly  directed.  "  The  Athenians,"  he  exclaimed,  "  who  are 
t/iey  ?  "  Upon  being  informed,  he  took  his  bow,  shot  an  arrow  high  into 
the  air,  saying,  '•'  Grant  me,  Jove,  to  take  vengeance  upon  the  Athenians  " : 
and  he  charged  one  of  his  attendants  to  remind  him  thrice  every  day  at 
dinner,  "  Sire,  remember  the  Athenians."  His  first  care,  however,  was 
to  put  down  the  revolt,  Avhich  liad  now  assumed  a  more  formidable  aspect 
than  ever.  The  insurrection  spread  to  the  Greek  cities  in  Cyprus,  as  well 
as  to  those  on  the  Hellespont  and  the  Propontis  ;  and  the  Carians  waimly 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  lonians. 

§  7.  A  few  months  after  the  burning  of  Sardis  the  revolt  had  reached 
its  height,  and  seemed  to  promise  permanent  independence  to  the  Asiatic 
Greeks.  But  they  were  no  match  for  the  whole  power  of  the  Pei'sian 
empire,  which  was  soon  brought  against  them.  A  Phoenician  fleet  con- 
veyed a  large  Persian  force  to  Cyprus,  which  was  soon  obliged  to  submit 
to  its  former  masters  ;  and  the  generals  of  Darius  carried  on  operations 
with  vigor  against  the  Carians,  and  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia.  Aristagoras 
now  began  to  despair,  and  basely  deserted  his  countrymen,  whom  he  had 
led  into  peril.  Collecting  a  large  body  of  Milesians,  he  set  sail  for  the 
Thracian  coast,  where  he  was  slain  under  the  walls  of  a  town  to  which  he 
had  hud  siege. 

Soon  after  his  departure,  his  father-in-law,  Histiceus,  came  down  to 
Ionia.  Darius  had  at  first  been  inclined  to  suppose  that  Histiajus  had 
secretly  instigated  the  lonians  to  revolt ;  but  the  artful  Greek  not  only 
succeeded  in  removing  suspicion  from  himself,  but  persuaded  Darius  to 
send  him  into  Ionia,  in  order  to  assist  the  Persian  generals  in  suppressing 
the  rebellion.  But  Artaphemes  was  not  so  easily  deceived  as  his  master, 
and  plainly  accused  Histiajus  of  treachery  when  the  latter  amved  at  Sar- 
dis. "  I  will  tell  you  how  the  facts  stand,"  said  Artaphemes  to  Histiaeus ; 
"  it  Avas  you  who  made  this  shoe,  and  Aristagoras  has  put  it  on."  Find- 
ing himself  unsafe  at  Sardis,  he  escaped  to  the  island  of  Chios ;  but  he 
was  regarded  with  suspicion  by  all  parties.  The  Milesians  refused  to  ad- 
mit their  former  despot  into  their  town  ;  and  the  lonians  in  general  would 
not  receive  him  as  their  leader.  At  length  he  obtained  eight  galleys  from 
Lesbos,  with  which  he  sailed  towai'ds  Byzantium,  and  carried  on  piracies 
as  well  against  the  Grecian  as  the  barbarian  vessels.  This  unprincipled 
adventurer  met  with  a  traitor's  death.  Having  landed  on  the  coast  of 
Mysia  to  reap  the  standing  com  round  Atarneus,  he  was  surprised  by  a 
Persian  force  and  made  prisoner.  Being  carried  to  Sardis,  Artaphemes 
at  once  caused  him  to  be  crucified,  and  sent  his  head  to  Darius,  who 
ordered  it  to  be  honorably  buried,  condemning  the  ignominious  execution 
of  the  man  who  had  once  saved  the  life  of  the  Great  King. 


\ 


1S8 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVL 


B.  a495.] 


SUBJUGATION    OF   IONIA. 


15^ 


§  8.  The  death  of  HistiiBus  happened  after  the  subjection  of  the  loni- 
ans  ;  and  their  fall  now  claims  our  attention.     In  the  sixth  year  of  the 
revolt  (b.  c.  495),  when  several  Grecian  cities  had  already  been  taken  by 
the  Persians,  Artaphemes  resolved  to  besiege  Miletus  by  sea  and  by  land, 
since  the  capture  of  this  city  was  sure  to  be  followed  by  the  submission  of 
all  the  others.     For  this  purpose  he  concentrated  near  Miletus  all  his 
land  forces,  and  ordered  the  Phoenician  fleet  to  sail  towards  the  city. 
While  he  was  making  these  preparations,  the  Pan-Ionic  council  assembled 
to  deliberate  upon  the  best  means  of  meeting  the  threatening  danger.     As 
they  had  not  sufficient  strength  to  meet  the  Persian  aiiny  in  the  field,  it 
was  resolved  to  leave  Miletus  to  its  own  defences  on  the  land  side,  and  to 
embark  aU  their  forces  on  board  their  ships.     The  fleet  was  ordered  to 
assemble  at  Lad^,  then  a  small  island  near  Miletus,  but  now  joined  to  the 
coast  by  the  alluvial  deposits  of  the  Moeander.     It  consisted  of  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty-three  ships,  while  the  Phoenician  fleet  numbered  six  huncked 
sail.     But  notwithstanding  then-  numerical  superiority,  the  Persian  gen- 
erals were  afraid  to  risk  an  engagement  with  the  combined  fleet  of  the 
lonians,  whose  nautical  skill  was  well  known  to  them.     They  therefore 
ordered  the  despots,  who  had  been  driven  out  of  the  Grecian  cities  at  the 
commencement  of  the  revolt,  and  were  now  serving  in  the  Persian  fleet, 
to  endeavor  to  persuade  their  countrymen  to  desert  the  common  cause. 
Each  of  them  accordingly  made  secret  overtures  to  his  fellow-citizens, 
promising  them  pardon  if  they  submitted,  and  threatening  them  with  the 
severest  punishment  in  case  of  refusal.     But  these  proposals  were  all 
unanimously  rejected. 

Meantime  great  want  of  discipline  prevailed  in  the  Ionian  fleet.  There 
was  no  general  commander  of  the  whole  armament;  the  men,  though 
eager  for  liberty,  were  impatient  of  restraint,  and  spent  the  greater  part 
of  the  day  in  unprofitable  talk  under  the  tents  they  had  erected  on  the 
shore.  In  a  council  of  the  commanders,  Dionysius  of  Phocaea,  a  man  of 
energy  and  ability,  pointed  out  the  perils  which  they  ran,  and  promised 
them  certain  victory  if  they  would  place  themselves  under  his  guidance. 
Being  intrusted  with  the  supreme  command,  Dionysius  ordered  the  men 
on  board  the  ships,  and  kept  them  constantly  engaged  in  practising  all 
kinds  of  nautical  manoeuvres.  For  seven  days  in  succession  they  endured 
this  unwonted  work  beneath  the  burning  heat  of  a  summer's  sun ;  but 
on  the  eighth  they  broke  out  into  open  mutiny,  and  asked,  why  they 
should  any  longer  obey  a  Phocaean  braggart,  who  had  brought  only 
three  ships  to  the  common  cause.  Leaving  their  ships,  they  again 
dispersed  over  the  island  and  sought  the  shade  of  then-  pleasant  tents. 
There  was  now  less  order  and  discipline  than  before.  The  Samian 
leaders  became  alarmed  at  the  prospect  before  them ;  and,  repenting 
that  they  had  rejected  the  proposals  made  to  them  by  their  exiled  des- 
pot, they  reopened  communications  with  hun,  and  agreed  to  desert  dur- 
ing the  battle. 


The  Persian  commanders,  confident  of  victory,  no  longer  hesitated  to 
attack  the  Ionian  fleet.  The  Greeks,  not  suspecting  treachery,  drew  up 
their  ships  in  order  of  battle ;  but  just  as  the  two  fleets  were  ready  to 
engage,  the  Samian  ships  sailed  away.  Their  example  was  followed  by 
the  Lesbians,  and,  as  the  panic  spread,  by  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet. 
There  was,  however,  one  brilliant  exception.  The  hundred  ships  of  the 
Chians,  though  left  almost  alone,  refused  to  fly,  and  fought  with  distin- 
guished bravery  against  the  enemy,  till  they  were  ovei'powered  by  su- 
perior numbers. 

§  9.  The  defeat  of  the  Ionian  fleet  at  Lade  decided  the  fate  of  the 
war.  The  city  of  Miletus  was  soon  afterwards  taken  by  stonn,  and  was 
treated  with  signal  severity.  Most  of  the  males  were  slain ;  and  the  few 
who  escaped  the  sword  were  carried  with  the  women  and  children  into 
captivity,  and  were  finally  settled  at  Ampe,  a  town  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Tigris.  The  fall  of  this  great  Ionic  city  excited  the  liveliest  sympathy 
at  Athens.  In  the  following  year  the  poet  Phrynichus,  who  had  made 
the  capture  of  Miletus  the  subject  of  a  tragedy,  and  brought  it  upon  the 
stage,  was  sentenced  by  the  Athenians  to  pay  a  fine  of  a  thousand 
drachmae  "  for  having  recalled  to  them  their  own  misfortunes." 

The  other  Greek  cities  in  Asia  and  the  neighboring  islands,  which 
had  not  yet  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  were  treated  with 
equal  severity.  The  islands  of  Chios,  Lesbos,  and  Tenedos  were  swept 
of  their  inhabitants  ;  and  the  Persian  fleet' sailed  up  the  Hellespont  and 
Propontis,  carrying  with  it  fire  and  sword.  The  inhabitants  of  Byzan- 
tium and  Chalcedon  did  not  await  its  arrival,  but  sailed  away  to  Mesem- 
bria ;  and  the  Athenian  Miltiades  only  escaped  falling  into  the  power  of 
the  Persians  by  a  rapid  flight  to  Athens. 

The  subjugation  of  Ionia  was  now  complete.  This  was  the  third 
time  that  the  Asiatic  Greeks  had  been  conquered  by  a  foreign  power ; 
first,  by  the  Lydian  Croesus ;  secondly,  by  the  generals  of  Cyrus ;  and 
lastly,  by  those  of  Darius.  It  was  from  the  last  that  they  suffered  most ; 
and  they  never  fully  recovered  their  former  prosperity.  As  soon  as  the 
Persians  had  satiated  their  vengeance,  Artaphernes  introduced  various 
regulations  for  the  govermnent  of  their  country.  Thus,  he  caused  a  new 
survey  of  the  country  to  be  made,  and  fixed  the  amount  of  tribute  which 
each  district  was  to  pay  to  the  Persian  government ;  and  his  other  meas- 
ures were  calculated  to  heal  the  wounds  which  had  lately  been  inflicted 
with  such  barbarity  upon  the  Greeks. 


160 


HISTOKY  OP  GBEECE. 


[Chap.  XVH. 


B.  C.  490.] 


SECOND   PERSIAN  INVASION. 


161 


li 


If 


1 


•» 


The  Plain  and  Tumulus  of  Marathon. 


CHAPTER   XVn. 

THE  BATTLE   OF  MARATHON. 

1 1.  Expedition  of  Mardonius  into  Greece.  §  2.  Preparations  of  Darius  for  a  second  Inva- 
sion of  Greece.  Heralds  sent  to  the  leading  Grecian  States  to  demand  Earth  and  Water. 
(Z.  Invasion  of  Greece  by  the  Persians  under  Datis  and  Artaphernes.  Conquest  of  tho 
Cyclades  and  Eretria.  (  4.  Preparations  at  Athens  to  resist  the  Persians.  History  of 
Miltiades.  §  5.  Debate  among  the  Ten  Athenian  Generals.  Resolution  to  give  Battle  to 
the  Persians.  ^  6.  Battle  of  Marathon.  ^  7.  Movements  of  the  Persians  after  the  Battle. 
§  8.  Effect  of  the  Battle  of  Marathon  upon  the  Athenians.  §  9.  Glory  of  Miltiades. 
§  10.  His  unsuccessful  Expedition  to  Paros.  §  11.  His  Trial,  Condemnation,  and  Death. 
\  12.  History  of  Jlgina.  \  13.  War  between  Athens  and  ^gina.  §  14.  Athens  becomes 
a  Maritime  Power.  \  15.  Rivalry  of  Themistocles  and  Aristeides.  Ostracism  of  the 
latter. 

§  1.  Darius  had  not  forgotten  his  vow  to  take  vengeance  upon  Athens. 
Shortly  after  the  suppression  of  the  Ionic  revolt,  he  appointed  Mardonius 
to  succeed  Artaphenies  in  the  government  of  the  Persian  provinces  bor- 
dering upon  the  iEgean.  Mardonius  was  a  Persian  noble  of  high  rank, 
who  had  lately  married  the  king's  daughter,  and  was  distinguished  by  a 
love  of  glory.  Darius  placed  at  his  command  a  large  armament,  with 
injunctions  to  bring  to  Susa  those  Athenians  and  Eretrians  who  had 
insulted  the  authority  of  the  Great  King.  Mardonius  lost  no  tune  in 
crossing  the  Hellespont,  and  commenced  his  march  through  Thrace  and 
Macedonia,  subduing,  as  he  went  along,  the  tribes  which  had  not  yet  sub- 
mitted to  the  Persian  power.  Meanwhile  he  ordered  the  fleet  to  double 
the  promontory  of  Mount  Athos,  and  join  the  land  forces  at  the  head  of 
the  Gulf  of  Therma.    But  one  of  the  hurricanes,  which  frequently  blow 


off  this  dangerous  coast,  overtook  the  Persian  fleet,  destroyed  tlu-ee  hun- 
dred vessels,  and  drowned  or  dashed  upon  the  rocks  twenty  thousand  men. 
Mardonius  himself  was  not  much  more  fortunate.  In  his  passage  through 
Macedonia,  he  was  attacked  at  night  by  the  Brygians,  an  independent 
Thracian  tribe,  who  slaughtered  a  great  portion  of  his  army.  He  re- 
mained in  the  country  long  enough  to  reduce  tliis  people  to  submission ; 
but  his  forces  were  so  weakened,  that  he  could  not  proceed  farther.  He 
led  his  army  back  across  the  Hellespont,  and  returned  to  the  Persian 
court,  covered  with  shame  and  grief.  Thus  ended  the  first  expedition  of 
the  Persians  against  the  Grecian  states  in  Europe  (b.  c.  492). 

§  2.  The  failure  of  this  expedition  did  not  shake  the  resolution  of 
Darius.  On  the  contrary,  it  only  made  him  the  more  anxious  for  the 
conquest  of  Greece ;  and  Hippias  was  constantly  near  him  to  keep  alive 
his  resentment  against  Athens.  He  began  to  make  preparations  for 
another  attempt  on  a  still  larger  scale,  and  meantime  sent  heralds  to  most 
of  the  Grecian  states  to  demand  from  each  earth  and  water  as  the  symbol 
of  submission.  This  he  probably  did  in  order  to  ascertain  the  amount  of 
resistance  he  was  likely  to  experience.  Such  terror  had  the  Persians  in- 
spired by  their  recent  conquest  of  Ionia,  that  a  large  number  of  the  Grecian 
cities  at  once  complied  with  the  demand.  But  at  Athens  and  at  Sparta 
the  heralds  met  with  a  very  different  reception.  So  indignant  were  the 
citizens  of  these  states  at  the  insolent  demand,  that  the  Athenians  ciist  the 
herald  into  a  deep  pit,  and  the  Spartans  threw  him  into  a  well,  bidding 
him  take  earth  and  water  from  thence. 

§  3.  Meanwhile  Darius  had  completed  liis  preparations  for  the  invasion 
of  Greece.  In  the  spring  of  b.  c.  490,  a  vast  army  was  assembled  in 
Cilicia,  and  a  fleet  of  six  hundred  galleys,  together  with  many  transports 
for  horses,  was  ready  to  receive  them  on  board.  The  command  was  given 
to  Datis,  a  Median,  and  Ai'taphemes,  son  of  the  satrap  of  Sardis  of  that 
name,  and  a  nephew  of  Darius.  Their  instructions  were  generally  to 
reduce  to  subjection  all  the  Greek  cities  which  hiid  not  already  given 
earth  and  water ;  but  more  particularly  to  bum  to  the  ground  the  cities 
of  Athens  and  Eretria,  and  to  cany  away  the  inhabitants  as  slaves. 
They  were  furnished  with  fetters  for  binding  the  Grecian  prisoners ;  and 
before  the  end  of  the  year  Darius  fully  expected  to  see  at  his  feet  the  men 
who  had  dared  to  bum  the  city  of  Sardis.  The  possibility  of  failure 
probably  never  occurred  either  to  the  king  himself,  or  to  any  of  the  sol- 
diers engaged  in  the  expedition. 

Having  taken  their  men  on  lx)ard,  Datis  and  Artaphernes  first  sailed  to 
Samos ;  and,  wamed  by  the  recent  disaster  of  Mardonius  in  doubling  the 
promontory  of  Mount  Athos,  they  resolved  to  sail  straight  across  the 
j3Egean  to  Euboca,  subduing  on  their  way  the  Cyclades.  They  first 
resolved  to  attack  Naxos,  which  ten  years  before  had  gallantly  repelled  a 
large  Persian  force  commanded  by  Megabates  and  Aristagoras  of  Miletus. 

21 


160 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVn. 


B.  C.  490.] 


SECOND   PERSIAN  INVASION. 


161 


The  riaiii  and  Tumulus  of  Manithon. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

THE   BATTLE    OF   MARATHON. 

§  1.  Expe<lition  of  Maraonius  into  Greece.  §  2.  Preiiarations  of  Dnriu?  fr.r  a  second  Inva- 
sion of  Greece.  HeraWs  sent  to  the  leadhig  Grechvn  States  to  demand  Kurth  and  Water. 
43  Invasion  ..f  Greece  bv  the  Pershins  under  Patis  and  Artaphernes.  Conquest  of  the 
Cvclades  and  Kretria.  (  4.  IVqjarations  at  Athens  to  resist  the  Persians.  History  of 
MUtiades.  §  5.  I)el»ate  amon-j  th("  Ten  Athenian  Generals.  Resolution  to  jrive  Dattlc  to 
the  Persians.  ^  6.  r.attle  »>f  ^hlrati^on.  §  7.  Movements  of  the  Persians  after  the  P.attle. 
4  8.  EtVect  of  the  P>attle  of  Marathon  upon  tlic  Atlienians.  §  9.  Glory  of  Miltiades. 
§  li).  His  unsuccessful  Kxi.edition  to  Paros.  §  11.  His  Trial,  Condcranati..n,  and  Death. 
§  12.  History  of -Ei^ina.  §  13.  War  between  Athens  aiid  ^Egina.  §  14.  Athens  becomes 
a  Maritime 'Power.  §  15.  Rivalry  of  Themistocles  and  Aristeides.  Ostracism  of  the 
latter. 

§  1.  Darius  Imd  not  forgotten  Ins  vow  to  take  vengeance  upon  Alliens. 
Shortly  after  tlie  supinvssk.n  of  the  Ionic  revolt,  he  appointed  ^lanlonius 
to  sucwed  Artaplierues  in  the  government  of  the  Persian  provinces  bor- 
dering n\mi  the  il^gean.  Mardonius  Avas  a  Persian  noble  of  high  rank, 
who  had  lately  man-ied  the  king's  daughter,  and  was  distinguished  by  a 
love  of  glory.  Darius  placed  at  his  command  a  large  annament,  with 
injunctions  to  bring  to  Susa  those  Athenians  and  Eretrians  who  had 
insulted  the  authority  of  the  Great  King.  Mardonius  lost  no  time  in 
crossing  the  Hellespont,  and  commenced  his  march  through  Thrace  and 
Macedonia,  subduing,  as  he  went  along,  the  tribes  which  had  not  yet  sub- 
mitted to  the  Persian  power.  Meanwhile  he  ordered  the  fleet  to  double 
the  promontory  of  Mount  Athos,  and  join  the  land  forces  at  the  head  of 
the  Gulf  of  Therma.    But  one  of  the  humcanes,  which  frequently  blow 


i 


off  this  dangerous  coast,  overtook  the  Persian  fleet,  destroyed  three  hun- 
dred vessels,  and  dix)wned  or  dashed  upon  the  rocks  twenty  thousand  men. 
Mardonius  himself  was  not  much  more  fortunate.  In  his  passage  tlu'ough 
Macedonia,  he  was  attacked  at  night  by  the  Brygians,  an  independent 
Thracian  tribe,  who  slaughtered  a  great  portion  of  his  army.  He  re- 
mained in  the  country  long  enough  to  reduce  this  peo}>le  to  submission ; 
but  his  forces  were  so  weakened,  that  he  could  not  proceed  laither.  He 
led  his  army  back  across  the  Hellespont,  and  returned  to  the  Persian 
court,  covered  with  shame  and  grief.  Thus  ended  the  first  expedition  of 
the  Persians  against  the  Grecian  states  in  Europe  (b.  c.  492). 

§  2.  The  failure  of  this  expedition  did  not  shake  the  resolution  of 
Darius.  On  the  contrary,  it  only  made  him  the  more  anxious  for  the 
conquest  of  Greece ;  and  Ilippias  was  constantly  near  him  to  keep  alive 
his  resentment  against  Athens.  He  began  to  make  preparations  for 
another  attempt  on  a  still  larger  scale,  and  meantime  sent  heralds  to  most 
of  the  Grecian  states  to  demand  from  each  earth  and  water  as  the  symbol 
of  submission.  This  he  probably  did  in  order  to  ascertain  the  amount  of 
resistance  he  was  likely  to  experience.  Such  terror  had  the  IVrsians  in- 
spired by  their  recent  con<|uest  of  Ionia,  that  a  large  ninnber  of  tin'  Grecian 
cities  at  once  complied  with  the  demand.  But  at  Athens  and  at  S[)arta 
the  heralds  met  with  a  very  different  reception.  So  indignant  were  the 
citizens  of  these  states  at  the  insolent  demand,  that  the  Athenians  cast  the 
herald  into  a  deep  pit,  and  the  Sjuirtans  threw  him  into  a  well,  bidding 
him  take  earth  and  water  from  thence. 

§  3.  Meanwhile  Darius  had  completed  his  preparations  for  tin'  invasion 
of  Greece.  In  the  spring  of  u.  C.  490,  a  vast  army  was  asseinl)led  in 
Cilictia,  and  a  fleet  of  six  hundred  gall<'ys,  together  with  many  traiis[)orts 
for  horses,  Avas  ready  to  receive  tlieni  on  board.  The  command  was  given 
to  Datis,  a  Median,  and  Artaphernes.  son  of  the  satrap  of  Sardis  of  that 
name,  and  a  nephew  of  Darius.  Their  instructions  were  generally  to 
reduce  to  subjection  all  the  Greek  cities  which  had  not  already  given 
earth  and  water ;  but  more  particularly  to  burn  to  the  ground  the  cities 
of  Athens  and  Eretria,  and  to  carrv  awav  the  inhal)itants  as  slaves. 
They  were  furnislied  with  fetters  for  binding  the  Grecian  i»risoners;  and 
before  the  end  of  the  year  Darius  fully  expected  to  see  at  his  feet  the  men 
who  had  dared  to  Imrn  the  city  of  Sardis.  The  possibility  of  failure 
probaljly  n(?ver  oc'curred  either  to  the  king  himself,  or  to  any  of  the  sol- 
diers engaged  in  the  expedition. 

Having  taken  their  men  on  board,  Datis  and  Artaphernes  first  sailed  to 
Samos;  and,  warned  by  the  recent  disaster  of  INIardonius  in  doubling  the 
promontory  of  Blount  Athos,  tliey  resolved  to  sail  straiglit  across  the 
iEgean  to  Euba^a,  subduing  on  their  way  the  Cyclades.  Tln\y  first 
resolved  to  atta<*k  Naxos,  which  ten  yeari^;  before  had  gallantly  rep<'lled  a 
large  Persian  force  commanded  by  Megabates  and  Aristagoras  of  ^Miletus. 

21 


I 


162 


BISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Cbmf.  XYJL 


B.  C.  490;] 


SECOND  PERSIAN  INVASION. 


163 


"•• 


But  the  Naxians  did  not  now  even  venture  to  wait  the  arrival  of  the  Per- 
sians, but  fled  to  the  mountains,  abandonmg  their  town  to  the  invaders,  who 
burnt  it  to  the  ground.  The  other  islands  of  the  Cyclades  yielded  a  ready 
submission ;  and  it  was  not  till  Datis  reached  Euboea  that  he  encountered 
any  resistance.  Eretria  defended  itself  gallantly  for  six  days,  and  re- 
pulsed the  Persians  with  loss ;  but  <m  the  seventh  the  gates  were  opened 
to  the  beseigers  by  the  treachery  of  two  of  its  leading  citizens.  The  city 
was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  inhabitants  were  put  in  chains,  according 
to  the  command  of  the  Persian  monarch. 

Datis  had  thus  easily  accomplished  one  of  the  two  great  objects  for 
which  he  had  been  sent  into  Greece.  He  now  proceeded  to  execute  his 
second  order.  After  remaining  a  few  days  at  Eretria,  he  crossed  over  to 
Attica,  and  landed  on  the  ever  memorable  plain  of  Marathon,  a  spot  which 
had  been  pointed  out  to  him  by  the  despot  Hippias,  who  accompanied 
the  Persian  army. 

§  4.  It  is  now  tune  to  turn  to  Athens,  and  see  what  preparations  had 
there  been  made  to  meet  the  threatening  danger.  While  the  Persian  army 
was  on  its  passage  across  the  -^gean,  ten  generals  had  been  elected  for  the 
year,  according  to  the  regular  custom,  one  for  each  tribe.  Among  these 
generals  were  three  men  whose  names  have  acquired  immortal  fame,  — 
Miltiades,  Themistocles,  and  Aristeides.  Of  the  two  latter  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  speak  more  fully  presently ;  but  Miltiades  claims  our  imme- 
diate attention.  Ikliltiades  had  been  the  despot  of  the  Chersonesus, 
whither  he  had  been  sent  from  Athens  by  Hippias  about  the  year  516 
B.  c,  to  take  possession  of  the  inheritance  of  his  uncle,  who  bore  the  same 
name.  As  ruler  of  the  Chersonesus,  he  had  distinguished  himself  by  his 
bravery  and  decision  of  character.  We  have  already  seen  that  he  accom- 
panied Darius  in  his  invasion  of  Scythia,  and  recommended  the  Ionian 
despots  to  break  down  the  bridge  of  boats  across  the  Danube  and  leave 
Darius  to  his  fate.  While  the  Persian  generals  were  engaged  in  suppress- 
ing the  Ionic  revolt,  he  took  possession  of  Lemnos  and  Imbros,  expelled 
the  Persian  garrisons  and  Pelasgian  inhabitants,  and  handed  over  these 
islands  to  the  Athenians.  He  had  thus  committed  two  gi-eat  offences 
against  the  Persian  monarch ;  and  accordingly,  when  the  Phoenician  fleet 
appeared  in  the  Hellespont  after  the  extinction  of  the  Ionic  revolt,  he 
sought  safety  in  flight,  and  hastily  sailed  away  to  Athens  with  a  small 
squadron  of  five  ships.  He  was  hotly  pursued  by  the  Phoenicians,  who 
were  most  eager  to  secure  his  person  as  an  acceptable  ofl*ering  to  Darius. 
They  succeeded  in  taking  one  of  his  ships,  commanded  by  his  son  Metio- 
chus,  but  Miltiades  himself  reached  Athens  in  safety.  Soon  after  his 
arrival,  he  was  brought  to  trial  on  account  of  his  despotism  in  the  Cher- 
sonesus. Not  only  was  he  honorably  acquitted  at  the  time,  probably  on 
account  of  the  recent  service  he  had  rendered  to  Athens  by  the  conquest 
of  Lemnos  and  Imbros,  but  such  confidence  did  his  abilities  inspire,  that 


he  was  elected  one  of  the  ten  generals  of  the  republic  on  the  approach  of 
the  Persian  fleet. 

§  5.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Eretria  reached  Athens,  the 
courier  Pheidippides  was  sent  to  Sparta  to  solicit  assistance.  Such  was 
his  extraordinary  speed  of  foot,  that  he  performed  this  journey  of  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  in  forty-eight  hours.  The  Spartans  promised  their 
aid;  but  their  superstition  rendered  their  promise  ineffectual,  since  it 
wanted  a  few  days  to  the  full  moon,  and  it  was  contrary  to  their  religious 
customs  to  commence  a  march  during  this  interval.  The  reason  given  by 
the  Spartans  for  their  delay  does  not  appear  to  have  been  a  pretext ;  and 
this  instance  is  only  one  among  many  of  that  blind  attachment  to  ancient 
forms  which  characterize  this  people  throughout  the  whole  period  of  their 
history. 

Meantime,  the  Athenians  had  marched  to  Marathon,  and  were  encamped 
upon  the  mountains  which  surrounded  the  plain.  Upon  learning  the 
answer  which  Pheidippides  brought  from  Sparta,  the  ten  generals  were 
divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  best  course  to  be  pursued.  Five  of  them 
were  opposed  to  an  immediate  engagement  with  the  overwhelming  num- 
ber of  Persians,  and  urged  the  importance  of  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the 
Lacedaemonian  succors.  Miltiades  and  the  remaining  four  contended,  on 
the  other  hand,  that  not  a  moment  should  be  lost  in  fighting  the  Persians, 
not  only  in  order  to  avail  themselves  of  the  present  enthusiasm  of  the 
people,  but  still  more  to  prevent  treachery  from  spreading  among  their 
ranks,  and  paralyzing  all  united  effort.  The  momentous  decision,  upon 
which  the  destinies  of  Athens,  and  indeed  of  all  Greece  hung,  depended 
upon  the  casting  vote  of  Callimachus,  the  Polemarch;  for  do^^^l  to  this 
time  the  third  Archon  was  a  colleague  of  the  ten  generals.*  To  him 
Miltiades  now  addressed  himself  with  the  utmost  earnestness,  pointing  out 
the  danger  of  delay,  and  that  only  a  speedy  and  decisive  victory  could  save 
them  from  the  treacherous  attempts  of  the  friends  of  Hippias  within  the 
city.  The  arguments  of  Miltiades  were  warmly  seconded  by  Themistocles 
and  Aristeides.  Callimachus  felt  their  force,  and  gave  his  vote  for  the 
battle.  The  ten  generals  commanded  their  army  in  rotation,  each  for  one 
day ;  but  they  now  agreed  to  surrender  to  Miltiades  their  days  of  com- 
mand, in  order  to  invest  the  whole  power  in  a  single  person. 

§  6.  While  the  Athenians  were  preparing  for  battle,  they  received 
unexpected  assistance  from  the  little  town  of  Plataea,  in  Boeotia.  Grateful 
to  the  Athenians  for  the  assistance  which  they  had  rendered  them  against 
the  Thebans,  the  whole  force  of  Plataea,  amounting  to  one  thousand  heavy- 
armed  men,  marched  to  the  assistance  of  their  allies,  and  joined  them  at 
Marathon.  Their  arrival  at  this  crisis  of  the  fortunes  of  Athens  made  a 
deep  and  abiding  impression  upon  the  Athenian  people,  and  was  recol- 


*  See  above,  p.  86. 


It 


164 


HISTOKT  OF  GKEECE. 


[Chap.  XVIL 


lected  with  grateful  feelings  down  to  the  latest  times.  The  Athenian 
army  numbered  only  10,000  hoplites,  or  heavy-armed  soldiers;  there 
were  no  archers  or  cavalry,  and  only  some  slaves  as  light-armed  attend- 
ants. Of  the  number  of  the  Persian  army  we  have  no  trustworthy 
account,  but  the  lowest  estimate  makes  it  consist  of  110,000  men. 

The  plain  of  Marathon  lies  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Attica,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  twenty-two  miles  from  Athens  by  the  shortest  road.  It  is  in  the 
form  of  a  crescent,  the  horns  of  which  consist  of  two  promontories  running 
into  the  sea,  and  foi-ming  a  semicircular  bay.  This  plain  is  about  six 
miles  in  length,  and  in  its  widest  or  central  part  about  two  in  breadth. 
Near  each  of  the  homs  at  the  northern  and  southern  extremities  of  the 
plain  are  two  marshes.  The  unmterrupted  flatness  of  the  plain  is  hardly 
relieved  by  a  single  tree ;  and  on  every  side  towards  the  land  there  rises 
an  amphitheatre  of  rugged  lunestone  mountams,  sepamting  it  from  the 
test  of  Attica.* 


Battle  of  Marathon. 
▲  A  Athenian  Army,    bb  Persian  Army,    cc  Persian  Fleet. 

On  the  day  of  battle  the  Persian  ai-my  was  drawn  up  along  the  plam 
about  a  mile  fi-om  the  sea,  and  their  fleet  was  ranged  behind  them  on  the 
beach.    The  native  Persians  and  Sacians,  the  best  troops  m  the  army, 


*  The  position  of  the  armies  in  this  celebrated  battle  is  nowhere  exactly  stated  by  the 
•ncients.  Mr.  Finlay  the  historian  is  of  opinion  that  the  Athenians  posted  themselves  m 
the  narrow  pass  at  the  southern  end  of  the  plain  of  Marathon.  It  is  obvious  that  this 
route  would  be  the  one  taken  by  the  Persians  for  a  march  upon  Athens;  since  the  other 
two— that  by  Vrana,  and  that  by  the  village  of  Marathona,  would  be  too  difficult,  on 
account  of  the  rough  and  precipitous  paths  over  the  mountains,  to  be  practicable  for  a 
large  military  force.  But  if  the  Athenians  had  taken  up  their  position  near  Vrana,  accord- 
ing to  the  general  supposition  and  the  representation  in  the  above  plan,  they  would  have 
left  the  easy  pass  into  the  Mesogaia  (still  called  by  the  ancient  name)  undefended,  for  the 
sake  of  defending  the  pass  by  Vrana,  already  sufficiently  protected  by  nature.  Hero<lotus 
says  the  Persians  pursued  the  broken  centre  of  the  Greek  army  into  the  Mesogxa,  or 
Midland;  and  this  could  only  have  been  done  by  following  the  southern  pass.  An  inspec- 
tion of  the  ground  — Herodotus  in  hand  —  satisfied  me  that  Mr.  Finlay's  view  of  the 
arrangements  of  this  battle  is  the  most  probable,  and  the  most  in  harmony  with  the  account 
of  the  historian  who  wrote  nearest  to  the  time  of  the  event.  Indeed,  Mr.  Finlay's  long  resi- 
dence in  Greece,  and  his  accurate  knowledge  of  Greek  topography,  render  any  opinion  of 
his  on  subjects  of  this  kind  one  of  the  highest  existing  authorities.  —  Ed. 


B.C.  490-1 


BATTLE   OF  MARATHON. 


165 


were  stationed  in  the  centre,  which  was  considered  the  post  of  honor.  The 
Athenians  occupied  the  rising  ground  above  the  plain,  and  extended  from 
one  side  of  the  plain  to  the  other.  This  arrangement  was  necessary  in 
order  to  protect  their  flanks  by  the  mountains  on  each  side,  and  to  prevent 
the  cavalry  from  passing  round  to  attack  them  in  the  rear.  But  so  large 
a  breadth  of  gi-ound  could  not  be  occupied  with  so  small  a  number  of  men, 
without  weakening  some  portion  of  the  line.  Miltiades,  therefore,  drew 
up  the  troops  in  the  centre  in  shallow  files,  and  resolved  to  rely  for  success 
upon  the  stronger  and  deeper  masses  of  his  wings.  The  right  wing, 
which  was  the  post  of  honor  in  a  Grecian  army,  was  commanded  by  the 
Polemarch  Callimachus ;  the  hoplites  were  arranged  in  the  order  of  their 
tribes,  so  that  the  members  of  the  same  tribes  fought  by  each  other's  side; 
and  at  the  extreme  left  stood  the  Platieans. 

Before  the  hostile  armies  join  in  conflict,  let  us  try  to  realize  to  our 
minds  the  feelings  of  the  Athenian  warriors  on  this  eventful  day.  The 
superiority  of  the  Greeks  to  the  Persians  in  the  field  of  battle  has  become 
60  familiar  to  our  minds  by  the  glorious  victories  of  the  former,  that  it 
requires  some  effort  of  the  imagination  to  appreciate  in  its  full  extent  the 
heroism  of  the  Athenians  at  Marathon.  The  Medes  and  Persians  had 
hitherto  pursued  an  almost  uninterrupted  career  of  conquest.  They  had 
rolled  over  country  after  country,  each  successive  wave  ingulfing  some 
ancient  dynasty,  some  powerful  monarchy.  The  Median,  Lydian,  Baby- 
lonian, and  Egyptian  empires  had  all  fallen  before  them ;  and  latterly  the 
Asiatic  Greeks,  many  of  whose  cities  were  as  populous  and  powerful  as 
Athens  itself,  had  been  taught  by  a  bitter  lesson  the  folly  of  resistance  to 
these  invincible  foes.  Never  yet  had  the  Medes  and  Persians  met  the 
Greeks  in  the  field  and  been  defeated.  "  For  hitherto,"  says  Herodotus, 
« the  very  name  of  Medes  had  struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  Greeks ; 
and  the  Athenians  were  the  first  to  endure  the  sight  of  their  armor,  and  to 
look  them  in  the  face  on  the  field  of  battle." 

It  must,  therefore,  have  been  with  some  trepidation  that  the  Athenians 
nerved  themselves  for  the  conflict.  Miltiades,  anxious  to  come  to  close 
quarters  as  speedily  as  possible,  ordered  his  soldiers  to  advance  at  a  run- 
ning step  over  the  mile  of  ground  which  separated  them  from  the  foe. 
Raising  the  war-cry,  they  rushed  down  upon  the  Persians,  who  awaited 
them  with  astonishment  and  scorn,  thinking  them  to.  be  httle  short  of  mad- 
men thus  to  hurry  to  certain  destruction.  They  were  quickly  undeceived ; 
and  the  battle  soon  raged  fiercely  along  the  whole  line.  Both  the  Athe- 
nians* wings  were  successful,  and  drove  the  enemy  before  them  towards  the 
shore  and  the  marshes.  But  the  Athenian  centre  was  broken  by  the 
Persians  and  Sacians,  and  compelled  to  take  to  flight.  Miltiades  there- 
upon recalled  his  wings  from  pursuit,  and,  rallying  his  centre,  charged  the 
Persians  and  Sacians.  The  latter  could  not  withstand  this  combined 
attack.  The  battle  had  already  lasted  some  hours,  and  the  rays  of  the 
netting  sun  streamed  full  in  the  faces  of  the  enemy.    The  rout  now  became 


164 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVn. 


lected  with  grateful  feelings  down  to  the  latest  times.  The  Athenian 
army  numbeivd  only  10,000  hoplites,  or  heavy-armed  soldiers;  there 
were  no  archers  or  cavalry,  and  only  some  slaves  as  light-armed  attend- 
amts.  Of  the  number  of  the  Tersian  army  we  have  no  trustworthy 
account,  but  the  lowest  estimate  makes  it  consist  of  110,000  men. 

The  plain  of  Marathon  lies  on  the  ea:?tern  coast  of  Attica,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  twenty-two  miles  from  Athens  by  the  shortest  road.  It  is  in  the 
form  of  a  eic^eent,  the  horns  of  w^hich  consist  of  two  i)romontories  running 
Into  the  sea,  and  forming  a  semicircular  hjiy.  This  i>lain  is  about  six 
miles  in  length,  and  in  its  widest  or  central  i)art  about  two  in  breadth. 
Near  each  of  the  horns  at  the  northern  and  southern  extremities  of  the 
plain  are  two  marshes.  The  uninterrupted  Ihitness  of  the  ]dain  is  hardly 
relieved  by  a  single  tree ;  and  on  every  side  towards  the  land  there  rises 
an  amphitheatre  of  rugged  hmestone  mountains,  separating  it  from  the 
rest  of  Attica.* 


Battle  of  Marathon. 
A  A  Athenian  Army,    b  b  Persian  Army,    c  c  Persian  Fleet. 

On  the  day  of  battle  the  Persian  army  was  drawn  up  along  the  plam 
about  a  mile  from  the  sea,  and  their  fleet  was  ranged  behind  them  on  the 
beach.     The  iiative  Persians  and  Sacians,  the  best  troops  in  the  army. 


*  The  position  of  the  armies  in  this  celebrated  battle  is  nowhere  exactly  stated  by  the 
ancients.  Mr.  Finlay  the  historian  is  of  opinion  that  the  Athenians  poste<l  tllem^elves  m 
the  narrow  pass  at  the  southern  end  of  the  plain  of  Marutlion.  It  is  obvious  that  tins 
route  would  be  the  one  taken  bv  the  Pci-sians  for  a  marcli  up..n  Athens:  since  the  other 
two  — that  bv  Vrana,  and  that  l)y  the  village  of  Mavathojia,  would  be  too  ditticult,  on 
account  of  the  rough  and  pn-cipitous  paths  over  the  mountains,  to  be  practicable  for  a 
large  military  force,  lint  if  the  Athenians  had  taken  ui)  tlieir  position  near  Vrana,  accord- 
ing to  thege'neralsui)i)usiti.ni  and  the  representation  in  the  above  plan,  they  would  have 
left  the  easy  pass  into  the  Mesogtea  (still  called  by  the  ancient  name)  undefende.l,  for  the 
sake  of  defending  the  pass  b  v  Vrana,  already  sutFiciently  protected  by  nature.  Herodotus 
says  the  Persians  pursued  tiie  broken  centre  of  the  Greek  army  into  the  Mesoga^a,  or 
Jlidlan.l;  and  this  could  only  have  been  done  by  following  the  southern  pass.  An  mspec- 
tion  of  tlie  groun.l- Herodotus  in  hand  -  satisfied  me  that  Mr.  Fitday's  view  of  the 
arrangement!  of  this  battle  is  the  most  probable,  and  the  most  in  harmony  with  the  account 
of  the  historian  who  wrote  nearest  to  the  time  of  the  event.  Indeed,  Mr.  Finlay's  long  resi- 
dence in  Greece,  and  his  accurate  knowledge  of  Greek  topography,  render  any  opnuon  of 
his  on  subjects  of  tins  kind  one  of  the  highest  existing  authorities.  —  Ed. 


B.  C.  490.1 


BATTLE    OF    MARATHON. 


165 


were  stationed  in  tlie  centre,  which  was  considered  tlie  post  of  honor.  The 
Athenians  occupied  the  rising  ground  above  the  plain,  and  extended  from 
one  side  of  the  plain  to  tlie  other.  This  arrangement  was  necessary  in 
order  to  protect  their  flanks  by  the  mountains  on  eaeli  side,  and  to  prevent 
the  cavalry  from  passing  round  to  attack  them  in  the  rear.  But  so  large 
a  breadth  of  ground  could  not  be  occupied  with  so  small  a  numl>er  of  men, 
without  weakening  some  portion  of  tlie  line.  ]Miltiades,  therefore,  di-ew 
up  the  troops  in  the  centre  in  sliallow  files,  and  resolved  to  rely  for  success 
upon  the  stronger  and  deeper  massiis  of  his  wings.  The  right  wing, 
which  was  the  post  of  honor  in  a  Grecian  army,  was  commanded  by  the 
Polemarch  Callimachus ;  the  hoplites  were  arranged  in  the  order  of  their 
tribes,  so  that  the  members  of  the  same  tril)es  fought  by  each  other's  side; 
and  at  the  extreme  left  stood  the  Plata^ans. 

Before  the  hostile  armies  join  in  conflict,  let  us  try  to  realize  to  our 
minds  the  feelings  of  the  Athenian  wjirriors  on  this  eventful  day.  The 
superiority  of  the  Greeks  to  the  Persians  in  tlie  field  of  battle  has  become 
so  familiar  to  our  minds  by  the  glorious  victories  of  tlie  former,  that  it 
requires  some  effort  of  the  imagination  to  appreciate  in  its  full  extent  the 
heroism  of  the  Athenians  at  Marathon.  The  Medes  and  Persians  had 
hitherto  pursued  an  almost  uninterrupted  career  of  conquest.  They  had 
rolled  over  country  after  country,  each  successive  wave  ingulfing  some 
ancient  dynasty,  some  powerful  monarchy.  The  INIedian,  Lydian,  Baby- 
lonian, and  I^gyptian  empires  had  all  fallen  before  tliem  ;  and  latterly  the 
Asiatic  Greeks,  many  of  whose  cities  were  as  populous  an<l  powerful  as 
Athens  itself,  had  been  taught  l)y  a  bitter  lesson  the  folly  of  resistance  to 
these  invincible  foes.  Never  yet  had  the  :Medes  and  Persians  met  the 
Greeks  in  the  field  and  been  defeated.  "  For  hitherto,"  says  Herodotus, 
"  the  very  name  of  Medes  had  struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  Greeks ; 
and  the  Athenians  were  the  first  to  endure  the  sight  of  their  armor,  and  to 
look  them  in  the  fiice  on  the  field  of  battle." 

It  must,  therefore,  have  been  with  some  trepidation  that  the  Athenians 
nerved  themselves  for  the  conflict.  Miltiades,  anxious  to  come  to  close 
quarters  as  speedily  as  possible,  ordered  his  soldiers  to  advance  at  a  run- 
ning step  over  the  mile  of  ground  which  separated  them  from  tlie  foe. 
Raising  the  w^ar-cry,  they  rushed  down  upon  the  Persians,  who  awaited 
them  with  astonishment  and  scorn,  thinking  them  to  be  little  short  of  mad- 
men thus  to  liurry  to  certain  destruction.  They  were  quickly  undeceived ; 
and  the  battle  soon  raged  fiercely  along  the  whole  line.  Both  the  Athe- 
nians* wings  were  successful,  and  drove  the  enemy  before  them  towards  the 
shore  and  tlie  marshes.  But  the  Atlienian  centre  w\as  broken  by  the 
Persians  and  Sacians,  and  compelled  to  take  to  flight.  Miltiades  there- 
upon recalled  his  wings  from  pursuit,  and,  rallying  his  centre,  charged  the 
Persians  and  Sacians.  The  latter  could  not  withstmid  this  combined 
attack.  The  battle  had  already  lasted  some  hours,  and  the  rays  of  the 
getting  sun  streamed  full  in  the  faces  of  the  enemy.     The  rout  now  became 


166 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XYII 


B.  C.  490.] 


MILTIADES. 


167 


it 


general  along  the  whole  Persian  line ;  and  they  fled  to  their  ships,  pur- 
sued by  the  Athenians. 

"  The  flying  Mede,  his  shaftless  broken  bow; 
The  fiery  Greek,  his  red  pursuing  spear; 
Mountains  above,  Earth's,  Ocean's  plain  below, 
Death  in  the  front,  destruction  in  the  rear! 
Such  was  the  scene." 

The  Athenians  tried  to  set  fire  to  the  Persian  vessels  on  the  coast,  but 
they  succeeded  in  destroying  only  seven  of  them,  for  the  enemy  here 
fought  with  the  courage  of  despair.     Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Marathon. 

The  Persians  lost  6,400  men  in  this  memorable  engagement:  of  the 
Athenians  only  192  fell.  The  aged  despot  Hippias  is  said  to  have 
perished  in  the  battle,  and  the  brave  CalHmachus  was  also  one  of  the 
slain.  Among  the  Athenian  combatants  were  the  poet  iEschylus  and  his 
brother  Cynaegeirus ;  the  latter  of  whom,  while  seizing  one  of  the  vessels, 
had  his  hand  cut  off  by  an  axe,  and  died  of  the  wound. 

§  7.  The  Persians  had  no  sooner  embarked  than  they  sailed  towards 
Cape  Sunium.  At  tlje  same  time  a  bright  shield  was  seen  raised  aloft 
upon  one  of  the  mountains  of  Attica.  This  was  a  signal  given  by  some  of 
the  partisans  of  Hippias  to  invite  the  Persians  to  surprise  Athens,  while 
the  army  was  still  absent  at  Marathon.  Miltiades,  seeing  the  direction 
taken  by  the  Persian  fleet,  suspected  the  meaning  of  the  signal,  and  lost 
no  time  in  marching  back  to  Athens.  He  arrived  at  the  liarbor  of  Phale- 
rum  only  just  in  time.  The  Persian  fleet  was  already  in  sight ;  a  few 
hours  more  would  have  made  the  victory  of  Marathon  of  no  avail.  But 
when  the  Persians  reached  the  coast,  and  beheld  before  them  the  very 
soldiers  from  whom  they  had  so  recently  fled,  they  did  not  attempt  to 
land,  but  sailed  away  to  Asia,  carrying  with  them  their  Eretrian  pris- 
oners. 

§  8.  The  departure  of  the  Persians  was  hailed  at  Athens  with  one 
unanimous  burst  of  heart-felt  joy.  Whatever  traitors  there  may  have 
been  in  the  city,  they  did  not  dare  to  express  their  feelings  amidst  the 
general  exultation  of  the  citizens.  Mai-athon  became  a  magic  word  at 
Athens.  The  Athenian  people  in  succeeding  ages  always  looked  back 
upon  this  day  as  the  most  glorious  in  their  annals,  and  never  tired  of  hear- 
ing its  praises  sounded  by  their  orators  and  poets.  And  they  had  reason 
to  be  proud  of  it.  It  was  the  first  time  that  the  Greeks  had  ever  defeated 
the  Persians  in  the  field.  It  was  the  exploit  of  the  Athenians  alone.  It 
had  saved  not  only  Athens,  but  all  Greece.  If  the  Persians  had  con- 
quered at  Marathon,  Greece  must,  in  all  likehhood,  have  become  a  Persian 
provmce ;  the  destinies  of  the  world  would  have  been  changed ;  and 
Oriental  despotism  might  still  have  brooded  over  the  fau-est  countries  of 

Europe. 

Such  a  glorious  victory  had  not  been  gained,  so  thought  the  Athenians, 
\athout  the  special  interposition  of  the  gods.    The  national  heroes  of 


Attica  were  believed  to  have  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Athenians ;  and  even 
in  the  time  of  Pausanias,  six  hundred  years  afterwards,  the  plain  of  l^Lara- 
thon  was  beUeved  to  be  haunted  by  spectral  warriors,  and  every  night 
there  might  be  heard  the  shouts  of  combatants  and  the  neighing  of  horses. 
The  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  Athenians  who  had  perished  in  the 
battle  were  buried  on  the  field,  and  over  their  remains  a  tumulus  or 
mound  was  erected,  wliich  may  still  be  seen,  about  half  a  mile  from  the 
sea.  Then-  names  were  inscribed  on  ten  piUars,  one  for  each  tribe,  also 
erected  on  the  spot ;  and  the  poet  Simonides  described  them  as  the  cham- 
pions of  the  common  independence  of  Greece :  — 

"  At  Marathon  for  Greece  the  Athenians  fought;  * 

And  low  the  Medians'  gilded  power  they  brought."  * 

§  9.  Miltiades,  the  hero  of  Marathon,  was  received  at  Athens  with  ex- 
pressions of  the  warmest  admkation  and  gratitude.  His  trophies  are  said 
to  have  robbed  Themistocles  of  his  sleep ;  and  the  eminent  services  wliich 
he  had  rendered  to  his  countiy  were  also  acknowledged  in  subsequent 
generations.  A  separate  monument  was  erected  to  him  on  the  field  of 
'  Marathon ;  his  figure  occupied  one  of  the  prominent  places  in  the  picture 
of  the  battle  of  Marathon  which  axlorned  the  walls  of  the  Poecile,  or 
Painted  Porch,  of  Athens ;  and  the  poet  gave  expression  to  the  general 
feeUng  in  the  lines :  — 

"  Miltiades,  thy  victories 
Must  every  Persian  own ; 
And  hallowed  by  thy  prowess  lies 
The  field  of  Marathon."  f 

It  would  have  been  fortunate  for  his  glory  if  he  had  died  on  the  field  of 
Marathon.  The  remainder  of  his  histoiy  is  a  rapid  and  melancholy  de- 
scent from  the  pinnacle  of  glory  to  an  ignominious  death. 

§  10.  Shortly  after  the  battle,  Miltiades  requested  of  the  Athenians  a 
fleet  of  seventy  ships,  without  telling  them  the  object  of  his  expedition, 
but  only  promising  to  enrich  the  state.  Such  unbounded  confidence  did 
the  Athenians  repose  in  the  hero  of  Marathon,  that  they  at  once  complied 
with  liis  demand.  This  confidence  Miltiades  abused.  In  order  to  gratify 
a  private  animosity  against  one  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Paros,  he  sailed 
to  this  island,  and  laid  siege  to  the  town.  Paros  was  one  of  the  most 
flourishing  of  the  Cyclades,  and  the  town  was  strongly  fortified.  The  cit- 
izens repelled  all  his  attacks ;  and  he  had  begun  to  despair  of  taking  the 
place,  when  he  received  a  message  from  a  Parian  woman,  a  priestess  of 
the  temple  of  Demeter  (Ceres),  promising  that  she  would  put  Paros  in 
his  power,  if  he  would  visit  by  night  a  temple  from  which  all  male  per- 
sons were  excluded.  Catching  at  this  last  hope,  he  repaired  to  the  ap- 
pointed place.  He  leaped  over  the  outer  fence,  and  had  nearly  reached 
the  sanctuary,  when  he  was  seized  with  a  panic  terror,  and  ran  away; 


*  Translated  by  Sterling. 


t  WeUesley's  Aiithologia,  p.  263. 


168 


mSTOBT  OF   GBEECE. 


[Chap.  XVH. 


B.  C.  489.] 


WAR  BETWEEN  ATHENS   AND  ^GINA. 


169 


n 


* 


i 


but  in  getting  back  over  the  fence  he  received  a  dangerous  injury  on  his 
thigh.  He  now  abandoned  all  hope  of  success,  raised  the  siege,  and  re- 
turned to  Athens. 

§  11.  Loud  was  the  indignation  against  Miltiades  on  his  return.  He 
was  accused  by  Xanthippus,  the  father  of  Pericles,  of  having  deceived 
the  people,  and  was  brought  to  trial.  His  wound  had  already  begun  to 
show  symptoms  of  gangrene.  He  was  carried  into  court  on  a  couch,  and 
there  lay  before  the  assembled  judges,  while  his  friends  pleaded  on  his 
behalf.  They  could  offer  no  excuse  for  his  recent  conduct,  but  they 
reminded  the  Athenians  of  the  inestimable  services  they  had  received 
from  the  accused,  and  urged  them  in  the  strongest  terms  to  spare  the 
victor  of  Marathon.  The  judges  were  not  insensible  to  this  appeal ;  and 
instead  of  condemning  him  to  death,  as  the  accuser  had  demanded,  they 
commuted  the  penalty  to  a  fine  of  fifty  talents,  probably  the  cost  of  the 
armament.  He  was  unable  immediately  to  raise  this  sum,  and  died  soon 
afterwards  of  his  wound.  The  fine  was  subsequently  paid  by  his  son 
Cimon.  Later  writers  relate  that  Miltiades  died  in  prison ;  but  Herodo- 
tus does  not  mention  his  imprisonment,  and  we  may  therefore  hope  that 
the  hero  of  Marathon  was  spared  this  further  indignity. 

The  melancholy  end  of  Miltiades  must  not  blind  us  to  his  offence,  and 
ought  not  to  lead  us  to  charge  the  Athenian  people  with  ingratitude  and 
fickleness.  The  Athenians  did  not  forget  his  services  at  JNIarathon,  and 
it  was  their  gratitude  towards  him  which  alone  saved  him  from  death. 
He  had  grossly  abused  the  public  confidence,  and  deserved  his  punish- 
ment. A  state  which  should  give  impunity  to  a  criminal  on  account  of 
previous  services  would  soon  cease  to  exist. 

§  12.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Marathon,  a  war  broke  out  between 
Athens  and  iEgina,  which  continued  down  to  the  invasion  of  Greece  by 
Xerxes.  This  war  is  of  great  importance  in  Grecian  history,  since  to  it 
the  Athenians  were  indebted  for  their  navy,  which  enabled  them  to  save 
Greece  at  Salamis  as  they  had  already  done  at  Marathon. 

The  rocky  island  of  iEgina  is  situated  in  the  Saronic  Gulf,  about  twelve 
miles  from  the  coast  of  Attica,  and  contains  only  about  forty-one  square 
English  miles.  But,  notwithstanding  its  small  extent,  it  is  one  of  the  most 
celebrated  of  the  Grecian  islands.  In  the  mythical  ages  it  was  the  resi- 
dence of  jEaeus,  king  of  the  Myrmidons,  from  whom  Achilles  and  some  of 
the  most  illustrious  Grecian  heroes  were  descended.  In  historical  times  it 
was  inhabited  by  a  wealthy  and  enterprising  Dorian  people,  who  carried 
on  an  extensive  commerce  with  all  parts  of  the  Hellenic  world.  It  is 
said  that  silver  money  was  first  coined  in  ^gina,  by  Pheidon,  tyrant  of 
Argos ;  *  and  we  know  that  the  name  of  iEginetan  was  given  to  one  of 
the  two  scales  of  weights  and  measures  current  throughout  Greece.  The 
wealth  which  its  citizens  acquired  by  commerce  was  partly  devoted  to 


*  Bespecting  this  statement,  see  p.  67. 


the  encouragement  of  art,  which  was  cultivated  in  this  island  with  great 
success  during  the  half-century  preceding  the  Persian  war.  Indeed,  dur- 
ing this  period  -^gina  held  a  prominent  rank  among  the  Grecian  states, 
and  jx)ssessed  the  most  powerful  navy  in  all  Greece. 

§  13.  There  had  been  an  ancient  feud  between  Athens  and  ^gina, 
which  first  broke  out  into  open  hostilities  a  few  years  after  the  expulsion 
of  Hippias  from  Athens.  About  the  year  506  b.  c.  the  Thebans,  who 
had  been  defeated  by  the  Athenians,*  applied  for  aid  to  jEgina.  This 
was  immediately  granted;  and  the  iEginetans  immediately  attacked  the 
Athenian  territory,  without  making  any  formal  declaration  of  war.  Of 
the  details  of  this  contest  we  have  no  information ;  and  we  lose  sight  of 
-^gina  for  the  next  few  years. 

In  the  year  before  the  battle  of  Marathon  iEgina  is  mentioned  among 
the  Grecian  states  which  gave  earth  and  water  to  the  envoys  of  Darius. 
It  was,  probably,  as  much  hatred  of  the  Athenians  as  fear  of  the  Persians 
which  led  the  iEginetans  to  submit  to  Darius,  hoping  to  crush  their  ob- 
noxious rivals  with  the  help  of  the  Great  King.  The  Persians,  however, 
were  not  yet  in  Greece ;  and  the  Athenians  lost  no  time  in  sending  an 
embassy  to  Sparta,  accusing  the  JEginetans  of  having  betrayed  the  com- 
mon cause  of  Hellas,  and  calling  upon  the  Spartans,  as  the  protectors  of 
Grecian  liberty,  to  punish  the  offenders.  This  request  met  with  prompt 
attention;  and  Cleomenes,  one  of  the  Spartan  kings,  forthwith  crossed 
over  to  ^gina.  He  was  proceeding  to  arrest  and  carry  away  some  of 
the  leading  citizens,  when  Dcmaratus,  the  other  Spartan  king,  privately 
encouraged  the  ^ginetans  to  defy  the  authority  of  his  colleague.  This 
was  the  second  important  occasion  on  wliich  Demaratus  had  thwarted  the 
plans  of  his  colleague;  and  Cleomenes  returned  to  Sparta,  firmly  re- 
solved that  Demaratus  should  not  have  a  third  opportunity. 

It  appears  that  there  had  always  been  doubts  respecting  the  legitimacy 
of  Demaratus.  Cleomenes  now  persuaded  Leotychides,  the  next  heir  to 
the  crown,  to  lay  claim  to  the  royal  dignity,  on  the  ground  that  Demaratus 
was  disqualified  by  his  birth.  The  Spartans  referred  the  question  to  the 
Delphic  oracle ;  and,  at  the  secret  instigation  of  Cleomenes,  the  priestess 
declared  that  his  colleague  was  illegitimate.  Leotychides  thus  ascended 
the  throne,  and  Demaratus  descended  into  a  private  station.  Shortly 
afterwards,  the  deposed  monarch  received  a  gross  affront  from  the  new 
king  at  a  public  festival,  whereupon  he  quitted  Si)arta  in  wrath,  and  re- 
paired to  the  Persian  court,  where  we  shall  subsequently  find  him  among 
the  counsellors  of  Darius. 

Cleomenes  now  returned  to  ^gina,  accompanied  by  Leotychides.  The 
.^ginetans  did  not  dare  to  resist  the  joint  demand  of  the  two  Spartan 
kings,  and  surrendered  to  them  ten  of  their  leading  citizens,  whom  Cle- 
omenes deposited  as  hostages  in  the  hands  of  the  Athenians. 

*  See  p.  106. 


ri< 


IfO 


HI8T0RT  OP  GREECE. 


iqaAT.  XVUL 


33.  C.  485.] 


THEMISTOCLES   AND   ARISTEIDES. 


ITl 


I 


S  14L  After  the  battle  of  Marathon,  the  ^ginetans  endeavored  to  re- 
cover these  hostages ;  and  the  refusal  of  the  Athenians  to  give  them  back 
led  to  a  renewal  of  the  war,  which  was  prosecuted  with  great  activity  on 
both  sides.  It  was  now  that  Themistocles  came  forward  with  his  cele- 
brated proposition,  which  converted  Athens  into  a  maritime  power.  Hith- 
erto the  Athenians  had  not  possessed  a  navy ;  and  Themistocles  clearly 
saw  that  without  a  jjoweiful  fleet  it  would  be  impossible  for  his  country- 
men to  humble  their  rival.  But  his  views  extended  still  further.  He 
well  knew  that  Persia  was  preparing  for  another  and  still  more  formi- 
dable attack  upon  Greece ;  and  he  had  the  sagacity  to  perceive  that  a 
large  and  efficient  fleet  would  be  the  best  protection  against  the  barba- 
rians. Influenced  by  these  two  motives,  and  also  impressed  with  the  con- 
viction that  the  very  position  of  Athens  fitted  it  to  be  a  maritime  and  not 
a  land  power,  he  urged  the  Athenians  at  once  to  build  and  equip  a  nu- 
merous and  powerful  fleet.  The  Athenians  were  both  able  and  willing  to 
follow  his  advice.  Tliere  was  at  this  time  a  large  suq)lus  in  the  public 
treasury,  arising  from  the  produce  of  the  valuable  silver  mines  at  Lau- 
rium.  These  mines,  which  belonged  to  the  state,  were  situated  in  the 
southern  part  of  Attica,  near  Cape  Sunium,  in  the  midst  of  a  mountainous 
district.*  It  had  been  recently  proposed  to  distribute  this  surplus  among 
the  Athenian  citizens ;  but  Themistocles  persuaded  them  to  sacrifice  theur 
private  advantage  to  the  pubhc  good,  and  to  appropriate  this  money  to 
buildmg  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  ships.  The  immediate  want  of  a  fleet  to 
cope  with  the  JEginetans  probably  weighed  with  the  Athenian  people 
more  powerfully  than  the  prospective  danger  from  the  Persiims.  "  And 
thus,"  as  Herodotus  says,  "  the  iEginetan  war  saved  Greece  by  compeb- 
ling  the  Athenians  to  make  themselves  a  maritime  power."  Not  only 
were  these  two  hundred  ships  built,  but  Themistocles  also  succeeded 
about  the  same  tune  in  persuading  the  Athenians  to  pass  a  decree  that 
twenty  new  ships  should  be  built  every  year. 

S  15.  Of  the  internal  histoiy  of  Athens  during  the  ten  years  between 
the  battles  of  Marathon  and  Salamis  we  have  little  information.  We 
only  know  that  the  two  leading  citizens  of  this  period  were  Themistocles 
and  Aristeides.  These  two  eminent  men  formed  a  striking  contrast  to 
each  other.  Themistocles  possessed  abilities  of  the  most  extraoixlinary 
kind.  In  intuitive  sagacity,  in  ready  invention,  and  in  prompt  and  daring 
execution,  he  surpasses  almost  every  statesman,  whetlier  of  ancient  or  of 
modem  times.  With  unemng  foresight  he  divined  the  plans  of  his  ene- 
mies ;  in  the  midst  of  difficulties  and  perplexities,  not  only  was  he  never 
at  a  loss  for  an  expedient,  but  he  always  adopted  the  right  one ;  and  he 
carried  out  liis  schemes  with  an  energy  and  a  promptness  which  astonished 
both  friends  and  foes.    But  these  transcendant  abilities  were  marred  by  a 


want  of  honesty.  In  the  exercise  of  power  he  was  accessible  to  bribes, 
and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  employ  dishonest  means  for  the  aggrandizement 
both  of  Athens  and  of  himself.  He  closed  a  glorious  caieer  in  disgrace 
and  infamy,  an  exile  and  a  traitor. 

Aristeides  was  inferior  to  Themistocles  in  ability,  but  was  incomparably 
superior,  not  only  to  him  but  to  all  his  contemporaries,  in  honesty  and  in- 
tegrity. In  the  administration  of  public  affairs  he  acted  with  a  single  eye 
to  the  public  good,  regardless  of  party  ties  and  of  personal  friendships. 
His  uprightness  and  justice  were  so  universally  acknowledged,  that  he  re- 
ceived the  surname  of  the  Just  But  these  very  viitues  procured  him 
enemies.  Not  only  did  he  incur  the  hatred  of  those  whose  corrupt  prac- 
tices he  denounced  and  exposed,  but  many  of  liis  fellow-citizens  became 
jealous  of  a  man  whose  superiority  was  constantly  proclaimed.  We  a«3 
told  that  an  unlettered  countryman  gave  his  vote  against  Aristeides  at  the 
ostracism  sunply  on  the  ground  that  he  was  tired  of  hearing  liun  always 

called  the  Just. 

Between  men  of  such  opposite  characters  as  Themistocles  and  Aris- 
teides there  could  not  be  much  agreement.  In  the  management  of  public 
affairs  they  frequently  came  into  collision ;  and  they  opposed  each  other 
with  such  violence  and  anunosity,  that  Aristeides  is  reported  to  have  said, 
"  If  the  Athenians  were  wise,  they  would  cast  both  of  us  into  the  bara- 
thrum." After  three  or  four  years  of  bitter  rivalry,  the  two  chiefs  appealed 
to  the  ostracism,  and  Aristeides  was  banished. 

Aristeides  had  used  all  his  efforts  to  prevent  the  Athenians  from  aban- 
doning their  ancient  habits,  and  from  converting  their  state  from  a  land 
into  a  maritime  power.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  viewed  such  a 
change  as  a  dangerous  innovation,  and  thought  that  the  sailor  would  not 
make  so  good  an  Athenian  citizen  as  the  heavy-armed  soldier.  It  was 
fortunate,  however,  for  the  liberties  of  Greece,  that  the  arguments  of  his 
rival  prevailed.  Aristeides  was  a  far  more  virtuous  citizen  than  Themis- 
tocles ;  but  their  country  could  now  dispense  with  the  former  much  better 
than  with  the  latter. 


*  Smne  of  the  shaft?,  and  large  accumnlations  of  scoria,  still  testify  to  the  extent  of  the 
ancient  mining  operations  in  the  district  of  Laorium.  —  Ed. 


M.IAT(AAH2 
XIMdNEZ 
ABHNAIOX 


Bust  of  Miltiades. 


HISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVIH. 


B.  C  485.] 


ACCESSION   OF  XERXES. 


173 


View  of  Thermopylae. 


CHAPTER  XVm. 

THE  BATTLES   OF  THERMOPYL^   AND  ARTEMISIUM. 

)  1.  Death  of  Dfirins  and  Accession  of  Xerxes.  §  2.  Preparations  for  the  Invasion  of 
Greece.  §  3.  A  Bridge  thrown  across  the  Hellespont,  and  a  Canal  cut  throngh  the 
Isthmus  of  Mount  Athos.  \  4.  Xerxes  sets  out  from  Sardis.  Order  of  the  March, 
f  5.  Passage  of  the  Hellespont.  §  6.  Numbering  of  the  Army  on  the  Plain  of  Doriscus. 
\  7.  Continuation  of  the  March  from  Doriscus  to  Mount  Olympus.  §  8.  Preparations  of 
the  Greeks  to  resist  Xerxes.  Congress  of  the  Grecian  States  at  the  Isthmus  of  Cor- 
inth. \  9.  Patriotism  of  the  Athenians.  Resolution  of  the  Greeks  to  defend  the  Pass 
of  Tempe,  wliich  is  afterwards  abandoned.  §  10.  Description  of  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae, 
^  11.  Leonidas  sent  out  with  Three  Hundred  Spartans  to  defend  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae. 
^  12.  Attack  and  Repulse  of  the  Persians  at  Thermopylse.  §  13.  A  Persian  Detachment 
cross  the  Mountains  by  a  Secret  Path  in  order  to  fall  upon  the  Greeks  in  the  Rear. 
^  14.  Heroic  Death  of  Leonidas  and  his  Comrades.  §  15.  lilonuments  erected  to  their 
Honor.  §  16.  Proceedings  of  the  Persian  and  Grecian  Fleets.  ^  17.  The  Persian  Fleet 
overtaken  by  a  Terrible  Storm.  §  18.  The  First  Battle  of  Artemisium.  §  19.  Second 
Storm.    §  20.  Second  Battle  of  Artemisium.    Retreat  of  the  Grecian  Fleet  to  Salamis. 

§  1.  The  defeat  of  the  Persians  at  Marathon  served  only  to  increase 
the  resentment  of  Darius.  He  now  resolved  to  collect  the  whole  forces 
of  his  empire,  and  to  lead  them  in  person  against  Athens.  For  three 
years,  busy  preparations  were  made  throughout  his  vast  dominions.*  In 
the  fourth  year,  Ms  attention  was  distracted  by  a  revolt  of  the  Egyptians, 
who  had  always  borne  the  Persian  yoke  with  impatience ;  and  before  he 
could  reduce  them  to  subjection  he  was  surprised  by  death,  after  a  reign 
»f  thirty-seven  years  (b.  c.  485). 


The  death  of  Darius  was  a  fortunate  event  for  Greece.  It  deprived 
the  Persians  of  an  able  ruler,  who  possessed  an  extensive  knowledge  of 
men  and  of  affairs,  and  it  gave  the  Athenians  time  to  form  the  navy 
which  proved  the  salvation  of  Greece.  Xerxes,  the  son  and  successor  of 
Darius,  was  a  man  of  little  ability  and  less  experience.  Being  the  favor- 
ite son  of  Atossa,  the  daughter  of  the  great  Cyrus,  he  had  received  the 
education  of  an  Eastern  despot,  and  been  surrounded  with  slaves  from  his 
cradle.  In  person  he  was  the  tallest  and  handsomest  man  amidst  the  vast 
hosts  which  he  led  against  Greece ;  but  there  was  notliing  in  his  mind  to 
correspond  to  this  fair  exterior.  His  character  was  marked  by  faint- 
hearted timidity  and  childish  vanity.  Such  was  the  monarch  upon  whom 
now  devolved  the  execution  of  the  schemes  of  Darius. 

Xerxes  had  not  inherited  his  father's  animosity  against  Greece,  and  at 
fii*st  appeared  ready  to  abandon  the  enterprise.  But  he  was  surrounded 
by  men  who  urged  him  to  prosecute  his  fiither's  plans.  Foremost  among 
these  was  Mardonius,  who  was  eager  to  retrieve  his  reputation,  and  to 
obtain  the  conquered  country  as  a  satrapy  for  himself.  The  powerful 
family  of  the  Thessalian  Aleuadai  and  the  exiled  Peisistratids  from  Athens 
warmly  seconded  the  views  of  Mardonius,  exaggerating  the  fertility  and 
beauty  of  Greece,  and  promising  the  monarch  an  easy  and  a  glorious  vic- 
tory. They  also  inflamed  his  ambition  w^ith  the  pi-ospect  of  emulating  the 
military  glory  of  his  father,  Darius,  and  of  his  grandfather,  Cyrus,  and  of 
extending  his  dominions  to  the  flirthest  limits  of  the  world.  The  only  one 
of  his  counsellors  who  urged  him  to  adopt  a  contrary  course  was  his  uncle 
Artabanus ;  but  his  advice  was  rejected,  and  Xerxes  finally  determined 
upon  the  invasion  of  Greece. 

§  2.  The  subjugation  of  the  Egyptians,  however,  claimed  his  immediate 
attention.  This  was  effected  without  much  difficulty  in  the  second  year 
of  his  reign  (b.  c.  484)  ;  and  he  was  now  at  liberty  to  march  agamst 
Greece.  Darius  had  nearly  completed  his  preparations  for  the  invasion 
of  Greece  at  the  time  of  his  death ;  and  the  forces  which  he  had  collected 
were  considered  by  this  prudent  monarch  sufficient  for  the  purpose.  The 
new  king  was  anxious  to  make  a  still  more  imposing  display  of  his  power. 
He  was  not  satisfied  with  collecting  a  military  power  sufficient  for  the 
conquest  of  Europe ;  he  also  resolved  to  gratify  his  vanity  and  love  of 
ostentation  by  gathering  together  the  most  numerous  armament  which  the 
world  had  ever  seen.  Accordingly,  for  four  years  more  the  din  of  prepa- 
ration sounded  throughout  Asia.  Troops  were  collected  from  every  quar- 
ter of  the  Persian  empire,  and  were  ordered  to  assemble  at  Critalla,  in 
Cappadocia.  As  many  as  forty-six  different  nations  composed  the  land 
force,  of  various  complexions,  languages,  dresses,  and  arms.  Among 
them  might  be  seen  many  strange  and-  barbarous  tribes,  —  nomad  hordes 
of  Asiatics,  anned  with  a  dagger  and  a  lasso,  ^vith  which  they  entangled 
then'  enemy,  —  Libyans,  whose  only  arms  were  wooden  staves  with  the 


lli!l 


!iil 


172 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVIII. 


i 


I  V 


If 


View  of  ThermopylsB. 


CHAPTER  XVni. 


THE   BATTLES    OF   THERMOPYL^   AND   ARTEMISTUM. 

4  1.  Death  of  Daritis  and  Accession  of  Xerxes.  §  2.  Preparations  for  the  Invasion  of 
Greece.  §  3.  A  Bridge  thrown  across  the  Hellespont,  and  a  Canal  cut  thronfrh  the 
Isthmus  of  ifonnt  Atlios.  §  4.  Xerxes  sets  out  from  Sardis.  Order  of  the  ^larch. 
§  5.  Passaire  of  the  }K'Ile<pont.  §  6.  Xnmbering  of  the  Army  on  the  Plain  of  Doriscus. 
^  7.  Continuation  of  the  March  from  Doriscus  to  Mount  Olympus.  §  8.  Preparations  of 
the  Greeks  to  resist  Xerxes.  Conjzress  of  tlie  Grecian  States  at  the  Isthmus  of  Cor- 
inth. §  9.  r:it)-!<.tisin  c»f  the  Athenians.  Resolution  of  the  Greeks  to  defend  the  Pass 
of  Tempe,  which  is  afterwards  abandoned.  §  10.  Description  of  the  Pass  of  Thennopylje. 
§  11.  Leonidas  sent  out  with  Three  Hundred  Spartans  to  defend  the  Pass  of  Thermopvlfe. 
§  12.  Attack  and  h'epiUse  of  the  Persians  at  TheiTnopyla?.  §  13.  A  Persian  Detachment 
cross  the  Mountains  Ity  a  Secret  Path  in  order  to  fall  upon  the  Greeks  in  the  Kcar. 
§  14.  Heroic  Death  of  Leonidas  and  his  Comrachis.  §  15.  ^lonuments  erected  to  their 
Honor.  ^  16.  Proceedings  of  the  Persian  and  Grecian  Fleets.  §  17.  The  Persian  Fleet 
overtaken  by  a  Terriltle  Stonn.  ^  18.  The  First  Battle  of  Artemisimn.  §  19.  Second 
Stonn.    §  20.  Second  Battle  of  Artemisium.    Eetreat  of  the  Grecian  Fleet  to  Salamis. 


} 


I 


§  1.  TnK  defeat  of  the  Persians  at  IMarathon  served  only  fo  increase 
tlie  resentment  of  Darius.  He  now  resolved  to  collect  the  whole  forces 
of  liis  empire,  and  to  lead  tlieni  in  i)erson  against  Athens.  For  three 
years,  busy  preparations  were  made  throughout  his  vast  dominions.*  In 
the  fuurtli  year,  his  attention  was  distracted  by  a  revolt  of  the  Egyptians, 
who  had  always  borne  the  Persian  yoke  with  impatience ;  and  before  he 
could  i-educe  them  to  subjection  he  was  surprised  by  death,  after  a  reign 
ftf  thirty-seven  years  (b.  c.  485). 


i 


B.  C.  485.] 


ACCESSION   OF   XERXES. 


17S 


The  death  of  Darius  was  a  fortunate  event  for  Greece.  It  deprived 
the  Persians  of  an  able  ruler,  who  possessed  an  extensive  knowledge  of 
men  and  of  affairs,  and  it  gave  the  Athenians  time  to  form  the  navy 
which  proved  the  salvation  of  Greece.  Xerxes,  tlie  son  and  successor  of 
Darius,  was  a  man  of  little  ability  and  less  experience.  Being  the  favor- 
ite son  of  Atossa,  the  daughter  of  the  great  Cyrus,  he  had  received  the 
education  of  an  Eastern  despot,  and  been  surrounded  with  slaves  from  his 
cradle.  In  i)erson  he  was  the  tallest  and  handsomest  man  amidst  the  vast 
hosts  which  he  led  against  Greece ;  but  there  was  nothing  in  his  mind  to 
correspond  to  this  fair  exterior.  His  character  was  marked  by  faint- 
hearted timidity  and  childish  vanity.  Such  Avas  the  monarch  upon  whom 
now  devolved  the  execution  of  the  schemes  of  Darius. 

Xerxes  had  not  inherited  his  father's  animosity  against  Greece,  and  at 
first  api)eared  ready  to  abandon  the  enterprise.  But  he  was  surrounded 
by  men  who  urged  him  to  prosecute  his  father's  plans.  Foremost  among 
these  was  Mardonius,  who  was  eager  to  retrieve  his  reputation,  and  to 
obtain  the  conquered  country  as  a  satrapy  for  himself.  The  powerful 
family  of  the  Thessalian  Aleuada^  and  the  exiled  Peisistratids  from  Atliens 
warmly  seconded  the  views  of  Mardonius,  exaggerating  the  fertility  and 
beauty  of  Greece,  and  promising  the  monarch  an  easy  and  a  glorious  vic- 
tory. They  also  inflamed  his  ambition  with  tlie  prospect  of  emulating  the 
military  glory  of  his  father,  Darius,  and  of  his  grandfather,  Cyrus,  and  of 
extending  his  dominions  to  the  farthest  limits  of  the  world.  The  only  one 
of  his  counsellors  who  urged  him  to  adojit  a  contnny^  course  was  his  uncle 
Artalianus ;  but  his  advice  was  rejected,  and  Xerxes  finally  determined 
upon  the  invasion  of  Greece. 

§  2.  The  subjugation  of  tlie  Egyptians,  however,  claimed  his  immediate 
attention.  This  was  effected  without  much  diilieulty  in  the  second  year 
of  liis  reign  (u.  C.  48  4)  ;  and  he  was  now  at  liberty  to  march  against 
Greece.  Darius  had  nearly  completed  his  preparations  for  the  invasion 
of  Greece  at  the  time  of  his  death ;  and  the  forces  which  he  had  collected 
were  considered  by  this  prudent  monarch  sullicient  for  tlie  purpose.  The 
new  king  was  anxious  to  make  a  still  more  imposing  disi)lay  of  his  power. 
He  was  not  satisfied  Avith  collecting  a  military  j)0\ver  sufficient  for  the 
conquest  of  Eurojie ;  he  also  resolved  to  gratify  his  vanity  and  love  of 
ostentation  l)y  gathering  together  the  most  numerous  armament  whicli  the 
world  had  ever  seen.  Accordingly,  for  four  years  more  the  din  of  prepa- 
ration sounded  throughout  Asia.  Troops  were  collected  from  every  quar- 
ter of  the  Persian  empire,  and  were  ordered  to  assemble  at  Critalla,  in 
Cappadocia.  As  many  as  forty-six  different  nations  composed  the  land 
force,  of  various  complexions,  languages,  dresses,  and  arms.  Among 
them  might  be  seen  many  strange  and- barbarous  tribes,  —  nomad  hordes 
of  Asiatics,  armed  with  a  dagger  and  a  lasso,  Avitli  which  they  entangled 
their  enemy,  —  Libyans,  whose  only  arms  were  wooden  staves  with  the 


in 


BfSTOUT  OF  OBEECE. 


[Chap.  XVIIl 


41 


end  hardened  in  the  fire,  —  and  Ethiopians,  from  the  Upper  Nile,  with 
their  bodies  painted  half  white  and  half  red,  clothed  with  the  skins  of  lions 
and  panthers,  and  armed  with  arrows  tipped  with  a  point  of  sharp  stone 
instead  of  iron.  The  fleet  was  furnished  by  the  Phoenicians  and  lonians, 
and  other  maritime  nations  subject  to  the  Persian  monarch.  Immense 
stores  of  provisions  were  at  the  same  time  collected  from  every  part  of  the 
empire,  and  deposited  at  suitable  stations  along  the  line  of  march  as  far  as 
the  confines  of  Greece. 

§  3.  While  these  vast  preparations  were  going  on,  two  great  works  were 
also  undertaken,  wliich  would  at  the  same  time  both  render  the  expedition 
easier,  and  bear  witness  to  the  grandeur  and  might  of  the  Persian  king. 
These  were  the  construction  of  a  bridge  across  the  Hellespont,  and  the 
cutting  of  a  canal  tlux)ugh  the  isthmus  of  Mount  Athos.  The  first  of  these 
works  was  intrusted  to  Phoenician  and  Egyptian  engineers.  The  bridge 
extended  from  the  neigborhood  of  Abydos,  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  to  a  spot 
between  Sestus  and  Madytus,  on  the  European  side,  where  the  strait  is 
about  an  English  mile  in  breadth.  After  it  had  been  completed,  it  was 
destroyed  by  a  violent  storm,  at  which  Xerxes  was  so  enraged,  that  he 
not  only  caused  the  heads  of  the  chief  engineers  to  be  stnick  off,  but  in 
his  daring  impiety  commanded  the  "  divine  "  Hellespont  to  be  scourged,  and 
a  set  of  fetters  cast  into  it.  Thus  having  given  vent  to  his  resentment, 
he  ordered  two  bridges  to  be  built  in  place  of  the  former,  one  for  the  army 
to  pass  over,  and  the  other  for  the  baggage  and  beasts  of  burden.  The 
new  work  consisted  of  two  broad  causeways  alongside  of  one  another,  each 
resting  upon  a  row  of  ships,  which  were  moored  by  anchors,  and  by  cables 
fastened  to  the  sides  of  the  channel. 

The  voyage  round  the  rocky  promontory  of  Mount  Athos  had  become 
an  object  of  dread  to  the  Persians,  from  the  terrible  shipwreck  which  the 
fleet  of  Mardonius  had  suffered  on  this  dangerous  coast.  It  was  to  avoid 
the  necessity  of  doubling  this  cape  that  Xerxes  ordered  a  canal  to  be  cut 
through  the  isthmus  which  connects  the  peninsula  of  Mount  Athos  with  the 
mainland.  This  work  employed  a  large  number  of  men  for  three  years.  It 
was  about  a  mile  and  a  half  long,  and  sufficiently  broad  and  deep  for  two 
triremes  to  sail  abreast.  The  traces  of  this  canal,  which  are  still  distinctly 
visible,  sufficiently  disprove  the  assertion  of  many  writers,  both  ancient 
and  modem,  that  the  cutting  through  of  Mount  Athos  is  a  mere  fiction.* 

§  4.  At  the  end  of  the  year  481  B.C.,  all  the  preparations  were  com- 
pleted for  the  invasion  of  Greece.  Xerxes  spent  the  winter  at  Sardis ;  and 
early  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year  (480)  he  set  out  from  the  Lydian 
capital  in  aU  the  pomp  and  splendor  of  a  royal  progress.    The  vast  host 

*  Juvenal  speaks  of  it  as  a  specimen  of  Greek  mendacity:  — 

"  creditnr  olim 
Velificatns  Athos,  et  quidqnid  Grsecia  mendaz 
Audet  in  historia.-' 


B.  C.  480.] 


MARCH   OF   XERXES; 


175 


was  divided  into  two  bodies  of  nearly  equal  size,  between  which  ample 
space  was  left  for  the  Great  King  and  his  Persian  guards.  The  baggage 
led  the  way,  and  was  followed  by  one  half  of  the  ai-my,  without  any  dis- 
tinction of  nations.  Then  after  an  interval  came  the  retinue  of  the  king. 
First  of  all  marched  a  thousand  Persian  horsemen,  followed  by  an  equal 
number  of  Persian  spearmen,  the  latter  carrying  spears  with  the  points 
downwards,  and  ornamented  at  the  other  end  with  golden  pomegranates. 
Behind  them  walked  ten  sacred  horses,  gorgeously  caparisoned,  bred  on 
the  Nisfean  plain  of  Media ;  next  the  sacred  car  of  Jove,  drawn  by  eight 
white  horses ;  and  then  Xerxes  himself  in  a  chariot,  drawn  by  Nisjean 
horses.  He  was  followed  by  a  thousand  spearmen  and  a  thousand  horse- 
men, corresponding  to  the  two  detachments  which  immedately  preceded 
him.  They  were  succeeded  by  ten  thousand  Persian  infantry,  called  the 
"  Immortals,"  because  their  number  was  always  maintained.  Nine  thou- 
sand of  them  had  their  spears  ornamented  with  pomegranates  of  silver  at 
the  reverse  extremity ;  while  the  remaining  thousand,  who  occupied  the 
outer  ranks,  carried  spears  similarly  adonied  with  pomegranates  of  gold. 
After  the  "  Immortals  "  came  ten  thousand  Persian  cavidiy,  who  formed 
the  rear  of  the  royal  retinue.  Then,  after  an  interval  of  two  furlongs, 
the  other  half  of  the  army  followed. 

§  5.  In  this  order  the  multitudinous  host  marched  from  Sardis  to 
Abydos,  on  the  Hellespont.  Here  a  marble  throne  was  erected  for  the 
monarch  upon  an  eminence,  from  which  he  surveyed  all  the  earth  covered 
with  his  troops,  and  all  the  sea  crowded  with  his  vessels.  His  heart 
swelled  within  him  at  the  sight  of  such  a  vast  assemblage  of  human 
beings ;  but  his  feehngs  of  pride  and  pleasure  soon  gave  way  to  sadness, 
and  he  burst  into  tears  at  the  reflection,  that  in  a  hundred  years  not  one 
of  them  would  be  alive.  At  the  first  rays  of  the  rising  sun  the  army  com- 
menced the  passage  of  the  Hellespont  The  bridges  were  perfumed  with 
frankincense  and  strewed  with  myrtle,  while  Xerxes  himself  poured 
libations  into  the  sea  from  a  golden  beaker,  and,  turning  his  face  towards 
the  etist,  offered  prayers  to  the  sun  that  he  might  carry  his  victorious  arms 
to  the  farthest  extremities  of  Europe.  Then  throwing  the  beaker  into 
the  sea,  together  with  a  golden  bowl  and  a  Persian  cimeter,  he  ordered 
the  Immortals  to  lead  the  way.  The  army  crossed  by  one  bridge,  and 
the  baggage  by  the  other ;  but  so  vast  were  their  numbers,  that  they  were 
seven  days  and  seven  nights  in  passing  over,  without  a  moment  of  inter- 
mission. The  speed  of  the  troops  was  quickened  by  the  lash,  which  was 
constantly  employed  by  the  Persians  to  urge  on  the  troops  in  the  battle 
as  well  as  during  the  march.* 

§  6.  Upon  reaching  Europe,  Xerxes  continued  his  march  along  the 


i. 


( 


♦  Whips  made  of  the  hide  of  the  hippopotamus  were  used  by  Ibrahim  Pasha  to  flog  the 
Arabs  into  battle  during  the  Egyptian  invasion  of  Greece  in  1827. 


m 


176 


mSTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVHI. 


coast  of  Thrace.  Upon  arriving  at  the  spacious  plain  of  Doriscus,  which 
is  traversed  by  the  river  Hebrus,  he  resolved  to  number  both  his  land  and 
naval  forces.  The  mode  employed  for  numbering  the  foot-soldiers  was 
remarkable.  Ten  thousand  men  were  first  numbered,  and  packed  to- 
gether as  closely  as  they  could  stand ;  a  line  was  drawn,  and  a  wall  built 
round  the  place  they  had  occupied,  into  which  all  the  soldiers  entered 
successively,  till  the  whole  army  was  thus  measured.  There  were  found 
to  be  a  hundred  and  seventy  of  these  divisions,  thus  making  a  total  of 
1,700,000  foot.  Besides  these,  there  were  80,000  horse,  and  many  war- 
chariots  and  camels,  with  about  20,000  men.  The  fleet  consisted  of  1,207 
triremes,  and  3,000  smaller  vesseb.  Each  trireme  was  manned  by  200 
rowers  and  30  fightmg  men;  and  each  of  the  accompanying  vessels  car 
ried  8  men,  according  to  the  calculation  of  Herodotus.  Thus  the  naval 
Ibrce  amounted  to  517,610.  The  whole  armament,  both  military  and 
naval,  which  passed  over  from  Asia  to  Doriscus,  would  accordingly  con- 
sist of  2,317,610  men.  Nor  is  this  all.  In  his  march  from  Doriscus  to 
Thermopylae,  Xerxes  received  a  still  further  accession  of  strength.  The 
Thracian  tribes,  the  Macedonians,  and  the  other  nations  in  Europe  whose 
territories  he  traversed,  supplied  300,000  men,  and  120  triremes  con- 
taining an  aggregate  of  24,000  men.  Thus  when  he  reached  Thermopylae 
the  land  and  sea  forces  amounted  to  2,641,610  fighting  men.  This  does 
not  include  the  attendants,  the  slaves,  the  crews  jof  the  provision  ships, 
&c.,  which,  according  to  the  supposition  of  Herodotus,  were  more  hi 
number  than  the  fighting  men ;  but  supposing  them  to  have  been  equal, 
the  total  number  of  male  persons  who  accompanied  Xerxes  to  Ther- 
mopyloB  reaches  the  astounding  aggregate  of  5,283,220  ! 

Such  are  the  vast  numbers  given  by  Herodotus.  They  seem  so  in- 
credible, that  many  writers  have  been  led  to  impeach  the  veracity  of  the 
historian.  But  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  Herodotus  had  received  his 
account  from  persons  Avho  were  present  at  Doriscus,  and  that  he  has 
feithfuUy  recorded  the  numbers  that  had  been  related  to  him.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  these  numbers  were  at  first  grossly  exaggerated 
in  order  to  please  Xerxes  himself,  and  were  still  further  magnified  by  the 
Greeks  to  exalt  their  own  heroism  in  overcoming  such  an  enormous  host. 
The  exact  number  of  the  invading  army  cannot  be  determined ;  but  we 
may  safely  conclude,  from  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  that  it  was  the 
largest  ever  assembled  at  any  period  of  history. 

§  7.  From  Doriscus  Xerxes  continued  his  march  along  the  coast, 
through  Thrace  and  Macedonia.  The  principal  cities  through  which  he 
passed  had  to  furnish  a  day's  meal  for  the  immense  host,  and  for  this 
purpose  had  made  preparations  many  months  beforehand.  The  cost  of 
feeding  such  a  multitude  brought  many  cities  to  the  brink  of  ruin.  The 
island  of  Thasos  alone,  which  had  to  undertake  this  onerous  duty  on 
account  of  its  possessions  on  the  mainland,  expended  no  less  a  sum  than 


-'T 


B.  C.  480.] 


PREPAEATIONS  OF  THE  GREEKS. 


177 


400  talents,  or  nearly  £100,000  in  our  money ;  and  a  witty  citizen  of 
Abdera  recommended  his  countrymen  to  return  thanks  to  the  gods, 
because  Xerxes  was  satisfied  with  one  meal  in  the  day.  At  Acanthus, 
Xerxes  was  gratified  by  the  sight  of  the  wonderful  canal,  which  had  been 
executed  by  his  order.  Here  he  parted  for  the  first  time  from  his  fleet, 
which  was  directed  to  double  the  peninsulas  of  Sithonia  and  Pallene, 
and  wait  his  arrival  at  the  city  of  Therma,  which  is  better  known  by 
its  later  name  of  Thessalonica.  In  his  march  through  the  wild  and  woody 
country  between  Acanthus  and  Therma,  his  baggage-camels  were  attacked 
by  lions,  which  then  existed  in  this  part  of  Europe.*  At  Therma  he 
rejoined  his  fleet,  and  continued  his  march  along  the  coast  till  he  reached 
Mount  Olympus,  separating  Macedonia  from  the  country  properly  called 
Hellas.  The  part  of  Europe  through  which  he  had  hitherto  marched  had 
been  already  conquered  by  Megabazus  and  Mardonius,  and  yielded  im- 
plicit obedience  to  the  Persian  monarch.  He  was  now  for  the  first  time 
about  to  leave  his  own  dominions  and  tread  upon  the  Hellenic  soil. 

§  8.  The  mighty  preparations  of  Xerxes  had  been  no  secret  in  Greece ; 
and  while  he  was  passing  the  winter  at  Sardis,  a  congress  of  the  Grecian 
states  was  summoned  to  meet  at  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth.  This  congress 
had  been  convened  by  the  Spartans  and  Athenians,  who  now  made  a 
vigorous  effort  to  unite  the  members  of  the  Hellenic  race  in  one  great 
league  for  the  defence  of  their  hearths  and  their  homes.  But  in  this  at- 
tempt they  failed.  The  salvation  of  Greece  appeared  to  depend  upon  its 
unanimity,  and  this  unanimity  could  not  be  obtained.  Such  was  the  terror 
inspired  by  the  countless  hosts  of  Xerxes,  and  so  absurd  did  it  seem  to  offer 
resistance  to  his  superhunum  power,  that  many  of  the  Grecian  states  at 
once  tendered  their  submission  to  him  when  he  sent  to  demand  earth  and 
water,  and  others  at  a  greater  distance  refused  to  take  any  part  in  the 


congress. 


Taking  a  glance  at  the  Hellenic  world,  we  shall  be  astonished  to  see 
how  small  a  portion  of  the  Greeks  had  the  courage  to  resist  the  Persian 
desi)ot.  The  only  people  north  and  east  of  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  who 
remained  faithful  to  the  cause  of  Grecian  liberty  were  the  Athenians  and 
Phocians,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  small  Boeotian  towns  of  Platfca  and 
Thespia?.  The  other  people  in  Northern  Greece  were  either  partisans  of 
the  Persians,  hke  the  Thebans,  or  were  unwilling  to  make  any  great 
sacrifices  for  the  presentation  of  their  independence. 

In  Peloponnesus,  the  powerful  city  of  Argos  stood  sullenly  aloof  The 
Argives  had  never  forgotten  that  they  were  once  the  ruling  people  in 
Peloponnesus.  They  had  made  many  attempts  to  resist  the  growing 
power  and  influence  of  Sparta ;  but  about  five  years  before  the  battle  of 


♦  The  figure  of  a  lion  seizing  a  bull  is  found  on  the  reverse  of  the  coins  of  Acan- 
thus. 

23 


4 


.  ' , 


178 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVni. 


Marathon  (b.  c.  595),  they  had  been  effectually  humbled  by  th^  great 
victory  which  the  Spartan  king,  Cleomenes,  had  gained  over  them,  and  in 
which  as  many  as  six  thousand  of  their  citizens  perished.  Tliey  therefore 
contemplated  the  invasion  of  Xerxes  with  indifference,  if  not  with  pleasure, 
and  were  more  willing  to  submit  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Persian  mon- 
arch than  to  the  supremacy  of  their  hated  rivals.  The  Achaeans  likewise 
took  no  part  in  the  contest,  probably  from  hatred  to  the  Dorians,  who  had 
driven  their  ancestoi-s  from  their  homes. 

From  the  more  distant  members  of  the  Hellenic  race  no  assistance  was 
obtained.  Envoys  had  been  sent  by  the  congress  at  Corinth  to  Crete, 
Corcyra,  and  Syracuse.  The  Cretans  excused  themselves  under  pretence 
of  an  oracle.  The  Corcyraeans  promised  their  aid,  and  despatched  a  fleet 
of  sixty  vessels,  but  with  strict  orders  not  to  double  Cape  Malea  till  the 
result  of  the  contest  should  be  known.  Gelon,  the  ruler  of  Syracuse, 
offered  to  send  a  powerful  armament,  provided  the  command  of  the  allied 
forces  was  intrusted  to  him;  but  the  envoys  did  not  venture  to  accept 
a  proposal,  which  would  have  placed  both  Sparta  and  Athens  under  the 
control  of  a  Sicilian  despot. 

§  9.  The  desertion  of  the  cause  of  Grecian  independence  by  so  many 
of  the  Greeks  did  not  shake  the  resolution  of  Sparta  and  of  Athens.  The 
Athenians,  especially,  set  a  noble  example  of  an  enlarged  patriotism. 
They  became  reconciled  to  the  iEginetans,  and  thus  gained  for  the  com- 
mon cause  the  powerful  navy  of  their  rival.  They  readily  granted  to  the 
Spartans  the  supreme  command  of  the  forces  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land,  al- 
though they  furnished  two  thirds  of  the  vessels  of  the  entire  fleet.  Their 
illustrious  citizen  Tliemistocles  was  the  soul  of  the  congress.  He  sought 
to  enkindle  in  the  other  Greeks  some  portion  of  the  ardor  and  energy 
which  he  had  succeeded  in  breathing  into  the  Athenians.  The  confed- 
erates bound  themselves  to  resist  to  the  death ;  and  in  case  of  success,  to 
consecrate  to  the  Delphian  god  a  tenth  of  the  property  of  every  Grecian 
state  which  had  surrendered  to  the  Persians  without  being  compelled  by 
irresistible  necessity. 

The  congress  had  now  to  fix  upon  the  spot  where  they  should  offer  re- 
sistance to  the  Persians.  The  Thessalians,  who  dreaded  the  return  of  the 
Aleuadae  to  their  cities,  urged  the  congress  to  send  a  body  of  men  to  guard 
the  pass  of  Tempe,  which  forms  the  entrance  to  Northern  Greece.  They 
promised  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  defence ;  adding,  that,  if  the  request 
was  refused,  they  should  be  obliged  to  make  terms  with  the  Persians. 
Accordingly  a  body  of  ten  thousand  men  was  sent  into  Thessaly  under 
the  command  of  the  Spartan  Eusenetus  and  the  Athenian  Themistocles. 
The  pass  of  Tempe  is  a  long  and  narrow  defile  in  Mount  Olympus,  through 
which  the  river  Peneus  forces  its  way  into  the  sea.  On  each  side,  steep 
and  inaccessible  mountains  rise  to  a  great  height,  and  in  some  parts  ap- 
proach so  closely  as  to  leave  scarcely  sufficient  space  for  a  road.    It  is  im- 


B.  C.  480.] 


BATTLE   OF   THEEMOPTL.E. 


179 


possible  for  an  army  to  force  its  way  through  this  pass,  if  defended  by  a 
resolute  body  of  men ;  but  upon  arriving  at  the  spot,  the  Grecian  com- 
manders perceived  that  it  would  be  easy  for  the  Persians  to  land  troops  in 
their  rear ;  and  they  learnt  at  the  same  time,  that  there  was  another  pas- 
sage across  Mount  Olympus,  a  little  farther  to  the  west.  For  these  reasons 
they  considered  it  necessary  to  abandon  this  position,  and  return  to  the 
Istlmius  of  Corinth.  Their  retreat  was  followed  by  the  submission  of  the 
whole  of  Thessaly  to  Xerxes. 

§  10.  After  Tempe,  the  next  spot  in  Greece  most  convenient  for  de- 
fence against  an  invading  army  is  the  pass  of  Thennopylae.  This  cele- 
brated pass  lies  between  the  lofty  and  precipitous  mountains  of  (Eta,  and 
an  inaccessible  morass  forminnj  the  edjje  of  the  Malian  Gulf.  It  is  about  a 
mile  in  length.  At  each  of  its  extremities  the  mountains  approach  so  near 
the  morass,  as  to  leave  barely  room  for  the  passage  of  a  single  carriage. 
These  narrow  entrances  were  called  Pylse,  or  the  Gates.  The  Northern,  or 
to  speak  more  properly,  the  western  Gate,  was  close  to  the  town  of  Anthela, 
where  the  Amphictyonic  Council  held  its  autumnal  meetings ;  while  the 
southern,  or  the  eastern  Gate,  was  near  the  Locrian  town  of  Alpeni.  The 
space  between  the  gates  was  wider  and  more  open,  and  was  distinguished 
by  its  hot  springs,  from  which  the  pass  derived  the  name  of  Thermopylae, 
or  the  "  Hot  Gates."  This  pass  was  as  defensible  as  that  of  Tempe,  and 
in  one  important  respect  possessed  a  decided  superiority  over  the  latter. 
The  island  of  Eubcea  is  here  separated  from  the  mainland  by  a  narrow 
strait,  which  in  one  part  is  only  two  miles  and  a  half  in  breadth ;  and 
accordingly  it  is  easy,  by  defending  this  part  of  the  sea  with  a  fleet,  to  pre- 
vent an  enemy  from  landing  troops  at  the  southern  end  of  the  pass.* 


Plan  of  Thennopylae. 


.1; 


![ 


♦  The  present  condition  of  Thermopylae  corresponds  closely  ^vith  the  ancient  descrip- 
tions, except  that  the  morass,  formed  by  the  deposits  of  the  Spercheios,  occupies  a  space 


V-r- 


180 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVm. 


§  11.  The  Greeks  therefore  resolved  to  make  a  stand  at  Thennopylae, 
and  to  defend  at  the  same  time  both  the  pass  and  the  Euboean  strait 
The  whole  allied  fleet,  under  the  command  of  the  Spartan  Eurybiades, 
sailed  to  the  north  of  Euboea,  and  took  up  its  station  off  that  portion  of  the 
northern  coast  of  the  island  which  faces  Magnesia  and  tlie  entrance  to  the 
Thessalian  Gulf,  and  wliich  was  called  Artemisium,  from  a  neighboring 
temple  of  Artemis  (Diana).  It  was,  however,  only  a  small  land  force  that 
was  sent  to  the  defence  of  Thermopylaj.  Wlien  the  arrival  of  Xerxes  at 
Therma  became  known,  the  Greeks  were  upon  the  point  of  celebrating  the 
Olympic  games,  and  the  festival  of  the  Camean  Apollo,  whicli  was  ob- 
served with  great  solemnity  at  Sparta  and  in  the  other  Doric  states.  The 
Peloponnesians  could  not  make  up  their  minds  to  neglect  these  sacred 
games,  even  when  the  dreaded  enemy  was  almost  at  their  doors.  They 
therefore  resolved  to  send  forward  only  a  small  detachment,  w^hich  they 
thought  would  be  sufficient  to  maintain  the  pass  till  the  festivals  were  over, 
when  they  would  be  able  to  march  against  Xerxes  with  all  their  forces. 
The  command  of  this  body  was  intrusted  to  the  Spartan  king,  Leonidas, 
the  younger  brother  and  successor  of  Cleomenes.  It  consisted  of  300 
Spartans,  with  their  attendant  Helots,  and  nearly  3,000  hoplites  from  the 
other  Peloiwnnesian  states.  In  their  march  through  Bocotia  they  were 
joined  by  700  Thespians,  who  were  warmly  attached  to  the  cause  of 
Grecian  independence,  and  also  by  400  Thebans,  whom  Leonidas  com- 
pelled the  Theban  government  to  furnish,  much  against  its  will.  On  their 
mriva]  at  Thermopylae,  their  forces  were  still  further  augmented  by  1,000 
Phocians  and  a  body  of  Opuntian  Locrians,  so  that  their  numbers  were 
not  much  short  of  7,000  men. 

It  was  now  that  Leonidas  learnt,  for  the  first  time,  that  there  was  an 
unfrequented  path  over  Mount  CEta,  by  which  a  foe  might  penetrate  into 
Southern  Greece  without  marching  through  Thei-mopylie.  This  path,  com- 
mencing near  Trachis,  ascended  the  northern  side  of  the  mountain  called 
Anopaia,  along  the  torrent  of  the  Asopus,  crossed  one  of  the  ridges  of 
Mount  (Eta,  and  descended  on  the  southern  side  near  the  termination  of 
the  pass  at  the  Locrian  town  of  Alpeni.  Leonidas  was  infonned  of  the 
existence  of  this  path  by  the  Phocians ;  and,  at  their  own  desire,  he  posted 
them  at  the  summit,  to  defend  it  against  the  enemy.    The  Spartan  king 

which  at  the  time  of  the  battle  was  covered  with  water.  But  the  pass  itself  would  be  as 
difficult  for  an  invading  army  to  force  against  a  small  body  of  defenders  as  it  was  found 
to  be  by  the  Persians.  The  hot  springs  have  incrusted  the  ground  for  many  acres,  over 
which  the  traveller  walks  or  rides,  every  step  causing  a  hollow  sound.  At  present  the 
streams  are  made  to  move  the  wheel  of  a  mill  to  grind  com  for  the  neighboring  villages, 
almost  in  the  shadow  of  the  poltfftndtityn,  where  the  Three  Hundred  were  buried.  From  the 
mill  a  constant  vapor  arises,  as  if  steam-works  were  in  operation  there.  The  heat  of  the 
water  is  about  111  degrees  of  Fahrenheit.  A  bath  at  Thermopylae  is  not  only  very  refresh- 
ing after  a  hard  day's  journey,  but  would  be  an  excellent  remedy  for  rheumatism  and 
other  similar  complaints,  if  the  patient  could  only  get  there.  The  scenery,  independent  of 
its  great  historical  associations,  is  wild  and  picturesque  in  the  highest  degree.  —  Ed. 


B.  C.  480.] 


BATTLE   OF   THERMOPTLiE. 


181 


took  up  his  station,  with  the  remainder  of  his  troops,  within  the  pass  of 
Thermopylae.  He  rendered  his  position  still  stronger  by  rebuilding  across 
the  northern^entrance  a  wall,  which  had  been  erected  in  former  days  by 
the  Phocians,  but  which  had  been  suffered  to  fall  into  ruins.  Having  thus 
made  all  his  arrangements,  Leonidas  calmly  awaited  the  approach  of  the 
Persian  host.  But  the  majority  of  the  men  did  not  share  the  calmness  of 
their  general ;  and  so  gi-eat  became  their  alarm  at  the  smallness  of  their 
numbers,  when  the  multitudinous  forces  of  Xerxes  began  to  draw  near, 
that  the  Peloponnesians  were  anxious  to  abandon  their  present  position 
and  make  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  their  point  of  defence.  It  was  only  the 
personal  influence  of  Leonidas,  seconded  by  the  indignant  remonstrances 
of  the  Phocians  and  Locrians,  which  prevailed  upon  them  to  continue 
faithful  to  their  post.  At  the  same  time,  he  despatched  messengers  to  the 
various  cities,  urging  them  to  send  him  immediate  reinforcements. 

§  12.  Meanwhile  Xerxes  had  arrived  within  sight  of  Thermopylae. 
He  had  heard  that  a  handful  of  desperate  men,  commanded  by  a  Spartan, 
had  determined  to  dispute  his  passage,  but  he  refused  to  believe  the  news. 
He  was  still  more  astonished  when  a  horseman,  whom  he  had  sent  to  re- 
connoitre, brought  back  word  that  he  had  seen  several  Spartans  outside 
the  wall  in  front  of  the  pass,  some  amusing  themselves  with  gymnastic 
exercises,  and  others  combing  their  long  hair.  In  great  perplexity,  he 
sent  for  the  Spartan  king,  Demaratus,  who  had  accompanied  him  from 
Persia,  and  asked  him  the  meaning  of  such  madness.  Demaratus  replied, 
that  the  Spartans  would  defend  the  pass  to  the  death,  and  that  it  was  their 
practice  to  dress  their  heads  with  peculiar  care  when  they  were  goino-  to 
liazard  their  lives.  Xerxes  still  could  not  believe  that  they  were  mad 
enough  to  resist  his  mighty  host,  and  delayed  his  attack  for  four  days, 
expecting  that  they  would  disperse  of  their  own  accord.  Later  writers 
related,  that  Xerxes  sent  to  them  to  deliver  up  their  arms.  Leonidas 
desired  him  "  to  come  and  take  them."  One  of  the  Spartans  being  told 
that  "  the  Persian  host  was  so  prodigious,  that  their  arrows  would  con- 
ceal the  sun  " :  —  «  So  much  the  better,"  he  replied,  "  we  shall  then 
fight  in  the  shade." 

At  length,  upon  the  fifth  day,  Xerxes  ordered  a  chosen  body  of  Medes 
to  advance  against  the  presumptuous  foes,  and  bring  them  into  his  pres- 
ence. Remembering  their  former  glory  as  the  masters  of  Asia,  and  anx- 
ious to  avenge  their  defeat  at  JMarathon,  the  Medes  fought  with  bravery ; 
but  their  superior  numbers  were  of  no  avail  in  such  a  narrow  space,  and 
they  were  kept  at  bay  by  the  long  spears  and  steady  ranks  of  the  Greeks. 
After  the  combat  had  Lasted  a  long  time  with  heavy  loss  to  the  Medes. 
Xerxes  ordered  his  ten  thousand  "  Immortals  "  to  advance.  But  these 
were  as  unsuccessful  as  the  former.  Xerxes  beheld  the  repulse  of  his 
troops  from  a  lofty  throne  which  had  been  provided  for  him,  and  was  seen 
to  leap  thrice  from  his  seat  in  an  agony  of  fear  or  rage. 


m 


182 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVIIL 


I 


If- . 


§  13.  On  the  following  day  the  attack  was  renewed,  but  with  no  better 
success ;  and  Xerxes  was  beginning  to  despair  of  forcing  his  way  through 
the  pass,  when  a  Mahan,  of  the  name  of  Ephialtes,  betrayed  to  the  Persian 
king  the  secret  of  the  path  across  the  mountains.  Overjoyed  at  this  dis- 
covery, a  strong  detachment  of  Persians  was  ordered  to  follow  the  traitor. 
They  set  out  at  nightfall,  and  at  daybreak  had  nearly  reached  the  summit, 
where  the  Phocians  were  stationed.  In  Greece  the  dawn  of  day  is  distin- 
guished by  a  peculiar  stilhiess  ;  and  the  universal  silence  was  first  broken 
by  the  trampHiig  of  so  many  men  upon  the  leaves  with  which  the  sides  of 
the  mountains  were  strewed.  Tlie  Phocians  flew  to  anns,  and,  anxious 
for  their  own  safety,  became  unmindful  of  the  important  trust  which  had 
been  committed  to  them,  abandoned  the  path,  and  took  refuge  on  the  high- 
est part  of  the  ridge.  The  Persians,  without  turning  aside  to  pursue  them, 
continued  their  march  along  the  path,  and  began  to  descend  the  southern 
side  of  the  mountain. 

Meantime  Leonidas  and  his  troops  had  received  ample  notice  of  the 
impenduig  danger.  During  the  night,  deserters  from  the  enemy  had 
brought  him  the  news ;  and  their  intelligence  was  confirmed  by  his  own 
scouts  on  the  hills.  In  the  council  of  war,  which  was  forthwith  summoned 
by  Leonidas,  opinions  were  diWded ;  the  majority  recommended  that  they 
should  retire  from  a  position  which  could  no  longer  be  defended,  and  re- 
serve their  lives  for  the  future  safety  of  Greece.  But  Leonidas  refused 
to  retreat.  As  a  vSpartan  he  was  bound  by  the  laws  to  conquer  or  to  die 
in  the  post  assigned  to  him ;  and  he  was  the  more  ready  to  sacrifice  his 
life,  since  an  oracle  had  declared  that  either  Sparta  itself  or  a  Spartan 
king  must  perish  by  the  Persian  arms.  His  three  hundred  comrades  were 
fully  equal  to  the  same  heroism  which  actuated  their  king ;  and  the  seven 
hundred  Thespians  resolved  to  share  the  fate  of  this  gallant  bfvnd.  He 
allowed  the  rest  of  the  allies  to  retire,  with  the  exception  of  the  four  hun- 
dred Bceotians,  whom  he  retained  as  hostages. 

§  14.  Xei*xes  delayed  his  attack  till  the  middle  of  the  day,  when  it  was 
expected  that  the  detachment  sent  across  the  mountain  would  arrive  at 
the  rear  of  the  pass.  But  Leonidas  and  his  comrades,  only  anxious  to  sell 
their  lives  as  dearly  as  possible,  did  not  wait  behind  the  wall  to  receive 
the  attack  of  the  Persians,  but  advanced  into  the  open  space  in  front  of 
the  pass,  and  charged  the  enemy  with  desperate  valor.  Numbers  of  the 
Persians  were  slain ;  many  were  driven  into  the  neighboring  sea ;  and 
others  again  were  trampled  to  death  by  the  vast  hosts  behind  them.  Not- 
withstanding the  exhortations  of  their  officers,  and  the  constant  use  of  the 
lash,  it  was  with  difficulty  that  the  barbarians  could  be  brought  to  face 
this  handful  of  heroes.  As  long  as  the  Greeks  could  maintain  their  ranks 
they  repelled  every  attack ;  but  when  their  spears  were  bi«ken,  and  they 
had  only  their  swords  lefl,  the  enemy  began  to  press  in  between  them. 
Leonidas  was  one  of  the  first  that  fell,  and  around  his  body  the  battle 


lilm 


B.  C.  480.] 


BATTLE   OP  ARTEMISIUM. 


185 


raced  fiercer  than  ever.  The  Persians  made  the  greatest  efforts  to  obtain 
possession  of  it ;  but  four  times  they  were  driven  back  by  the  Greeks 
with  great  slaughter.  At  length,  thinned  in  numbers,  and  exhausted  by 
fati^^ue  and  wounds,  this  noble  band  retired  within  the  pass,  and  seated 
themselves  on  a  hillock  behind  the  wall.  Meanwhile,  the  detachment 
which  had  been  sent  across  the  mountains  began  to  enter  the  pass  from 
the  south.  The  Thebans  seized  the  opportunity  of  begging  quarter,  pro- 
claiming that  they  had  been  forced  to  fight  against  their  will.  Their  lives 
were  spared;  and  the  detachment  marched  on  through  the  pass.  The 
surviving  heroes  were  now  surrounded  on  every  side,  ovenvhelmed  with 
a  shower  of  missiles,  and  killed  to  a  man. 

§  15.  On  the  hillock  where  the  Greeks  made  their  last  stand,  a  marble 
lion  was  set  up  in  honor  of  Leonidas.  Two  other  monuments  were  also 
erected  near  the  spot.  The  inscription  on  the  first  recorded  "  tliat  four 
thousand  Peloponnesians  had  here  fought  with  tlu-ee  hundred  myriads  (or 
three  millions)  of  foes."  The  second,  which  was  destined  for  the  Spartans 
alone,  contained  the  memorable  words  :  — 

"  Stranger,  the  tidings  to  the  Spartans  tell, 
That  here,  obeying  their  commands,  we  fell."  * 

Both  of  these  epigrams  were  probably  written  by  the  poet  Simonides,  who 
also  celebrated  the  glory  of  the  heroes  of  Thermopylae  in  a  noble  ode, 
of  which  the  following  fragment  is  still  extant :  — 

"  Of  those  who  at  Thermopylae  were  slain, 
Glorious  the  doom,  and  beautiful  the  lot; 
Their  tomb  an  altar:  men  from  tears  refrain 
To  honor  them,  and  praise,  but  mourn  them  not. 
Such  sepulchre,  nor  drear  decay 

Nor  all-destroying  time  shall  waste;  this  right  have  they. 
Within  their  grave  the  home-bred  glory 
Of  Greece  was  laid ;  this  witness  gives 
Leonidas  the  Spartan,  in  whose  story 
A  wreath  of  famous  virtue  ever  lives."  t 

§  16.  Wliile  Leonidas  had  been  fighting  at  Thermopylae,  the  Greek 
fleet  had  also  been  engaged  with  the  Persians  at  Artemisium.  The 
Greek  ships  assembled  off  the  northern  coast  of  Euboea  were  two  hundred 
and  seventy-one  in  number,  commanded,  as  has  been  mentioned  above,  by 
the  Sparta,n  Eurybiades.  The  Athenian  squadron  was  led  by  Themisto- 
cles  and  the  Corinthian  by  Adeimantus  ;  but  of  the  other  commanders  we 
have  no  mention.  Three  vessels  were  sent  ahead  to  watch  the  movements 
of  the  Persians.  Off  the  island  of  Sciathus  they  were  captured  by  a 
squadron  of  ten  Persian  vessels,  which  had  in  like  manner   been  de- 


*  "Q  ^(Iv-,  ayyeXXfiz/  AaKf^aifioviois,  on  Trjdf 
KfifJLfOa,  Tois  Ktlva>v  prffiaai  ir€iBofi€voi. 

Translated  at  Thermopylae.  —  Ed. 
t  Sterling.  «, 


i- 


f'^^ 


i 


184 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVin, 


spatched  by  the  Persian  admiral  to  obtain  intelligence.  As  soon  as  the 
Greeks  at  Artemisium  heard  of  this  disaster,  and  of  the  speedy  approach 
of  the  whole  Persian  fleet,  they  were  seized  with  a  panic,  such  as  had 
taken  possession  of  the  soldiers  of  Leonidas  upon  the  advance  of  the  land 
force  of  the  Persians.  But  Eurybiades  did  not  possess  the  same  influence 
over  his  men  as  the  Spartan  king ;  and  tlie  whole  fleet  abandoned  their 
position,  and  sailed  up  the  channel  between  Eubcea  and  the  mainland  to 
Chalcis,  where  the  straits,  being  only  forty  yards  across,  might  easily  be 
defended  by  a  few  sliips.  Tliis  retreat  was  equivalent  to  an  abandonment 
of  the  whole  scheme  of  defence,  as  it  gave  the  Persians  full  liberty  fo 
land  troops  in  the  rear  of  the  defenders  of  Theimopylaj.  But  now  a 
mightier  power  than  that  of  man  came  forward,  and  saved  the  Greeks  in 
spite  of  themselves.  * 

§  17.  The  Persian  admiral,  having  learnt  from  the  ten  ships  sent  on 
the  look-out  that  the  coast  was  clear,  set  sail  from  the  Gulf  of  Therma, 
and  arrived  in  one  day  at  almost  the  southern  corner  of  Majmesia.  Alons 
the  greater  part  of  this  coast  the  high  and  precipitous  rocks  of  Mount  Pe- 
lion  line  the  water's  edge  ;  but  there  is  an  open  beach  for  a  short  distance 
between  the  town  of  Casthana^a  and  the  })romontoiy  of  Sepias.  Here  the 
Persian  admiral  determined  to  pass  the  night ;  but  owing  to  the  vast  number 
of  his  ships,  only  a  small  jwrtion  of  them  could  be  drawn  up  on  shore  ;  the 
remainder  rode  at  anchor  eight  lines  deep.  In  this  position  they  were 
overtaken  on  the  following  morning  by  a  sudden  hurricane,  which  blew 
upon  the  shore  with  iiTesistible  fury.  The  ships  were  torn  fi-ora  their 
anchorage,  and  driven  against  one  another,  and  dashed  against  the  cliffs. 
For  three  dfiys  and  three  nights  the  tempest  raged  without  intermission  ; 
and  when,  on  the  fourth  day,  calm  at  length  returned,  the  shore  was  seen 
strewed  for  many  miles  with  wrecks  and  corpses.  At  least  four  hundred 
ships  of  war  were  destroyed,  together  with  a  countless  number  of  trans- 
ports, stores,  and  treasures.  The  remamder  of  the  fleet  doubled  the  south- 
em  promontory  of  Magnesia,  and  cast  anchor  at  Aphetas  at  the  entrance 
to  the  Pagasaean  Gulf. 

§  18.  The  news  of  this  terrible  disaster,  which  report  had  magnified 
into  the  entire  destruction  of  the  Persian  fleet,  revived  the  spmts  of  the 
Greeks  at  Chalcis.  They  now  sailed  back  with  the  utmost  speed  to  their 
former  station  at  Artemisium,  which  is  opposite  Apheta?,  at  the  distance  of 
only  a  few  miles.  But  great  was  their  suri3rise  at  seeing  tliat  the  Per- 
sians still  possessed  such  an  overwhelming  number  of  sliips.  The  sight 
again  struck  them  with  alarm  ;  and  they  were  on  the  point  of  returning  to 
Chalcis,  when  the  Euboeans  sent  one  of  their  citizens  to  Themistocles,  with 
an  offer  of  thirty  talents,  on  condition  that  he  should  induce  the  Greek 
commanders  to  remain  and  hazard  a  battle  in  defence  of  the  island. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Themistocles  had  already  urged  liis  associates 
in  command  to  defend  the  Euboean  strait  against  the  enemy,  and  he  there- 


B.  C.  480.] 


BATTLE   OF   ARTEMISIUM. 


18o 


fore  readily  undertook  the  commission  offered  him  by  the  Euboeans.  In 
all  periods  of  their  history,  the  Greeks  seldom  had  sufficient  principle  to 
resist  a  bribe;  and  Themistocles  was  now  enabled  to  accompUsh  by 
money  what  he  had  failed  to  do  by  argument.  By  giving  five  talents  to 
the  Spartan  Eurybiades,  three  to  the  Corinthian  Adeimantus,  and  presents 
to  the  other  commanders,  he  prevailed  upon  them  to  remain. 

While  the  Greeks  were  thus  brought  with  difficulty  to  face  the  enemy, 
the  Persian  fleet  was  animated  with  a  very  different  spirit.  They  felt 
confident  of  victory,  and  their  only  fear  was  lest  the  Greeks  should  escape 
them.  In  order  to  prevent  this,  they  sent  a  squadron  of  two  hundi*ed 
ships,  with  instructions  to  sail  round  Euboea  and  cut  oflT  the  retreat  of  the 
Greeks.  Themistocles  had  now  succeeded  in  mspiring  his  comrades  with 
sufficient  courage  to  sail  forth  and  offer  battle  to  the  enemy.  But  being 
anxious  to  acquire  some  experience  of  the  nautical  evolutions  of  the 
enemy  before  they  ventured  upon  a  decisive  engagement,  they  waited  till 
it  was  nearly  dusk.  Their  ships  were  drawn  up  in  a  circle,  with  their 
sterns  pointed  inwards ;  and  they  seemed  to  be  awaiting  the  attack  of  the 
enemy  who  began  to  close  in  u[>on  them  on  every  side.  But  suddenly,  at 
a  given  signal,  they  rowed  out  in  all  directions,  and  attacked  the  enemy's 
ships,  of  which  they  took  or  disabled  no  fewer  than  thirty.  The  Persians 
were  not  prepared  for  such  boldness,  and  were  at  first  thrown  into  confu- 
sion ;  but  they  soon  rallied,  and  began  to  inflict  considerable  damage  upon 
the  Greeks,  when  night  put  an  end  to  tlie  contest,  and  each  fleet  returned 
to  its  former  station,  —  tlie  Greeks  to  Artemisium,  and  the  Persians  to 
Aphetai. 

§  19.  This  auspicious  commencement  raised  the  courage  of  the  Greeks, 
and  gave  them  greater  confidence  in  their  own  strength.  They  were  still 
further  encouraged  by  the  events  of  the  following  night.  It  seemed  as  if 
the  gods  had  come  to  fight  on  their  side.  For  although  it  was  the  middle 
of  summer,  at  which  season  rain  rarely  falls  in  Greece,  another  terrific 
storm  burst  upon  the  Persians.  All  night  long  it  blew  upon  the  coast  at 
Apheta3,  thus  causing  little  inconvenience  to  the  Greeks  upon  the  opposite 
shore.  The  main  body  of  the  Persian  fleet  sustained  considerable  dam- 
age; and  the  squadron  which  was  sailing  round  Euboea  was  completely 
destroyed.  The  greater  part  of  the  eastern  side  of  this  island  is  an  un- 
broken line  of  precipitous  rocks,  with  scarcely  a  ravine  in  which  even  a 
boat  can  be  hauled  up.  The  squadron  was  overtaken  by  the  storm  off 
one  of  the  most  dangerous  parts  of  the  coast,  called  "  the  Hollows,"  and 
was  driven  upon  the  rocks  and  broken  to  pieces. 

The  tidings  of  this  second  disaster  to  the  Persian  fleet  reached  the 
Greeks  on  the  following  day ;  and  while  they  were  congratulating  them- 
selves ujx)n  the  visible  intei'position  of  the  gods  in  their  favor,  they  were 
animated  to  still  greater  confidence  by  the  arrival  of  fifty-tlu-ee  fresh 
Athenian  ships.     With  this  reinforcement  they  sailed  out  in  the  afler- 

24 


f 


186 


HISTORY   OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XVIU. 


B.  C.  480.]  RESULTS   OP  THE  BATTLE   OF  THERMOPYL^. 


187 


noon,  and  destroyed  some  Cilician  ships  at  their  moorings ;  but  the  Per- 
sian fleet  had  suffered  too  much  from  the  storm  in  the  preceding  night  to 
engage  in  battle. 

§  20.  Indignant  at  these  insults,  and  dreading  the  anger  of  Xerxes,  the 
Persians  prepared  to  make  a  grand  attack  upon  the  following  day.  Ac- 
cordingly, about  noon  they  sailed  towards  Artemisiura  in  the  fonn  of  a 
crescent.  The  Greeks  kept  near  the  shore,  that  they  might  not  be  sur- 
rounded, and  to  prevent  the  Persians  from  bringing  their  whole  fleet  into 
action.  The  battle  raged  furiously  the  whole  day,  and  each  side  fought 
with  determined  valor.  The  Egyptians  distinguished  themselves  most 
among  the  Persians,  and  the  Athenians  among  the  Greeks.  Both  parties 
suffered  severely ;  and  though  the  Persians  lost  a  greater  number  of  ships 
and  men,  yet  so  many  of  the  Greek  vessels  were  disabled,  that  they  found 
it  would  be  imiK)ssible  to  renew  the  combat 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Greek  commanders  saw  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  retreat ;  and  their  determination  was  hastened  by  the  intelli- 
gence which  they  now  received,  that  Leonidas  and  his  companions  had 
fallen,  and  that  Xerxes  w  as  master  of  the  pass  of  Thermopylae.  They  forth- 
with sailed  up  the  Euboean  channel,  the  Corinthians  leading  the  van  and 
the  Athenians  bringing  up  the  rear.  At  the  various  hmding-places  along 
the  coast  Themistocles  set  up  inscriptions,  calling  upon  the  lonians  not  to 
fight  against  their  fathers.  He  did  this  in  the  hopes  either  of  detaching 
some  of  the  lonians  fi*om  the  Pei*sians,  or  at  any  rate  of  making  them 
objects  of  suspicion  to  Xerxes,  and  thus  preventing  the  monarch  from 
employing  them  in  any  important  service.  Having  sailed  tlirough  the 
Eubcean  strait,  the  fleet  doubled  the  promontory  of  Sunium,  and  did  not 
stop  till  it  reached  the  island  of  Salamis. 


A  Greek  Warrior.    From  an  Ancient  Vase. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  BATTLE   OF   SALA3IIS. 

4  1.  Results  of  the  Battle  of  Thermopylae.  §  2.  Alarm  and  Flight  of  the  Athenians. 
4  8.  March  of  the  Persians  and  Attempt  upon  Delphi.  §  4.  Taking  of  Athens  and 
Arrival  of  the  Persian  Fleet.  §  5.  Dissensions  and  Debates  of  the  Greeks.  §  6.  Strata- 
gem of  Themistocles.  Arrival  of  Aristeides.  §  7.  Position  of  the  Hostile  Fleets.  Prep- 
arations for  the  Combat.  §  8.  Battle  of  Salamis.  §  9.  Defeat  and  Flight  of  Xerxes. 
§  10.  Pursuit  of  the  Greeks.  §  11.  Homeward  March  of  Xerxes.  §  12.  The  Greeks 
celebrate  their  Victory.  §  13.  Carthaginian  Expedition  to  Sicily.  Defeat  and  Death 
of  Hamilcar. 


§  1.  The  apathy  of  the  Lacedajmonians  in  neglecting  to  provide  a 
sufficient  defence  against  the  advancing  host  of  Xerxes  seems  altogether 
unaccountable ;  nor  is  it  easy  to  understand  why  the  Athenians  themselves 
did  not  send  a  single  troop  to  aid  in  defending  Thermopylae.  The  heroic 
and  long-sustained  resistance  of  the  handful  of  men  who  perished  in  that 
pass,  as  well  as  the  previous  battle  of  IMaratlion,  clearly  proves  that  a 
moderately  numerous  force,  together  with  ordinary  military  precautions, 
would  have  sufhccd  to  arrest  the  onward  march  of  the  Persians.  But  the 
small  body  to  which  that  duty  was  assigned  was  altogether  inadequate  to 
the  occasion.  The  forcing  of  the  pass  annihilated  the  chief  defence  of 
Southern  Greece.  IMany  of  the  Grecian  states  which  before  were  waver- 
ing now  declared  for  the  invader,  and  sent  contingents  to  his  army; 
whilst  his  fleet  was  also  strengthened  by  i-einforcements  from  Carystus 
and  the  Cyclades. 


188 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIX 


The  Athenians  were  now  threatened  with  inevitable  destruction.  The 
Peloponnesians  had  utterly  neglected  their  promise  of  assembling  a  force 
in  Bceotia  for  the  protection  of  Attica;  and  there  was  consequently 
nothing  to  prevent  the  Persians  from  marching  straight  to  Athens.  The 
isolated  position  of  the  Peloponnesians  had  probably  influenced  them  in 
their  selfish  policy;  at  all  events,  on  the  news  of  the  defeat  at  Ther- 
mopylaB,  they  abandoned  Attica  and  the  adjoining  states  to  their  fate, 
whilst  they  strained  every  nerve  to  secure  themselves  by  fortifying  the 
Isthmus  of  Corinth.  It  is  true  that  in  this  selfish  proceeding  they  over- 
looked the  fact  that  their  large  extent  of  coast  could  not  be  thus  secured 
fipom  the  descent  of  the  Persian  fleet.  But  after  all,  the  gi-eatest  as  well 
as  the  most  pressing  danger  arose  from  the  army  of  Xerxes.  At  sea,  the 
Greeks  and  the  Barbarians  were  much  more  nearly  matched ;  and  if  the 
multitudinous  land  forces  of  the  Persian  monarch  were  once  arrested  in 
their  progress,  and  compelled  to  retreat,  there  was  perhaps  little  reason  to 
drea^  that  Jiis  fleet,  composed  mostly  of  auxiliaries,  would  be  able  to  make 
any  permanent  impression  on  the  Peloponnesus,  or  indeed  to  remain  upon 
the  coast  of  Greece. 

§  2.  The  Athenians,  relying  upon  the  march  of  a  Peloponnesian  army 
into  Boeotia,  had  taken  no  measures  for  the  security  of  their  families  and 
property,  and  beheld  with  teiTor  and  dismay  the  barbarian  host  in  full 
march  towards  their  city.  Fortunately,  the  Grecian  fleet,  on  retiring  from 
Artemisium,  had  stopped  at  Salamis  on  its  way  to  Troczen,  where  it  had 
been  ordered  to  re-assemble ;  and,  at  the  entreaties  of  the  Athenians, 
Eurybiades  consented  to  remain  for  a  time  at  Salamis,  and  to  assist  the 
Athenian  citizens  in  tmnsporting  their  families  and  effects.  It  was  thus 
by  accident,  and  not  from  any  preconcerted  military  plm,  that  Salamis 
became  the  station  of  the  Grecian  fleet. 

In  six  days,  it  was  calculated,  Xerxes  would  be  at  Athens,  —  a  ^hort 
space  to  remove  the  population  of  a  whole  city ;  but  fear  and  necessity 
work  wonders.  Before  it  had  elapsed,  all  who  were  willing  to  abandon 
their  homes  had  been  safely  transported,  some  to  iEgina,  the°  greater  part 
to  Troezen,  where  they  met  with  an  hospitable  reception ;  but  many  could 
not  be  induced  to  proceed  farther  than  Salamis.  It  was  necessaiy  for 
Themistocles  to  use  all  his  art  and  all  his  eloquence  on  this  occasion. 
Those  who  were  deaf  to  the  voice  of  reason  were  assailed  with  the  terrors 
of  superstition.  On  a  first  interrogation  the  oracle  of  Delphi  warned 
the  Athenians  to  fly  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  since  nothing  could  save 
them  from  destruction.  In  a  second  response  the  Delphian  god  was  more 
obscure  but  less  alarming.  "The  divine  Salamis  would  make  women 
childless,"— yet  "  when  all  was  lost,  a  wooden  wall  would  still  shelter  the 
Athenians."  In  the  interpretation  of  Themistocles,  by  whom  these  words 
Imd  perhaps  been  suggested,  they  clearly  indicated  a  fleet  and  a  naval 
victory  as  the  only  means  of  safety.    As  a  further  persuasion,  it  was 


B.  C.  480.J 


THE   ATHENIANS   ABANDON   THEHl   CITY. 


189 


declared  that  the  Sacred  Serpent,  which  haunted  the  temple  of  Athena 
Polias,  on  the  Acropolis,  had  deserted  the  sanctuary ;  and  could  the  citi- 
zens hesitate  to  follow  the  example  of  their  guardian  deity  ? 

In  some,  however,  superstition,  combined  with  love  of  their  ancient 
homes,  worked  in  an  opposite  direction.  The  oracle  which  declared  the 
safety  of  the  Athenians  to  lie  in  their  wooden  walls  might  admit  of  an- 
other meaning ;  and  a  few,  especially  among  the  aged  and  the  poor,  re- 
solved to  shut  themselves  up  in  the  Acropolis,  and  to  fortify  its  accessible 
or  western  front  with  barricades  of  timber.  Not  only  in  them,  but  even 
in  those  who  had  resolved  to  abandon  Athens,  the  love  of  country  grew 
stronger  in  proportion  as  the  danger  of  losing  it  became  more  imminent. 
The  present  misery  extinguished  past  dissensions.  Themistocles  pro- 
posed a  decree  revoking  all  sentences  of  banishment,  and  specially  includ- 
ed in  it  his  opponent  and  rival  Aristeides.  The  rich  and  the  aristocratic 
assisted  the  city  both  by  their  example  and  their  money.  The  Hippeis, 
or  knights,  headed  by  Ciraon,  the  son  of  Miltiades,  marched  in  procession 
to  the  Acropolis  to  hang  up  their  bridles  in  the  temple  of  Athena,  and 
to  fetch  thence  some  consecrated  arms  more  suitable  for  that  naval  ser- 
vice for  which  they  were  about  to  abandon  their  ancient  habits  and  privi- 
leges. The  Senate  of  the  Areopagus  not  only  exerted  its  public  authority 
in  order  to  provide  funds  for  the  equipment  of  the  fleet  and  the  support  of 
the  poorer  emigrants,  but  contributed  to  those  objects  by  the  private  mu- 
nificence of  its  membei-s.  The  fund  was  increased  by  the  policy  of  The- 
mistocles. Under  the  pretext  that  the  Gorgon's  head  had  been  removed 
from  the  statue  of  Athena,  he  directed  that  the  baggage  of  each  departing 
citizen  should  be  searched,  and  appropriated  to  the  service  of  the  state  the 
private  treasures  which  were  about  to  be  exported. 

§  3.  ^^^lile  these  things  were  passing  at  Athens,  the  Persian  army  was 
in  full  march  towards  the  city.  Xerxes  was  surprised  to  find  that  the 
Olympic  games  still  deterred  the  Peloponnesians  from  opposing  his  prog- 
ress ;  nor  was  his  astonishment  diminislied  on  learning  that  the  prize, 
which  occasioned  so  much  excitement  and  emulation,  was  a  simple  wreath 
of  the  wild-olive.  Of  the  states  which  lay  between  Thennopyla?  and 
Attica,  the  Phocians  alone  refused  to  submit  to  the  Persians.  Under  the 
conduct  of  the  Thessalians,  the  Persian  army  poured  into  Phocis,  but 
found  only  deserted  towns ;  several  of  which,  however,  they  plundered 
and  destroyed.  The  same  fiite  attended  Tliespia?  and  Plata?a,  the  only 
towns  of  Boeotia  which  declined  to  acknowledge  the  conqueror. 

On  his  march  towards  Athens,  Xerxes  sent  a  detachment  of  his  army 
to  take  and  plunder  Delphi.  But  this  attempt  proved  unsuccessful.  The 
god  of  the  most  renowned  oracle  of  the  Hellenic  world  vindicated  at  once 
the  majesty  of  his  sanctuary  and  the  truth  of  his  predictions.  He  forbade 
the  Delphians  to  remove  the  treasures  which  enriched  and  adorned  his 
shrine,  and  encouraged  by  divine  portents  the  handful  of  priests  and  citi- 


h^ 


190 


HISTORT   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIX. 


B.  C.  480.] 


DISSENSIONS   AMONG   THE   GREEKS. 


191 


zens  who  ventured  to  remain  and  defend  his  temple.  The  sacred  aims 
preserved  in  the  inner  cells,  and  which  it  was  sacrilege  to  touch,  were 
miraculously  conveyed  outside  the  door,  as  if  the  god  himself  interfered  to 
arm  his  defendei-s.  As  the  Persians  climhed  the  rugged  path,  at  the  foot 
of  Mount  Parnassus,  leading  up  to  the  shrine,  and  had  already  reached 
the  temple  of  Athena  Pronaja,  thunder  was  heard  to  roll,  and  two  crags, 
suddenly  detaching  themselves  from  the  mountain,  rolled  down  upon  the 
Persians,  and  spread  dismay  and  destruction  in  their  ranks.  Seized  with 
a  sudden  panic,  they  turned  and  fled,  pursued,  as  they  said,  by  two  war- 
riors of  superhuman  size  and  prowess,  who  had  assisted  the  Delphians  in 
defendmg  theu*  temple.  The  Delphians  themselves  confinned  the  rejwrt, 
averring  that  the  two  warriors  were  the  heroes  Phylacus  and  Autonoiis. 
Herodotus,  when  he  visited  Delphi,  saw  in  the  sacred  mclosure  of  Athena 
Pronaia  the  identical  crags  which  had  crushed  the  Persians ;  and  near  the 
spot  may  still  be  seen  large  blocks  of  stone  which  have  rolled  down  from 
the  mountain. 

§  4.  On  arriving  before  Athens,  Xerxes  found  the  Acropolis  occupied  by 
a  handful  of  despei-ate  citizens,  whom  the  Peisistratids  in  his  suite  in  vain 
exhorted  to  surrender.  The  nature  of  the  Acroi>olis  might,  indeed,  have 
inspired  them  with  reasonable  hopes  of  successful  resistance,  had  the  dis- 
parity of  force  been  less  enonnous.  Rising  abmpt  and  craggy  to  the 
height  of  150  feet  alx>ve  the  level  of  the  town,  its  sunmiit  presents  a  space 
of  about  1,000  feet  in  length,  from  east  to  west,  and  500  in  breadth,  from 
north  to  south.  On  every  side  except  the  west  it  is  nearly  inaccessible, 
and  in  the  few  places  where  access  seemed  practicable,  it  was  defended  by 
an  ancient  fortification  called  the  Pelasgic  wall.  The  Persian  army  took 
up  a  position  on  the  Areopagus  (Mars*  Hill),  over  against  tlie  northwest- 
ern side  of  the  AcropoUs,  whence  they  endeavored  to  destroy  the  wooden 
fortification  which  had  been  erected,  by  shooting  against  them  arrows  fur- 
nished with  burning  tow.  But  even  after  the  destruction  of  these  barri- 
cades, the  Atheniims  managed  to  keep  their  assailants  at  bay  by  rolling 
down  huge  stones  upon  them  as  they  attempted  to  mount  the  western 
ascent.  At  length  some  of  the  besiegers  ventured  to  climb  up  the  precip- 
itous rock,  on  the  northeni  side,  by  the  cave  of  Aglaurus,  where  no  guard 
was  stationed.  They  gained  the  summit  unperceived,  thus  taking  the 
little  garrison  in  the  reai*.  .Confusion  and  despair  now  seized  upon  the 
Athenians.  Some  threw  themselves  down  from  the  rock,  others  took 
refuge  in  the  inner  temple ;  while  the  Persian  host,  to  whom  the  gates 
had  been  tlu-own  open  by  their  comrades,  mounted  to  the  attack,  pillaged 
and  burned  the  temples  and  houses  on  the  Acropolis,  and  put  its  defenders 
to  the  sword. 

Thus  was  the  oracle  accomplished  which  had  foretold  that  Athens  should 
fall  before  the  might  of  Persia.  But  in  the  very  midst  of  her  ashes  and 
desolation,  a  trivial  portent  seemed  to  foreshadow  the  resurrection  of  her 


power.  The  Athenians  in  the  train  of  Xerxes,  whilst  sacrificing  in  the 
Acropolis,  observed  with  astonishment  that  the  sacred  ohve-tree,  which 
grew  in  the  temple  of  Athena,  had,  in  the  two  days  which  had  elapsed 
since  the  fire,  thrown  out  a  fresh  shoot  a  cubit  in  length. 

About  the  same  time  that  the  army  of  Xerxes  took  possession  of 
Athens,  his  fleet  arrived  in  the  bay  of  Phalerum.  Its  strength  is  not 
accurately  known,  but  at  the  lowest  estimate  must  have  exceeded  1,000 
vessels.  The  combined  Grecian  fleet  at  Salamis  consisted  of  366  sliips ;  * 
a  larger  force  than  had  assembled  at  Artemisium,  yet  far  inferior  to  that 
of  the  Persians.  Of  these  ships  200  were  Athenian;  the  remainder 
consisted  of  the  contingents  of  the  allies,  among  which  that  of  the  Corin- 
thians was  the  most  numerous  after  the  Athenian,  namely,  forty  vessels. 

Xerxes  went  down  to  inspect  his  fleet,  and  held  a  council  of  war  as  to 
the  expediency  of  an  immediate  attack  upon  the  Greeks.  The  kings  of 
Sidon  and  Tyre,  together  with  the  other  assembled  potentates,  probably 
with  the  view  of  flattering  Xerxes,  were  for  an  immediate  battle.  One 
voice  alone  broke  the  unanimity  of  the  meeting.  Artemisia,  queen  of  Hali- 
carnassus,  in  Caria,  deprecated  the  policy  of  fighting  in  the  narrow  strait 
of  Salamis,  where  the  numerous  force  of  Xerxes  would  be  an  encumbrance 
rather  than  a  help.  She  urged  that,  if  the  aiiny  were  marched  towards 
Peloponnesus,  the  Peloponnesian  ships  would  withdraw  from  the  Grecian 
fleet,  in  order  to  protect  their  o\vn  homes.  She  is  likewise  represented  as 
having  drawn  a  comparison  between  the  maritime  skill  of  the  Greeks  and 
Persians,  very  little  flattering  to  the  latter.  But  these  representations, 
though  received  with  good  temper,  were  disregarded  by  Xerxes,  and 
orders  were  issued  for  an  attack  on  the  following  morning.  At  the  same 
time  the  army  was  commanded  to  march  towaixis  Peloponnesus. 

§  5.  At  this  critical  juncture  dissension  reigned  in  the  Grecian  fleet. 
In  the  council  of  war  which  had  been  summoned  by  Eurybiades,  Themis- 
tocles  urged  the  assembled  chiefs  to  remain  at  Salamis,  and  give  battle  to 
the  Persians  in  the  narrow  straits,  Avhere  the  superior  numbers  of  the 
Persians  would  be  of  less  consequence.  The  Peloponnesian  commanders, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  strongly  opposed  to  remaining  in  their  present 
position.  They  were  of  opinion  that  the  fleet  should  be  removed  to  the 
Isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  thus  be  put  in  communication  with  their  land 
forces.  The  news  of  the  taking  of  Athens,  which  arrived  during  the  de- 
bate, gave  force  to  these  counsels.  The  majority  came  to  a  vote  in  favor 
of  retreat ;  but  the  approach  of  night  obliged  them  to  remain  till  the  fol- 
lowing morning. 

It  was  with  gloomy  thoughts  that  Themistocles  retired  from  the  council. 
Upon  reaching  his  own  ship,  a  friend  named  Mnesiphilus,  to  whom  he 
communicated  the  decision,  urged  him  to  make  one  more  attempt  to  detain 

*  According  to  Herodotus  ;  but  Jlschylus  reckons  them  at  310  only. 


192 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIX. 


B.  a  480.] 


DISSENSIONS   AMONG   THE    GREEKS. 


193 


the  Peloponnesians.  Late  as  it  was,  he  immediately  proceeded  to  the 
ship  of  Euiybiades,  where,  urging  with  more  fi-eedom,  and  in  greater 
detail  than  he  had  been  able  to  use  in  the  council,  all  the  arguments 
against  the  separation  of  the  fleet,  he  succeeded  in  persuading  Euiybiades 
to  convoke  another  assembly.  He  also  used  all  his  efforts  privately  with 
the  different  commanders  to  induce  them  to  alter  their  opinion.  But  he 
eUcited  nothing  but  anger  and  reproach.  When  the  council  met,  the 
Peloponnesian  commanders  loudly  expressed  their  dissatisfaction  at  seeing 
a  debate  reopened  which  they  had  deemed  concluded.  Adeimantus, 
especially,  the  Corinthian  admiral,  broke  out  into  open  rebukes  and  mena- 
ces. "  Themistocles,"  he  exclaimed,  "  those  who  rise  at  the  pubUc  games 
before  the  signal  are  whipped."  "  True,"  replied  Themistocles,  "  but  they 
who  lag  behind  it  never  win  a  crown."  Another  incident  in  this  discus- 
sion has  been  immortalized  by  Plutarch.  It  is  related  by  this  writer  that 
Eurybiades,  incensed  by  the  language  of  Themistocles,  lifted  up  his  stick 
to  strike  him,  whereupon  the  Athenian  exclaimed,  "  Strike,  but  hear 
me!"* 

Themistocles  repeated  his  arguments  and  entreaties,  but  without  effect. 
Adeimantus,  with  unfeeling  insolence,  even  denied  his  right  to  vote  ;  since, 
Athens  being  in  the  hands  of  tlie  Pei-sians,  he  represented  no  free  Grecian 
city.  Stung  by  this  remark,  Themistocles  reminded  the  assembly  that  he 
was  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  well-ai-med  ships  ;  a  force  with  which  he 
could  easily  procure  for  himself  a  city,  and  even  a  better  city  than  Cor- 
inth. Prophecies,  he  observed,  had  pi-omised  to  Athens  the  town  of  Siris 
in  Italy ;  it  only  remained  for  the  Athenians  to  sail  thither  and  take  pos- 
session of  it.  Meanwhile,  let  the  assembly  consider  what  the  Grecian 
fleet  would  be  without  the  Athenian  continj^ent. 

This  menace  silenced  his  opponents.  Eurybiades,  half  convinced  before, 
hesitated  no  longer ;  and,  without  taking  the  votes  of  the  assembly,  issued 
ordem  for  the  fleet  to  remain  and  fight  at  Salamis.  The  Peloponnesians 
obeyed,  indeed,  the  orders  of  their  commander.  The  followinjr  mornin"- 
discovered  them  engaged  in  preparing  their  ships  for  action  ;  but  with  an 
evident  reluctance,  soon  increased  to  open  discontent  by  messages  received 
from  home.  These  represented  the  distress  and  terror  of  their  country- 
men, engaged  m  fortifying  the  Isthmus  against  the  overwhelming  force  of 
Xerxes.  Of  what  use  was  it  to  attempt  the  defence  of  Attica,  already  in 
the  hands  of  the  Persians  ?  Surely  it  would  be  much  better  for  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian seamen  to  return  and  defend  their  native  and  yet  unconquered 
country ;  where,  even  if  worsted  at  sea,  they  might  transfer  their  services 
to  the  land. 

§  6.  Incited  by  these  representations,  the  very  men  who  had  found 


*  This  memorable  story,  however,  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  narrative  of  Herodotus, 
in  which  it  is  Adeimantus,  and  not  Eurybiades,  to  whom  Themistocles  bad  given  offence, 
and  who  opposes  the  -\thenian  with  so  much  vehemence. 


fault  with  a  second  council  now  clamored  for  a  third.     It  met,  and  was 
characterized  by  the  same  turbulence  and  the  same  dissensions  as  the 
former  councils.     The  malcontents,  though  representing  only  a  small  pro- 
portion of  the  naval  force,  had  a  numerical  superiority  of  votes ;   and 
Themistocles,  perceiving  that  the   decision   of  the   assembly  would  be 
against  him,  determined  to  effect  his  object  by  stratagem.     Among  his 
slaves  was  an  Asiatic  Greek  named  Sicinnus,  whom  he  had  intrusted 
with  the  education  of  his  children  ;  a  man  of  address  and  ability,  and  per- 
fectly acquainted  with  the  Persian  tongue.      Themistocles  secretly  de- 
spatched this  man  with  a  message  to  Xerxes,  representing  the  dissensions 
which  prevailed  in  the  Grecian  fleet,  and  how  easy  a  matter  it  would  be 
to  surround  and  vanquish  an  armament  both  sinall  and  chsunited.     The- 
mistocles himself  was  described  by  Sicinnus  as  fiivorable  to  the   Persian 
cause  ;  nor,  to  judge  from  his  subsequent  conduct,  might  the  wily  Athe- 
nian, in  the  present  desperate  situation  of  affliirs,  have  been  altogether 
indisposed  to  stand  favorably  in  the  sight  of  Xerxes.     However  this  may 
be,  Xerxes,  already  well  inclined  to  strike  a  blow,  readily  adopted  the 
suggestion,  and  ordered  his  captains  to  close  up  the  straits  of  Salamis  at 
both  ends. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  the  Persian  flek  was  stationed  in  the 
bay  of  Phalerum,  a  harbor  on  the  Attic  coast,  a  few  miles  soutliea^t  of 
the  entrance  of  the  straits  which  divided  the  island  of  Salamis  from  Attica. 
Tliis  entrance,  as  well  as  that  on  tlie  nortliwestern  side,  leading  into  the 
Bay  of  Eleusis,  is  exceedingly  narrow,  being  in  parts  not  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  in  breadth.  Towards  the  middle,  however,  it  expands  ; 
and  on  the  side  of  Salamis  forms  a  bay  or  harbor,  on  wliich  the  town  of 
Salamis  was  situated,  and  wliere  the  Grecian  fleet  wtis  stationed.  Durinw 
the  night  the  fleet  of  Xerxes  moved  from  Phalerum  nortliwaixls  alon^-  the 
coast,  and  took  up  a  position  on  the  Attic  side  of  the  straits,  which  they 
hned  through  their  wliole  extent,  while  portions  blocked  up  both  the 
northern  and  southern  outlets  of  the  straits. 

Meanwhile,  the  debate  of  the  Grecian  leaders  continued  long  after 
nightfall.  Themistocles  had  employed  every  art  to  protract  the  discussion, 
in  order  to  gain  time  for  the  effect  of  his  stratagem ;  and  when  at  last  the 
assembly  broke  up,  it  was  only  on  the  understancUng  that  the  debate  should 
be  resumed  before  daybreak. 

Scarcely  had  the  council  re-assembled,  when  Themistocles  was  sum- 
moned from  it  by  a  message  that  somebody  Avished  to  speak  to  him.  It 
was  Aristeides,  who,  in  the  sixth  year  of  an  unjust  banisliment,  had  re- 
turned to  serve  his  ungrateful  country,  and  to  assist,  but  not  to  share,  the 
triumph  of  a  rival.  His  rival  had,  indeed,  proposed,  and  his  country  had 
ratified,  the  revocation  of  the  sentence ;  though  to  an  ordinary  man  the 
repentance  might  have  seemed  suspicious,  and  the  atonement  of  little 
value,  which  recalled  him  to  his  native  land,  or,  more  properly  speaking, 

25 


194 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIX. 


B.  C.  480.] 


BATTLE   OF   SALAMIS. 


195 


» 


1 


which  restored  him  to  his  exiled  countrymen,  only  to  share  in  their  dan- 
gers and  distresses.  But  no  such  reflections  found  a  place  in  the  mind  of 
Aristeides.  He  was  occupied  only  with  his  country's  welfare,  and  his  first 
address  to  Themistocles  was  that  their  ancient  rivahy  should  for  the  future 
be  exerted  only  in  their  country's  cause.  He  then  communicated  the  fact 
that  the  Grecian  fleet  was  completely  surrounded  by  that  of  the  Persians  ; 
and  related  that  it  was  only  by  favor  of  the  darkness  that  his  own  vessel 
had  contrived  to  elude  them.  Themistocles,  having  thus  learned  the  suc- 
cess of  his  stratagem,  expressed  his  satisfaction,  and  desired  Aristeides  to 
communicate  the  news  of  their  situation  to  the  council,  which  would  not 
be  disposed  to  believe  it  from  his  o^vn  lips.  But  even  from  the  lips  of 
Aristeides  such  unwelcome  intelligence  found  but  little  credit,  till  it  was 
confinned  by  the  arrival  of  a  Tenian  sliip,  which  had  deserted  from  the 

enemy. 

§  7.  At  length  the  day  began  to  dawn  which  was  to  decide  the  fate  of 
Greece.  As  the  veil  of  night  rolled  gradually  away,  the  Persian  fleet  was 
discovered  sti%tching  as  for  as  the  eye  could  reach  along  the  coast  of 
Attica.  Its  right  wing,  consisting  of  Phcenician  and  Cyprian  vessels,  was 
drawn  up  towards  the  Bay  of  Eleusis,  whilst  the  lonians  occupied  the  left, 
towards  Peirajus  and  the  southern  entrance  of  the  straits.  On  the  low  ajad 
barren  island  of  Psyttaleia,  adjacent  to  that  point,  a  detachment  of  choice 
Persian  troops  had  been  landed.  As  the  Grecian  fleet  was  concentrated 
in  the  harbor  of  the  town  of  Salamis,  it  was  thus  sun-ounded,  as  it  were, 
in  a  net  by  the  Persians.  Xerxes,  who  attributed  the  disasters  at  Arte- 
misium  to  his  own  absence,  had  caused  a  lofty  throne  to  be  erected  upon 
one  of  the  projecting  declivities  of  Mount  ^galeos,  opposite  the  harbor  of 
Salamis,  whence  he  could  survey  the  combat,  and  stimulate  by  his  pres- 
ence the  courage  of  his  men ;  whilst  by  his  side  stood  scribes,  prepared  to 
recoRl  the  names  both  of  the  daring  and  the  backward. 

«  A  king  sat  on  the  rocky  brow 

Which  looks  o'er  sea-bom  Salamis; 
And  ships,  by  thousands,  lay  below, 

And  men  in  nations;  —  all  were  his  I 
He  counted  them  at  break  of  day,— 
And  when  the  sun  set,  where  were  they?  " 

The  Grecian  commanders  lost  no  time  in  preparing  to  meet  their  mul- 
titudinous opponents.  The  Athenians  were  lasted  in  the  left  wing,  and 
consequently  opposed  to  the  Phoenicians  on  the  Persian  right.  The  Lace- 
daemonians and  the  other  Peloponnesians  took  their  station  on  the  right, 
and  the  jEginetans  and  Euboeans  in  the  centre.  Animated  by  the 
harangues  of  Themistocles  and  the  other  leaders,  the  Greek  seamen  em- 
barked with  alacrity,  encouraging  one  another  to  deliver  their  country, 
their  wives  and  children,  and  the  temples  of  their  gods,  from  the  grasp  of 
the  barbarians.    Just  at  this  juncture  a  favorable  omen  seemed  to  prom- 


ise them  success.  When  Eurybiades  gave  the  order  for  the  fleet  to  re- 
mam  and  fight  at  Salamis,  a  trireme  had  been  despatched  to  ^gina  to  in- 
voke the  assistance  of  ^acus,  and  the  ^Eacid  heroes  Talamon  and  Aias 
(Ajax).  As  the  Greeks  were  on  the  point  of  embarking,  the  trireme  re- 
turned from  the  mission  just  in  time  to  take  her  place  in  the  line  of  battle. 


a 

«==     *     a 


a, 


OB 

s 

"3 

CO 

Cm 
O 


e3 

n 


§  8.  As  the  trumpets  sounded,  the  Greeks  rowed  forward  to  the  attack, 
hurling  into  the  still  morning  air  the  loud  war  paean,  reverberated  shrilly 
fix)m  the  cliffs  of  Salamis,  and  not  unanswered  by  the  Persians.  But  sud- 
denly a  panic  appeared  to  seize  the  Grecian  oarsmen.     They  paused,  — 


194 


HISTORY    OF    GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIX. 


B.  C.  480.] 


BATTLE    OF    SALAMIS. 


195 


wMiii  restored  liim  to  Ms  exiled  conntrynien,  only  to  share  in  their  dan- 
gers and  distresses.  But  no  such  refieclions  found  a  place  in  the  mind  of 
Aristeides.  He  was  oceupio<t  only  ^^^th  his  country's  welfore,  and  his  first 
address  to  Thfinistodis  was  that  their  ancient  rivalry  should  for  the  future 
be  exerted  only  in  tlieir  country's  cause.  He  then  connnuniented  the  fact 
that  the  Grecian  fleet  was  completely  surroun<led  by  that  of  the  Persians ; 
and  related  that  it  was  only  by  favor  of  the  darkness  that  his  own  vessel 
had  contrived  to  elude  them.  Tliemistocles,  having  thus  learned  the  suc- 
cess of  bis  strata-eM,  expressed  his  satisfoction,  and  desired  Aristeides  to 
communicate  tlie  news  of  their  situation  to  the  council,  which  would  not 
be  disposed  to  believe  it  from  liis  o^v^l  lips.  But  even  from  the  lips  of 
Aristei.h's  such  unwelcome  intelligence  found  but  little  credit,  till  it  was 
conlirmed  by  the  arrival  of  a  Tenian  ship,  which  had  deserted  from  the 

enemy.  . 

§  7.  At  length  the  day  began  to  dawn  which  was  to  decide  the  late  ot 
Greece.  As  the  veil  of  night  rolled  gradually  away,  the  Persian  fleet  was 
discovered  stwtching  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach  along  the  coast  of 
Attica.  Its  right  wing,  consisting  of  Phoenician  and  Cypriim  vessels,  was 
drawn  up  towards  the  Bay  of  Eleiisis,  whilst  the  lonians  occui)ied  the  left, 
towards  Peirajns  and  the  southern  entrance  of  the  straits.  On  the  low  and 
barren  island  of  Ps\  ttaleia,  adjacent  to  tliat  point,  a  detaclnnent  of  choice 
Persian  troops  had  been  landed.  As  the  Grecian  fleet  was  concentrated 
in  the  harbor  of  the  town  of  Salamis,  it  was  thus  surrounde.l,  as  it  were, 
in  a  net  by  the  Persians.  Xerxes,  who  attributed  the  disasters  at  Arte- 
misiiim  to  his  own  absence,  liad  caused  a  lofty  throne  to  l>e  erected  ui)on 
one  of  the  projecting  declivitiivs  of  IVIount  iEgaleos,  opi)osite  the  harbor  of 
Salamis,  whence  he  could  survi^  the  combat,  and  stimulate  by  his  i>res- 
ence  the  courage  of  Ids  men  ;  whilst  by  his  side  stood  scribes,  prepared  to 
record  the  names  both  of  tlie  daring  and  the  backward. 

"  A  king  sat  on  the  rocky  brow 

Which  Ux)ks  o'er  sca-boni  Salamis; 
And  ships,  by  thousaiuls,  hiy  below, 

Aiul  men  in  iiaTi.nis;  —  all  were  his! 
He  counted  them  at  break  of  day,— 
And  when  the  sun  set,  where  were  they?  " 

The  Grecian  commanders  lost  no  time  in  preiiaring  to  meet  their  mul- 
titudinous opponents.  The  Athenians  were  posted  in  thc^  left  wing,  and 
consecpiently  opposed  to  the  Ph.enicians  on  the  Persian  right.  The  Lnce- 
dfemonians  and  the  other  Peloponnesians  took  their  station  on  the  right, 
■and  the  ^Eginetans  and  Eub(eans  in  the  centre.  Animated  by  the 
harangues  of  Tliemistocles  and  the  other  leaders,  the  Greek  seamen  em- 
barked with  aliicrity,  encouraging  one  another  to  deliver  their  country, 
their  wives  and  children,  and  the  temples  of  tlieir  gods,  from  the  grasp  of 
the  barbarians.     Just  at  this  juncture  a  favorable  omen  seemed  to  prom- 


ise them  success,  \yiien  Eiirybiades  g«w  tite  ofder  for  the  fleet  to  re- 
main and  fight  at  Salamis,  a  trireme  had  been  dcsjiatched  to  iEgina  to  in- 
voke the  assistance  of  iEacus,  and  the  .Eacid  heroes  Talamon^and  Aias 
(Ajax).  As  the  Greeks  were  on  the  point  of  embarking,  the  trireme  re- 
turned from  the  mission  just  in  time  to  take  her  place  in  the  line  of  battle. 


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§  8.  As  the  trumpets  sounded,  the  Greeks  rowed  forward  to  the  attack, 
hurhng  into  the  still  morning  air  the  loud  war  pa\an,  reverberated  shrilly 
from  the  cliffs  of  Salamis,  and  not  unanswered  by  the  Persians.  But  sud- 
denly a  panic  api)eared  to  seize  the  Greciiui  oarsmen.     They  paused,  — 


\ 


I 


196 


mSTOKT  OF  GREECEt 


[Chap.  XIX. 


i 


I  »■' 


'»» 


I 


backed  astern,  —  and  some  of  the  reai^^ard  vessels  even  struck  the  ground 
at  Salamis.    At  this  critical  juncture  a  supernatural  portent  is  said  to  have 
reanhnated  the  drooping  courage  of  the  Greeks.    A  female  figure  was 
seen  to  hover  over  the  fleet,  uttering  loud  reproaches  at  their  flight.     Ke- 
animated  by  the  vision,  the  Greeks  again  rowed  forward  to  the  attack. 
History  1ms  preserved  to  us  but  few  details  of  the  engagement,  which, 
indeed,  soon  became  a  scene  of  confusion  too  intricate  to  be  accurately 
observed;  but  the  names  of  those  who  first  grappled  with  the  enemy  have 
not  been  left  unrecorded.    The  Athenian  captains,  Ameinias  and  Lycome- 
des,  the  former  a  brother  of  the  poet  iEschylus,  were  the  first  to  brmg 
their  ships  into  action ;  Democritus,  a  Naxian,  was  the  third.     The  Per- 
sian fleet,  with  the  exception  of  some  of  the  Ionic  contingents,  appears  to 
have  fought  with  alacrity  and  courage.     But  the  very  numbers  on  which 
they  so  confidently  relied  proved  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  their  defeat. 
They  had  neither  concert  in  action,  nor  space  to  manoeuvre ;  and  the  confu- 
sion was  augmented  by  the  mistrust  with  which  the  motley  nations  compos- 
ing  the  Persian  amiament  regarded  one  another.     Too  crowded  either  to 
advance  or  to  retreat,  their  oars  broken  or  impeded  by  coUision  with  one 
another,  their  fleet  lay  hke  an  inert  and  lifeless  mass  upon  the  water,  and 
feU  an  easy  prey  to  the  Greeks.    A  single  incident  will  illustrate  the 
terror  and  confusion  which  reigned  among  the   Persians.    Artemisia, 
although,  as  we  have  related,  averse  to  giving  battle,  distinguished  herself 
in  it  by  deeds  of  daring  bravery.     At  length  she  turned  and  fled,  pursued 
by  the  Athenian  triemrch,  Ameinias.     Full  in  her  course  lay  the  vessel  of 
the  Carian  prince,  Damosithymus  of  Calyndus.    Instead  of  avoiding,  she 
struck  and  sunk  it,  sending  her  countryman  and  all  his  crew  to  the  hot- 
torn.    Amemias,  believing  from  this  act  that  she  was  a  deserter  fmm  the 
Persian  cause,^utfered  her  to  escape.    Xerxes,  who  from  his  lofty  throne 
beheld  the  feat  of  the  Halicamassian  queen,  but  wlio  imagnied  that  the 
sunken  ship  belonged  to  the  Greeks,  was  filled  with  admiration  at  her 
courage,  and  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  "My  men  are  become  women, 

my  women  men ! "  ,       n  *i 

§  9  The  number  of  ships  destroyed  and  sunk  is  stated  at  forty  on  the 
side  of  the  Greeks,  and  two  hundred  on  that  of  the  Persians,  exclusive  of 
those  which  were  captured  with  all  their  crews.  Besides  this  loss  at  sea, 
Aristeides  succeeded  in  inflicting  on  the  Persians  another  on  land.  It  has 
been  already  stated,  that  some  chosen  Persian  troops  had  been  landed  at 
Psyttaleia,  in  order  to  assist  such  Persian  ships  or  destroy  such  Grecian 
ships  as  miglit  be  forced  u,x)n  the  island.  When  the  rout  of  the  Persian 
fleet  was  completed,  Aristeides  landed  on  the  island  with  a  body  of  Hop- 
lites,  defeated  the  Persians,  and  cut  them  to  pieces  to  a  man.* 


♦  The  poet  .E5.chvlus,  ^vho  fought  in  this  battle,  ns  well  as  at  Marathon,  should  be 
atednprIsloithe\>rincipalauthovmes.    In '' The  Persians,"  the  messenger  g.es  to 


looked  upon 


B.  C.  480.] 


BATTLE   OF   SALAMIS. 


197 


Boundless  were  the  rage  and  vexation  of  Xerxes,  as  he  contemplated 
the  flight  and  destruction  of  his  fleet.  Some  Phoenician  crews,  whfch  were 
unlucky  enough  to  be  forced  ashore  close  at  the  despot's  feet,  felt  the  full 
weight  of  his  displeasure.  In  vain  they  sought  to  throw  the  blame  of  the 
defeat  on  the  Ionic  Greeks  serving  under  the  Persian  flaji:.  Xerxes,  who 
besides  the  feat  of  Artemisia,  had  observed  a  very  daring  act  of  valor  per- 
formed by  a  Samothracian  vessel,  treated  the  Plioenicians  as  dastardly 
calumniators,  and  ordered  them  to  be  beheaded. 

Notwithstanding  this  signal  defeat  and  loss,  the  Persian  fleet  was  still 
formidable  by  its  numbers,  whilst  their  land  force  had  suffered  hardly  any 
loss.  The  Greeks  themselves  did  not  regard  the  victory  as  decisive,  and 
prepared  to  renew  the  combat.  But  from  this  necessity  they  were  reUeved 
by  the  pusillanimity  of  Xerxes.  Passing  at  once  from  overweening  con- 
Queen  Atossa  a  very  animated  description.  I  take  the  passage  from  Professor  Blackie's 
ejjccellent  translation. 

"  Some  evil  god,  or  an  avenging  spirit. 
Began  the  fray.    From  the  Athenian  fleet 
There  came  a  Greek,  and  thus  thy  son  bespoke: 
*  Soon  as  the  gloom  of  night  shall  fall,  the  Greeks 
No  more  will  wait,  but,  rushing  to  their  oars. 
Each  man  will  seek  his  safety  where  he  may, 
By  secret  flight.'    This  Xerxes  heard,  but  knew  not 
The  guile  of  Greece,  nor  yet  the  jealous  gods, 
And  to  his  captains  straightway  gave  command 
That,  when  the  sun  withdrew  his  burning  beams, 
And  darkness  filled  the  temple  of  the  sky. 
In  triple  lines  their  ships  they  should  dispose. 
Each  wave-plashed  outlet  guarding,  fencing  round 
The  isle  of  Ajax  surely.    Should  the  Greeks 
Deceive  this  guard,  or  with  their  ships  escape 
In  secret  flight,  each  captain  with  his  head 
Should  pay  for  his  remissness.    These  commands 
With  lofty  heart,  thy  son  gave  forth,  nor  thought 
What  harm  the  gods  were  weaving.    They  obeyed. 
Each  man  prepared  his  supper,  and  the  sailors 
Bound  the  lithe  oar  to  its  familiar  block. 
Then,  when  the  sun  his  shining  glory  paled, 
And  night  swooped  down,  each  master  of  the  oar, 
Each  marshaller  of  arms,  embarked ;  and  then 
Line  called  on  line  to  take  its  ordered  place. 
All  night  they  cruised,  and,  with  a  moving  belt, 
Prisoned  the  frith,  till  day  gan  peep,  and  still 
No  stealthy  Greek  the  expected  flight  essayed. 
But  when  at  lengtli  the  snowy-steeded  day 
Burst  o'er  the  main,  all  beautiful  to  see. 
First  from  the  Greeks  a  tuneful  shout  uprose, 
Well-omened,  and,  with  replication  loud. 
Leaped  the  blithe  echo  from  the  rocky  shore. 
Fear  seized  the  Persian  host,  no  longer  tricked 
By  vain  opinion;  not  like  wavering  flight 
Billowed  the  solemn  pasan  of  the  Greeks, 
But  like  the  shout  of  men  to  battle  urging, 


V  X 


,1 

r 


198 


mSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIX. 


H 


k 


fidence  to  unreasonable  distrust,  the  Persian  monarch  became  anxiously 
solicitous  even  about  his  own  personal  safety.  He  no  longer  relied  on  the 
capability  of  his  ships  to  protect  his  retreat  over  the  Hellespont,  especially 
as  his  own  conduct  had  alienated  a  considerable  part  of  the  fleet.  The 
Phoenicians,  alarmed  by  the  threats  which  rage  and  fear  caused  Xerxes  to 
utter  against  them,  stole  away  in  the  niglit,  and  sailed  homewards.  The 
whole  care  of  the  Persian  monarch  was  now  centred  on  securing  his 
retreat  by  land.  The  best  troops  were  disembarked  from  the  ships,  and 
marched  towards  the  Hellespont,  in  order  to  secure  the  bridge,  whilst  the 
fleet  itself  was  ordered  to  leave  Phalerum  and  make  for  Asia. 

These  dispositions  of  Xerxes  were  prompted  by  Mardonius.  As  the 
adviser  of  the  expedition,  Mardonius  felt  all  the  danger  of  resi)onsibility 
for  its  failure,  especially  if  the  personal  safety  of  his  sovereign  should  be 


With  lusty  cheer.    Then  the  fierce  trumpet's  voice 

Blazed  o'er  the  main ;  and  on  the  salt  sea  flood 

Forthwith  the  oars  with  measured  plash  descended, 

And  all  their  lines,  with  dexterous  speed  displayed, 

Stood  with  opposing  front.    The  right  wing  first, 

Then  the  whole  fleet,  boi-e  down,  and  straight  uprose 

A  mighty  shout :  '  Sons  of  the  Greeks,  advance  ! 

Your  country  free,  your  children  free,  your  wives! 

The  altars  of  your  native  gods  deliver, 

And  your  ancestral  tombs,  —  all  's  now  at  stake  ! ' 

A  like  salute  from  our  whole  line  back  rolled 

In  Persian  speech.    Nor  more  delay,  but  straight 

Trireme  on  trireme,  brazen  beak  on  beak 

Dashed  furious.    A  Greek  ship  led  on  the  attack, 

And  from  the  prow  of  a  Phrenician  struck 

The  figure-head:  and  now  the  grapple  closed 

Of  each  ship  with  his  adverse  desperate. 

At  first  the  main  line  of  the  Persian  fleet 

Stood  the  harsh  shock :  but  soon  their  multitude 

Became  their  ruin :  in  the  narrow  frith 

They  might  not  use  their  strength,  and,  jammed  together, 

Their  ships  with  brazen  beaks  did  bite  each  other, 

And  shattered  their  own  oars.    Meanwhile  the  Greeks 

Stroke  after  stroke  dealt  dexterous  all  around, 

Till  our  ships  showed  their  keels,  and  the  blue  sea 

Was  seen  no  more,  with  multitude  of  ships 

And  corpses  covered.    All  the  shores  were  strewn, 

And  the  rough  rocks,  with  dead :  till,  in  the  end. 

Each  ship  in  the  barbaric  host,  that  yet 

Had  oars,  in  most  disordered  flight  rowed  off. 

As  men  that  fish  for  tunnies,  so  tlie  Greeks, 

With  broken  booms,  and  fragments  of  the  wreck, 

Struck  our  snared  men,  and  hacked  them,  that  the  sea 

With  wail  and  moaning  was  possessed  around, 

Till  black-eyed  Night  shot  darkness  o'er  the  fray. 

These  ills  thou  hearest :  to  rehearse  the  whole, 

Ten  days  were  few ;  but  this,  my  queen,  believe, 

No  day  yet  shone  on  earth  whose  brightness  looked 

On  such  a  tale  of  death."  —  Ed. 


B.  C.  480.] 


KETREAT    OF   XERXES. 


199 


. 


at  all  endangered.  With  adroit  flattery  he  consulted  at  once  the  fears  and 
the  vanity  of  Xerxes,  and  his  own  personal  interests.  He  represented  to 
his  master  that  the  defeat,  after  all,  was  but  slight,  and  had  fallen  entirely 
upon  the  foreign  auxiliaries  ;  that  having  attained  one  of  the  great  objects 
of  the  expedition  by  the  capture  of  Athens,  he  might  now  retire  with 
honor,  and  even  with  glory ;  and  that,  for  the  rest,  he  (Mardonius)  would 
undertake  to  complete  the  conquest  of  Greece  with  three  hundred  thousand 
men.  Xerxes  readily  listened  to  this  advice,  which  accorded  so  well  with 
his  own  inclinations,  and  which  was  supported  by  his  courtiers,  as  well 
as  by  Queen  Artemisia. 

§  10.  When  the  Greeks  learned  that  the  Persian  fleet  had  left  Pha- 
lerum, they  immediately  sailed  in  pursuit  of  it,  Themistocles  and  the 
Athenians  are  represented,  but  probably  on  no  sufficient  ground,  as 
anxious  to  push  on  to  the  Hellespont,  and  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Per- 
sians, and  as  having  been  restrained  only  by  the  more  prudent  counsels  of 
Eurybiades  and  the  Peloponnesians.  The  moment  was  chosen  by  The- 
mistocles to  send  a  second  message  to  Xerxes,  of  a  much  more  questionable 
character  than  the  first.  Sicinnus  was  again  despatched  to  inform  the 
Persian  monarch  that  Themistocles,  out  of  personal  friendship  for  him,  had 
restrained  the  Greeks  from  destroying  the  bridge  over  the  Hellespont,  and 
thus  cutting  off  his  retreat.  In  this  communication  it  is  imjK)ssible  to 
believe  that  Themistocles  can  have  had  anything  but  his  own  personal 
interest  in  view.  He  was  well  aware  that  the  Persian  cause  w«as  far  from 
desperate ;  and  even  if  the  Greeks  should  prove  victorious  in  the  end,  he 
may  have  been  anxious  to  secure  a  safe  retreat  for  himself,  if  he  should 
be  detected  in  his  guilty  practices. 

The  Greeks  pursued  the  Persian  fleet  as  far  as  the  island  of  Andros, 
but  without  success.  To  punish  those  islands  which  had  sided  -with. 
Xerxes  was  a  natural  and  justifiable  act,  which  the  large  naval  force 
under  the  command  of  Themistocles  enabled  him  to  execute;  but  he 
abused  the  same  means  in  order  to  gratify  his  private  rapacity.  The 
Andrians,  indeed,  were  too  poor  to  be  robbed ;  and  though  Themistocles 
threatened  them  with  two  great  gods,  —  Persuasion  and  Necessity,  —  they 
found  themselves  protected,  as  they  said,  by  two  others  equally  efficient, 
—  Poverty  and  Helplessness.  But  in  other  quarters  he  succeeded  better. 
From  Carystus,  Paros,  and  other  places,  he  privately  extorted  bribes,  by 
engaging  to  preserve  them  from  attack ;  and  after  a  short  time  employed 
in  the  vain  attempt  to  wring  something  from  Andros,  the  Grecian  fleet 
returned  to  Salamis. 

§  11.  Meanwhile  Xerxes  pursued  his  homeward  march  through  Boeotia 
into  Thessaly.  In  the  latter  country  Mardonius  selected  the  forces  with 
which  he  proposed  to  conclude  the  war,  consisting  chiefly  of  Pei'sians, 
Medes,  SacaB,  and  Bactrians,  to  the  number  of  three  hundred  tliousand 
men.     But  as  autumn  was  now  approacliing,  and  as  sixty  thousand  of 


1 


if 


200 


mSTORY  OF  GREECE. 


^OHAPa   X  i  XJi 


B.  C.  480.] 


DEFEAT   OF   THE    CARTHAGINIANS. 


201 


tliese  troops  were  to  escort  the  march  of  Xerxes  as  far  as  the  Hellespont, 
Mardonius  resolved  to  postpone  all  further  operations  till  the  spring. 

After  forty-five  days*  march  from  Attica,  Xerxes  again  reached  the 
shores  of  the  Hellespont,  with  a  force  greatly  diminished  by  famine  and 
pestilence.  The  sufferings  of  his  ai-my  were  exaggerated  by  iEschylus, 
and  by  later  poets  and  moralists,  who  delighted  in  heightening  the  con- 
trast between  the  proud  magnificence  of  the  monarch's  advance,  and  the 
ignominious  humiliation  of  his  retreat.  Many  of  these  statements  cannot 
be  accepted  as  historical  facts ;  altliough  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  great 
numbers  perished  from  want  of  provisions,  and  the  diseases  which  always 
follow  in  the  path  of  famine.  On  the  IIelles})ont  Xerxes  found  his  fleet, 
but  the  bridge  had  been  washed  away  by  storms.  Landed  on  the  shores 
of  Asia,  the  Persian  army  at  length  obtained  abundance  of  provisions,  and 
contracted  new  maladies  by  the  sudden  change  from  privation  to  excess. 
Thus  terminated  this  mighty  but  unsuccessful  expedition.  Two  thousand 
years  later,  still  more  barbarous  Eastern  hordes  were  destined  to  find  a 
settlement  on  the  fair  shores  of  Greece.  But  Greece  had  then  worked 
out  her  apjwinted  task,  and  had  transmitted  her  arts,  her  literature,  and 
her  civilization  to  the  nations  of  Western  Europe.* 

§  12.  Among  the  Greeks  nothing  now  remained  to  be  done  but  to  cele 
brate  their  victory  after  the  national  fashion  by  the  distribution  of  rewards 
To  the  -^ginetans  was  adjudged  the  chief  prize  for  valor,  whilst  the 
Atlienians  carried  off  the  second.  Amongst  individual  combatants,  the 
^ginetan,  Polycritus,  and  the  Athenians,  Eumenes  and  Ameinias,  ob- 
tained the  first  rank.  The  deities  also  received  their  share  of  honor. 
Tliree  Phcenician  triremes  were  dedicated  respectively  to  Athena  at 
Sunium,  to  Poseidon  at  the  Corinthian  Isthmus,  and  to  the  Salaminian 
hero,  Aias.  The  shrine  of  the  Delphian  Apollo  was  also  still  further 
enriched  by  the  offerings  of  grateful  superstition. 

Having  distributed  the    rewards   of  valor,  the   Greek  commanders 

*  The  maintenance  of  the  Hellenic  spirit,  even  under  the  four  centuries  of  Turkish  mis- 
rule, is  an  extraordinary  phenomenon  in  history.  The  revival  of  Greek  nationality,  by 
which  the  Turkish  yoke  was  thrown  off  the  necks  of  a  portion  of  the  Hellenic  race,  was  a 
glorious  proof  of  the  indestructible  spirit  of  liberty,  transmitted  from  the  classic  ages.  The 
political  progress  made  by  the  numerically  insignificant  kingdom  of  Hellas,  since  the 
desolating  war  of  the  revolution,  is  a  brilliant  proof  of  the  civic  genius  of  the  people ;  and 
the  present  condition  of  education,  as  exhibited  by  the  schools,  gymnasia,  and  the  Univer- 
sity of  Otho  at  Athens,  is  such  as  to  excite  the  admiration  of  the  traveller,  who  has  the 
smallest  sympathy  with  the  struggles  of  an  illustrious  race  to  vindicate  their  hereditary 
title  to  intellectual  distinction.  But  for  the  illiberal  and  unwise  policy  of  the  three  great 
powers,  France,  England,  and  Kussia,  who  settled  the  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  of  Hel- 
las so  as  to  exclude  the  important  provinces  of  Thessaly,  Epeirus,  Macedonia,  &c.,  and 
the  most  valuable  of  the  islands, —  throwing  back  under  the  wretched  government  of 
Turkey  three  fourths  of  the  Greek  population  of  Greece,  and  surrendering  the  noble  island 
of  Crete  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Pacha  of  Egypt,  —  that  classic  land  might  at  this 
moment  have  been  one  of  the  most  prosperous,  intelligent,  and  enterprising  countries  in 
Europe,  and  the  present  dangerous  crisis  in  Eastern  affairs  perhaps  wholly  averted.  —  Ed. 


undertook  the  more  difficult  task  of  assigning  the  prizes  of  wisdom  and 
conduct.  Upon  the  altar  of  Poseidon,  at  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  whither 
the  Grecian  fleet  had  now  repaired,  each  chief  deposited  a  ticket  inscribed 
with  two  names,  of  those  whom  he  considered  entitled  to  the  first  and 
second  prizes.  But  in  this  adjudication  vanity  and  self-love  defeated 
their  own  objects.  Each  commander  had  put  down  his  own  name  for  the 
first  prize ;  for  the  second,  a  great  majority  preponderated  in  favor  of 
Themistocles.  But  since  the  first  prize  thus  remained  undecided,  and  as 
the  second  could  not,  consequently,  be  adjudicated,  the  Athenian  leader 
reaped  no  benefit  from  these  votes.  From  the  Spartans,  however,  whom 
he  shortly  afterwards  visited,  he  received  the  honors  due  to  his  merit.  A 
crown  of  olive  similar  to  that  wliich  rewarded  their  own  commander, 
Eurybiades,  was  conferred  upon  him,  together  with  one  of  the  most  splen- 
did chariots  which  the  city  could  produce ;  and  on  his  departure  the  tliree 
hundred  Hippeis,  or  knights,  the  youth  and  the  flower  of  the  Lacedoemo- 
nian  militia,  accompanied  him  as  a  guard  of  honor  as  far  as  Tegea.  In 
fact,  the  honors  heaped  upon  Themistocles  by  the  haughty  Spartans  were 
so  extraordinary,  as  to  excite,  it  is  said,  the  jealousy  of  the  Athenians 
against  their  distinguished  countryman. 

§  13.  On  the  very  same  day  on  which  the  Persians  were  defeated  at 
Salamis,  another  portion  of  the  Hellenic  race,  the  Sicilian  Greeks,  also 
obtained  a  victory  over  an  immense  bai'barian  force.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  the  invasion  of  Sicily  by  the  Carthaginians  was  concerted 
with  Xerxes,  and  that  the  simultaneous  attack  on  two  distinct  Grecian 
peoples,  by  two  immense  armaments,  was  not  merely  the  result  of  chance. 
It  was,  however,  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Sicily  that  the  Carthaginians 
sought  the  pretext  and  the  opportunity  for  their  invasion.  About  the  year 
481  B.  c,  Theron,  despot  of  Agrigentum,  a  relative  of  Gelon's,  the  power- 
ful ruler  of  Syracuse,  expelled  Terillus  from  Himera,  and  took  possession 
of  that  town.  Terillus,  backed  by  some  Sicilian  cities  which  formed  a 
kind  of  Carthaginian  party,  applied  to  the  Carthaginians  to  restore  him. 
The  Carthaginians  complied  with  the  invitation  ;  and  in  the  year  480  b.  c. 
Hamilcar  landed  at  Panormus  with  a  force  composed  of  various  nations, 
which  is  said  to  have  amounted  to  the  enormous  sum  of  three  hundred 
thousand  men.  Having  drawn  up  his  vessels  on  the  beach,  and  protected 
them  with  a  rampart,  Hamilcar  proceeded  to  besiege  the  Huneraians,  who 
on  their  part  prepared  for  an  obstinate  defence.  At  the  instance  of  The- 
ron, Gelon  marched  to  the  relief  of  the  town  with  fifty  thousand  foot 
and  five  thousand  horse.  An  obstinate  and  bloody  engagement  ensued, 
which,  by  a  stratagem  of  Gelon's,  was  at  length  determined  in  his  favor. 
The  ships  of  the  Carthaginians  were  fired,  and  Hamilcar  himself  slain. 
According  to  the  statement  of  Diodorus,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
Carthaginians  fell  in  the  engagement,  while  the  greater  part  of  the  remain 
der  surrendered  at  discretion,  twenty  ships  alone  escaping  with  a  few  fugi 

26 


fi02 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIX. 


tives.  Tliis  account  may  justly  be  regarded  as  an  exaggeration ;  yet  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  the  victory  was  a  decisive  one,  and  the  number 
very  great  of  the  prisoners  and  slain. 

Thus  were  the  arms  of  Greece  victorious  on  all  sides,  and  the  outposts 
of  Eui-ope  maintained  against  the  incursions  of  the  semi-barbarous  hoi-des 
of  Asia  and  Africa.  In  Sicily,  Greek  taste  made  the  sinews  of  the  pris- 
oners subserve  the  purposes  of  art ;  and  many  of  the  public  structures 
which  adorned  and  distinguished  Agrigcntum  rose  by  the  labor  of  the 
captive  Ciu-thaginians. 


B.  C.  479.]      POSITION   OF  THE  PERSIAN  AND   GREEK  FLEETS. 


203 


Temple  of  Nik^  Apteros  (the  Wingless  Victory),  on  the  Acropolis  at  Athens,  restored 


CHAPTER    XX. 


BATTLES  OF  PLATJEA  AND  MTCALE. 


4  1.  Position  of  the  Persian  and  Greek  Fleets.  §  2.  Preparations  of  Mardonius  for  th« 
Campaign.  §  3.  He  solicits  the  Athenians  to  join  hira.  Faithlessness  of  the  Spartans. 
\  4.  Mardonius  occupies  Athens.  Athenian  Embassy  to-  Sparta.  March  of  the  Spartan 
Army.  §  5.  Mardonius  retires  into  Boeotia:  followed  by  the  Grecian  Anny.  Skirmishes. 
§  6.  The  Greeks  descend  into  the  Plain.  Manoeuvres  of  the  two  Annies.  §  7.  Alexan 
der,  King  of  Macedon,  visits  the  Grecian  Camp.  The  Greeks  resolve  to  change  their 
Ground:  their  disorderly  Retreat.  §  8.  Battle  of  Plataja.  Defeat  of  the  Persians. 
^  9.  Division  of  the  Spoil.  §  10.  Reduction  of  Thebes,  and  Execution  of  the  Theban 
Leaders.  §  11.  Death  of  Aristodemus.  §  12.  League  of  Plattea.  Religious  Ceremonies. 
\  13.  Battle  of  Mycale.  Defeat  of  the  Persians.  §  14.  Liberation  of  the  Greek  Islands. 
4  16.  Siege  and  Capture  of  Sestos. 


§  1.  The  remnant  of  the  Persian  fleet,  after  conveying  Xerxes  and  his 
army  across  the  Hellespont,  wintered  at  Cyme  and  Samos ;  and  early  in 
the  ensuing  spring,  the  whole  armament,  to  the  number  of  about  four 
hundred  vessels,  reassembled  at  the  latter  island.  This  movement  was 
adopted  in  order  to  keep  a  watch  over  Ionia,  which  showed  symptoms  of 
an  inclination  to  revolt,  and  not  with  any  design  of  attacking  the  Grecian 
fleet.  The  latter,  consisting  of  about  one  hundred  and  ten  ships,  under 
the  command  of  the  Spartan  king,  Leotychides,  assembled  in  the  spring  at 
^gina.  From  this  station  it  advanced  as  far  eastward  as  Delos  ;  but  the 
Ionian  envoys  despatched  to  the  Peloponnesians,  with  promises  that  the 
lonians  would  revolt  from  Persia  as  soon  as  the  Greek  fleet  appeared  off 
their  coast,  could  not  prevail  upon  Leotychides  to  venture  an  attack  upon 
the  Persians. 


202 


HISTORY   <*»  GREECIL 


[Chap.  XIX. 


I 


tives.  This  account  may  justly  be  regaixled  fW  an  exaggeration ;  yet  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  the  vit-tory  was  a  decisive  one,  and  the  number 
very  gwat  of  the  prisoners  and  slain. 

Thus  were  the  arms  of  (ireece  victorious  on  all  sides,  and  the  outposts 
of  Europe  maintained  against  the  incursions  of  the  semi-barbarous  hordes 
of  Asia  and  Africa.  In  Sieily,  (Ireek  taste  made  the  sinews  of  the  pris- 
oners subserve  tiie  jmrpositts  of  art;  and  many  of  the  pul)lic  structures 
which  adorned  and  distinguislied  Agrigentuni  rose  by  the  labor  of  the 
capti\  e  Cart  haguiijuis. 


B.  C.  479.]      POSITION    OF   THE   PERSIAN   AND    GREEK   FLEETS. 


203 


ir.{ 


Temple  of  Nik«S  Apteros  (the  Wingless  Victory),  on  the  Acropolis  at  Athens,  restored 


CHAPTER    XX. 


BATTLES    OF  PLAT^A   AND    JIYCALE. 

4  1.  Position  of  the  Persian  and  Greek  Fleets.  §  2.  Preparatif)iis  of  Jlardonins  for  the 
Campaign.  §  3.  He  solicits  the  Athenians  to  join  him.  raithlessness  of  tlie  Spartans. 
^  4.  Mardonins  occupies  Atliens.  Athenian  Eml)as<y  to  Sparta.  March  of  the  Sjtartai: 
Army.  §  5.  Slardonius  retires  into  IJa'otia:  followed  l)y  the  Grecian  Anny.  Ski^ni^hes. 
§  6.  The  Greeks  descend  into  the  Plain.  Mand'uvros  of  the  two  Annies.  §  7.  Alexan 
der,  King  of  Maccdon,  visits  the  Grecian  Camj).  The  Greeks  resolve  to  change  their 
Ground:  their  disorderly  lletreat.  §  8.  Battle  of  Platica.  Defeat  of  the  Persians. 
§  9.  Division  of  the  Spoil.  §  10.  Reduction  of  Thebes,  and  Execution  of  the  Theban 
Leaders.  §11.  Death  of  Aristodemus.  §12.  League  of  Plativa.  Ilt'ligious  Ceremonies. 
\  13.  Battle  of  Mycalc.  Defeat  of  the  Persians.  §  14.  Liberation  of  the  Greek  Islands. 
§  15.  Siege  and  Capture  of  Sestos. 


§  1.  The  remnant  of  the  Persian  fleet,  after  conveying  Xerxes  and  his 
army  across  the  IIellesi)ont,  wint«'red  at  Cyme  and  Samos ;  and  early  in 
the  ensuin*!^  si)ring,  the  whole  armament,  to  the  number  of  about  four 
hundred  vessels,  reassembled  at  the  latter  island.  This  movement  was 
ado[)ted  in  order  to  keep  a  watch  over  Ionia,  which  showed  symptoms  of 
an  inclination  to  revolt,  and  not  with  any  design  of  attacking  the  Grecian 
fleet.  The  latter,  consisting  of  about  one  hundred  and  ten  ships,  under 
the  connnand  of  the  S[)artan  king,  Leotychides,  assembled  in  the  sjuing  at 
-^srina.  From  tliis  station  it  advanced  as  far  eastward  as  Delos  ;  but  the 
Ionian  envoys  despiitched  to  the  Peloponnesians,  with  promises  that  the 
lonians  would  re^'olt  from  Persia  as  soon  as  the  Greek  fleet  appeared  off 
their  coast,  could  not  prevail  upon  Leotychides  to  venture  an  attack  upon 
the  Persians. 


204 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XX. 


A 


§  2.  The  disastrous  retreat  of  Xerxes  had  not  much  shaken  the  fidelity 
of  his  Grecian  allies.  Potida?a,  indeed,  and  the  other  towns  on  the  isth- 
mus of  Pallene,  declared  themselves  independent;  whilst  symptoms  of 
disaffection  were  also  visible  among  the  Phocians ;  but  the  more  impor- 
tant allies  of  Persia,  the  Maeedoniims,  the  Thessalians,  and  especially  the 
Boeotians,  were  still  disposed  to  co-operate  vigorously  with  Mardonius. 
That  general  prepared  to  open  the  campaign  in  the  spring.  As  a  pre- 
liminary measure,  adopted  probably  with  the  view  of  flattering  the  religious 
prejudices  of  his  Greek  allies,  he  consulted  some  of  the  most  celebrated 
oracles  in  Boeotia  and  Phocis  respecting  the  issue  of  the  war.  He  was 
not  without  hopes  of  inducing  the  Athenians  to  join  the  Persian  aUiance ; 
and,  in  order  to  facilitate  such  a  step,  it  was  pretended  that  the  oracles 
had  foretold  the  approach  of  the  time  when  the  Athenians,  united  with 
the  Persians,  should  expel  the  Dorians  from  Peloponnesus. 

§  3.  The  influence  of  superstition  was  aided  by  the  intrigues  of  diplo- 
macy. Alexander,  king  of  Macedon,  was  despatched  to  conciliate  the 
Athenians,  now  partially  re-estabhshed  in  their  dila[>idated  city.  His 
oflfers  on  the  part  of  the  Pei-sians  were  of  the  most  seductive  kind ;  the 
reparation  of  all  damage,  the  friendship  of  the  Great  King,  and  a  consid- 
erable extension  of  territory :  the  whole  backed  by  the  pressing  instances 
of  Alexander  himself,  and  enforced  by  a  vivid  picture  of  the  exposed  and 
helpless  situation  of  Attica. 

The  temptation  was  certainly  strong.  On  the  one  hand,  ruined  homes 
and  empty  granaries,  the  result  of  the  last  campaign  ;  the  first  shock  and 
severest  brunt  of  the  war  to  be  sustained  by  Attica,  as  the  outpost  of 
Southern  Hellas,  and  this  for  lukewarm  and  selfish  allies,  to  whose  negli- 
gence  and  breach  of  faith  the  Athenians  chiefly  owed  their  present  calami- 
ties :  on  the  other  hand,  their  city  restored,  their  starving  population  fed, 
the  horrors  of  war  averted,  and  only  that  more  agreeable  part  of  it  adopted 
which  would  consist  in  accompanying  and  aiding  an  overwhelming  force 
in  a  career  of  almost  certain  victory.  The  Lacedemonians  were  quite 
aEve  to  the  exigencies  of  the  situation,  so  far,  at  least,  as  it  concerned  their 
own  safety.  They  also  had  sent  envoys  to  counteract  the  seductions  of 
Alexander,  and  to  tender  relief  to  the  distressed  population  of  Athens.  The 
answer  of  the  Athenians  was  magnanimous  and  dignified.  They  dismissed 
Alexander  with  a  positive  refusal,  and  even  with  something  like  a  threat 
of  personal  violence  in  case  he  should  again  be  the  beaier  of  such  propo- 
sals ;  whilst  to  the  Lacedaemonians  they  protested  that  no  temptations,  how- 
ever great,  should  ever  induce  them  to  desert  the  common  cause  of  Greece 
and  freedom.  In  return  for  this  disinterested  conduct,  all  they  asked  was 
that  a  Peloponnesian  army  should  be  sent  into  Boeotia  for  the  defence 
of  the  Attic  frontier ;  a  request  which  the  Spartan  envoys  promised  to 
liilfil. 

No  sooner,  however,  had  they  returned  to  theb  own  country  than  this 


B.  C.  479.] 


MARDONIUS  OCCUPIES  ATHENS. 


205 


promise  was  completely  forgotten.  As  on  the  former  occasion,  the  Lace- 
diemonians  cevered  their  selfishness  and  indifference  beneath  the  hypo- 
critical garb  of  religion.  The  omens  w^ere  unfavorable ;  the  sun  had  been 
eclipsed  at  the  moment  when  Cleombrotus,  the  Spartan  king,  was  consult- 
inf^  the  gods  respecting  the  expedition;  and,  besides  this,  they  were 
engaged  in  celebrating  the  festival  of  the  Hyacinthia.  But  no  omens  nor 
festivals  had  prevented  them  from  resuming  with  unremitting  diligence 
the  labor  of  fortifying  the  Istlmius,  and  the  walls  and  battlements  were 
now  rapidly  advancing  towards  completion. 

§  4.  When  Mardonius  was  informed  that  the  Athenians  had  rejected 
his  proposal,  he  immediately  marched  against  Athens,  accompanied  by  all 
his  Grecian  allies ;  and  in  May  or  June,  b.  c.  479,  about  ten  months  after 
the  retreat  of  Xerxes,  the  Persians  again  occupied  that  city.  With  feel- 
hi^s  of  bitter  indignation  against  their  faithless  allies,  the  Athenians  saw 
themselves  once  more  compelled  to  remove  to  Salamis.  But  even  in  this 
depressed  condition,  the  naval  force  of  the  Athenians  still  rendered  them 
formidable ;  and  Mardonius  took  advantage  of  his  situation  to  endeavor 
once  more  to  win  them  to  his  alliance.  Through  a  Hellespontine  Greek, 
the  same  favorable  conditions  were  again  offered  to  them,  but  were  again 
refused.  One  voice  alone,  that  of  the  senator  Lycidas,  broke  the  una- 
nimity of  the  assembly.  But  his  opposition  cost  him  his  life.  He  and  his 
fiunily  were  stoned  to  death  by  the  excited  populace. 

In  this  desperate  condition  the  Athenians  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Spar- 
tans to  remonstrate  against  their  breach  of  faith,  and  to  implore  them, 
before  it  was  too  late,  to  come  forwards  in  the  common  cause  of  Greece. 
The  ambassadors  were  also  instructed  to  intimate  that  necessity  might  at 
lenf^th  compel  the  Athenians  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of  the  enemy. 
This  message,  however,  was  very  coolly  received  by  the  Lacedaemonians. 
For  ten  days  no  answer  whatever  was  returned ;  and  it  can  scarcely  be 
doubted  that  the  reply,  which  they  at  last  thought  fit  to  make,  would  have 
been  a  negative,  but  for  a  piece  of  advice  which  opened  their  eyes  to  the 
consequences  of  their  selfish  policy.  Chileos,  a  Tegean,  a  man  whose  wis- 
dom they  revered,  and  whom  they  consulted  on  this  occasion,  pointed  out 
to  them  that  their  fortifications  at  the  isthmus  would  prove  of  no  avail  in 
case  the  Athenians  allied  themselves  to  the  Persians,  and  thus,  by  means 
of  their  fleet,  opened  a  way  into  the  heart  of  Peloponnesus.  It  is  strange 
that  the  Lacedaemonians  should  have  needed  this  admonition,  which  seems 
obvious  enough ;  but  selfishness  is  proverbially  blind. 

The  conduct  of  the  Spartans  was  as  prompt  as  their  change  of  resolution 
had  been  sudden.  That  very  night  five  thousand  citizens,  each  attended  by 
seven  Helots,  were  despatched  to  the  frontiers ;  and  these  Avere  shortly  fol- 
lowed by  five  thousand  Lacedasmonian  Perioeci,  each  attended  by  one  light- 
armed  Helot  Never  before  had  the  Spartans  sent  so  large  a  force  into 
the  field.     Their  example  was  followed  by  other  Peloponnesian  cities ;  and 


I 


1 1. 


206 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chaf.  XX 


1' 


the  Athenian  envoys  returned  to  Salamis  with  the  joyful  news  that  a 
large  army  was  preparing  to  march  against  the  enemy,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Pausanias,  who  acted  as  regent  for  Pleistarchus,  the  infant  son  of 
Leonidas. 

§  0.  Bliirdonius,  on  learning  the  approach  of  the  Lacedaemonians, 
abandoned  Attica,  and  proceeded  by  the  pass  of  Decelea  across  Mount 
Fames  into  Boeotiji,  a  country  more  adapted  to  the  operations  of  the 
cavaliy,  in  which  his  strength  principtdly  lay.  Whilst  he  still  entertained 
a  hope  that  the  Athenians  might  be  induced  to  join  his  anns,  he  had 
refrained  from  committing  any  depredations  on  their  territory ;  but  find- 
ing this  expectation  vain,  he  employed  the  last  days  of  his  stay  in 
burning  and  devastating  all  that  had  been  spared  by  the  army  of  Xerxes. 
After  crossing  the  frontiers  of  Boeotia,  and  marching  a  day  or  two  along 
the  Asopus,  he  finally  took  up  a  position  on  the  left  bank  of  that  river,  and 
not  far  from  the  town  of  Plataea.  Here  he  caused  a  camp  to  be  con- 
structed of  ten  furlongs  square,  and  fortified  with  barricades  and  towers. 
The  situation  was  well  selected,  since  he  had  the  friendly  and  well-fortified 
city  of  Thebes  in  his  rear,  and  was  thus  in  no  danger  of  falling  short  of 
provisions.  Yet  the  disposition  of  his  army  was  far  from  being  sanguine. 
With  the  exception  of  the  Thebans  and  Boeotians,  his  Grecian  allies  were 
become  lukewarm  or  wavering ;  and  even  among  the  Persians  themselves, 
the  disastrous  flight  of  their  monarch  in  the  preceding  year  had  naturally 
damped  all  hopes  of  the  successful  issue  of  a  campaign  wliich  was  now  to 
be  conducted  with  far  inferior  forces. 

Meanwhile,  the  Lacedaemonian  force  collected  at  the  Isthmus  was 
receiving  reinforcements  from  the  various  states  of  Peloponnesus.  On  its 
march  through  Megara  it  was  joined  by  3,000  Megarians ;  and  at  Eleusis 
received  its  final  accession  of  8,000  Athenian  and  600  Platjean  Hoplites, 
who  had  crossed  over  from  Salamis  under  the  command  of  Aristeides. 
The  Grecian  army  now  consisted  of  38,700  heavy-armed  men,  attended 
by  Helots  and  light-armed  troops  to  the  number  of  neai-ly  70,000 ;  and, 
together  with  1,800  badly  armed  Thespians,  formed  a  grand  total  of 
about  110,000  men.  There  were,  however,  no  cavahy,  and  but  very 
few  bowmen. 

Having  consulted  the  gods  by  sacrifices,  wliich  proved  of  a  favorable 
nature,  the  Grecian  army  broke  up  from  Eleusis,  and  directed  its  march 
over  the  ridge  of  Cithieron.  On  descendmg  its  northern  side,  the  Greeks 
came  in  sight  of  the  Persian  army  drawn  up  in  the  valley  of  the  Asopus. 
Pausanias,  not  caring  to  expose  his  troops  to  the  attacks  of  the  Persian 
cavalry  on  the  plain,  halted  them  on  the  slopes  of  the  mountam,  near 
Erythrae,  where  the  ground  was  rugged  and  uneven.  (See  Plan,  First 
Position.)  This  position  did  not,  however,  altogether  preserve  them. 
Skilled  in  the  use  of  the  bow  and  of  the  javelm,  the  Persian  horsemen, 
under  the  command  of  Masistius,  repeatedly  charged  the  Greeks,  harass- 


B.  C.  479.] 


BATTLE    OF   PLAT^A. 


207 


ing  them  with  flights  of  missiles,  and  taunting  them  with  cowardice  for  not 
venturing  down  into  the  plain.  The  Megarians,  especially,  suffered 
severely,  until  rescued  by  a  body  of  three  hundred  chosen  Athenians,  who 
succeeded  in  repulsing  the  Persian  cavalry,  and  killing  their  leader,  Mosis- 
tius,  a  man  tall  in  stature  and  of  distinguished  bravery.  The  Gi  eeks 
(.•elebrated  their  triumph  by  parading  the  corpse  through  the  army  in  a 
•cart 


a.  PersiaDS. 

b.  Aiheniang. 

c.  Lacedaemonians. 

d.  Various  Greek  allies. 


Battle  of  Plataea.    (From  Grote's  Greece.) 

I.  First  position  occupied  by 

tlie  opposing  armies. 
II.  Second  Position. 
ni.  Third  Position. 


A.  Road  from  Plataea  to  Thebes. 

B.  Road  from  Megara  to  Thebes. 

C.  Persian  Camp. 

D.  Erythrae. 

E.  Hysiae. 


§  6.  This  success  encouraged  Pausanias  to  quit  the  high  ground  and 
take  up  a  position  on  the  plain.  Defiling  from  Erythi-ae  in  a  westerly 
direction,  and  marching  by  Hysiae,  he  formed  his  army  in  a  line  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Asopus.  In  this  arrangement,  the  right  wing,  which 
extended  to  the  fountain  Gargaphia,  was  conceded,  as  the  post  of  honor, 
to  the  Lacedaemonians ;  the  occupation  of  the  left,  near  the  grove  of  the 
hero  Androcrates,  was  disputed  between  the  Tegeans  and  Athenians. 
The  matter  was  referred  to  the  whole  body  of  the  Lacedaemonian  troops, 
who  by  acclamation  declared  the  Athenians  entitled  to  the  preference. 


20G 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[ClIAP.  XX. 


B.  C.  479.] 


BATTLE    OF   PLATJEA. 


207 


"I 


t'ltiii 


the  Athenian  envoys  returned  to  Sahmiis  with  the  joyful  news  that  a 
large  army  was  preparing  to  mareh  against  tlie  enemy,  nntler  the  com- 
mand of  Pausanias,  who  acted  as  regent  for  Pleistarchus,  the  infant  son  of 
Leonidas. 

§  5.  Mardonius,  on  learning  the  approach  of  the  Lac<Mla^monians, 
abandone<l  Attica,  and  proceeded  by  the  pass  of  Decelea  across  IMount 
Panics  into  Ba'otia,  a  country  more  adapted  to  the  operations  of  tlie 
cavaliy,  in  wliicli  liis  strength  principally  lay.  AVhilst  he  still  entertained 
a  hope  that  the  Athenians  miglit  be  induced  to  join  his  arms,  he  had 
refrained  from  committing  any  depredations  on  tlieir  territory  ;  but  find- 
ing this  ex[>ectation  vain,  he  employed  the  last  days  of  his  stay  in 
burning  and  devastating  all  that  had  been  spared  by  the  army  of  Xerxes. 
After  crossing  the  frontiers  of  Bccotia,  and  marching  a  day  or  two  along 
the  Asopus,  he  finally  took  up  a  position  on  the  left  bank  of  that  river,  and 
not  far  from  tlie  town  of  PlatiBa.  Here  he  caused  a  camp  to  be  con- 
structed of  ten  furlongs  square,  and  fortified  with  barricades  and  towers. 
The  situation  was  well  selected,  since  he  had  the  friendly  and  well-fortified 
city  of  Thebes  in  his  rear,  and  was  thus  in  no  danger  of  falling  short  of 
provisi(»ns.  Yet  the  disfiosition  of  his  anny  was  far  from  being  sanguine. 
With  the  exception  of  the  Thebans  and  Bccotians,  his  Grecian  allies  were 
become  lukewami  or  wavering ;  and  even  among  tlie  Persians  tliemselves, 
the  disastrous  fiight  of  their  monarch  in  the  preceding  year  had  naturally 
dam|>ed  all  lu)[)es  of  tlie  successful  issue  of  a  campaign  which  was  now  to 
be  conducted  with  far  inferior  forces. 

Meanwhile,  the  Lacedainonian  force  collected  at  the  Isthmus  was 
receiving  reinforcements  from  the  various  states  of  Peloponnesus.  On  its 
march  through  3Iegara  it  was  joined  by  3,<>00  Megarians ;  and  at  Eleusis 
received  its  final  accession  of  8,000  Athenian  and  600  Plata-an  Hoplites, 
who  liad  crossed  over  from  Salamis  under  the  command  of  Aristeides. 
The  Grecian  army  now  consisted  of  38,700  heavy-armed  men,  attended 
by  Helots  and  light-armed  ti-oops  to  the  number  of  nearly  70,000 ;  and, 
together  with  1,800  badly  armed  Thespians,  formed  a  gi'and  total  of 
about  110,000  men.  There  were,  however,  no  cavalry,  and  but  very 
few  bowmen. 

Having  consulted  the  gods  by  sacrifices,  which  proved  of  a  favorable 
nature,  the  Grecian  army  broke  up  from  Eleusis,  and  directed  its  march 
over  the  ridge  of  Cithajron.  On  descending  its  northern  side,  the  Greeks 
came  m  sight  of  the  Persian  army  drawn  up  in  the  valley  of  the  Asopus. 
Pausanias,  not  caring  to  expose  his  troops  to  the  attacks  of  the  Persian 
cavalry  on  the  plain,  halted  them  on  the  slopes  of  the  mountain,  near 
Erytlirte,  where  the  ground  was  rugged  and  uneven.  (See  Plan,  First 
Position.)  This  position  did  not,  liowever,  altogether  preserve  them. 
Skilled  in  the  use  of  the  bow  and  of  the  javeHn,  the  Persian  horsemen, 
mider  the  command  of  Masistius,  repeatedly  charged  the  Greeks,  harass- 


ing them  with  flights  of  missiles,  and  taunting  them  with  cowar<lice  for  not 
venturing  down  into  the  plain.  The  Megarians,  especially,  suffered 
severely,  until  rescued  by  a  body  of  three  hundred  chosen  Athenians,  who 
succeeded  in  rei^ulsing  the  Persian  cavalry,  and  killing  their  leader,  INJysis- 
tius,  a  man  tall  in  stature  and  of  distinguished  bravery.  The  Gi  eeks 
(,'elebrated  their  triumph  by  parading  tlie  corpse  through  the  army  m  a 
"Cart. 


tf^i^^^i 


a.  Persians. 

b.  Athenians. 

c.  Lac-ediemonians. 

d.  Various  Greeli  allies. 


Battle  of  Platsca.    (From  Grote's  Greece.) 

I.  First  position  occupied  by 

the  opposing  annies. 
II.  Second  Position. 
III.  Third  Position. 


A.  Road  from  Plataca  to  Thebes. 
IJ.  Uojul  from  Megara  to  Thebes. 

C.  Persian  Camp. 

D.  Erythrse. 

E.  Hysias. 


§  G.  This  success  encouraged  Pausanias  to  quit  the  high  ground  and 
take  up  a  position  on  the  plain.  Defiling  from  Erj^thiw  in  a  westerly 
direction,  and  marching  by  Hysia?,  he  formed  his  army  in  a  line  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Asopus.  In  this  arrangement,  the  right  wing,  which 
extended  to  the  fountain  Gargaphia,  was  conceded,  as  the  post  of  honor, 
to  the  Lacedaimonians ;  the  occupation  of  the  left,  near  the  grove  of  the 
hero  Androcrates,  was  disputed  between  the  Tegeans  and  Athenians. 
The  matter  was  referred  to  the  whole  body  of  the  Laceda3monian  troops, 
who  by  acclamation  declared  the  Athenians  entitled  to  the  preference. 


208 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XX. 


B.  C.  479.] 


BATTLE    OF  PLAT^A. 


209 


^ 


\il 


On  perceiving  that  the  Greeks  had  changed  their  position,  Mardonius 
drew  up  his  army  opposite  to  them,  on  the  other  side  of  tlie  Asopus. 
(See  Plan,  Second  Position.)  He  himself,  with  the  Persians  and  Medes, 
the  flower  of  his  anny,  took  his  |x>st  in  the  left  wing,  facing  the  Lacedae- 
monians on  the  Grecian  right ;  whilst  the  Greeks  and  Macedonians  in  the 
Persian  service,  to  the  number,  probably,  of  fifty  thousand,  were  opposed 
to  the  Athenians  on  the  left.  Tlic  centre  of  Mardonius  was  comiK)sed 
of  Bactrians,  Indians,  Sac»,  and  other  Asiatics,  and  Egyptians ;  and  his 
whole  force  probably  amounted  to  about  three  hundred  thousand  men. 

But  though  the  armies  were  thus  in  presence,  each  was  reluctant  to 
commence  the  attack.  The  soothsayers  on  botli  sides,  whose  responses 
were  probably  dictated  by  the  feeling  prevalent  among  the  commanders, 
declared  that  the  sacrifices  were  unfavoi*able  for  any  aggressive  move- 
ment. For  eight  days  the  armies  remained  inactive,  except  that  the  Per- 
sians annoyed  the  Greeks  at  a  distance  with  their  missiles,  and  altogether 
prevented  them  from  watering  at  the  Asopus.  On  the  eighth  day  Mar- 
donius, at  the  suggestion  of  the  Theban  leatler,  Timagenidas,  employed  his 
cavalrj'  in  cutting  oiF  the  supplies  of  the  Greeks,  and  cai)tured  a  train  of 
^Ye  hundred  beasts  of  burden,  together  with  their  escort,  as  they  were 
defiling  through  one  of  tlie  passes  of  Cithairon.  Artabazus,  the  second  in 
command,  advised  IMardonius  to  continue  this  policy  of  harassing  and 
wearing  out  the  Greeks,  without  risking  a  general  engagement ;  and  also 
to  endeavor,  by  means  of  bribes,  to  cori-upt  and  disunite  them.  That  this 
latter  step  was  feasible  appeai-s  from  what  actually  occurred  among  the 
Athenians.  ScveKjl  of  the  wealthier  Hoplites  serving  in  their  ranks 
entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  establish  at  Athens,  under  Persian  supremacy, 
an  oligarchy  resembhng  that  at  Thebes.  Fortunately,  however,  the  plot 
was  discovered  and  repressed  by  Aristeides.  But  Mardonius  was  too 
impatient  to  await  the  success  of  such  measures,  which  he  considered  as 
an  imputation  on  the  Persian  arms ;  and,  overruling  the  opinions  of  Arta- 
bazus and  the  rest  of  his  officers,  gave  orders  to  prepare  for  a  genei-al 
attack. 

§  7.  On  the  night  after  Mardonius  had  taken  this  resolution,  Alexander, 
king  of  Macedon,  leaving  the  Persian  camp  by  stealth,  rode  up  to  the 
Athenian  outposts,  and,  desiring  to  speak  with  Aristeides  and  the  other 
generals,  informed  them  of  the  intended  attack  on  the  morrow.  "  I  risk 
my  life,"  he  observed,  "  in  conveying  this  intelligence ;  but  I  too  am  a 
Greek  by  descent,  and  with  sorrow  should  I  see  Hellas  enslaved  by  the 
Persians." 

Aristeides  immediately  communicated  this  news  to  Pausanias.  On 
hearing  it,  the  latter  made  a  proposal  savoring  but  little  of  the  tradition- 
ary Spai-tan  valor ;  namely,  that  the  Athenians,  who  had  had  experience 
of  the  Persian  mode  of  fighting,  should  change  places  with  the  Lacedse- 
monians  in  the  line.     The  Athenians  readily  assented  to  this  arrangement 


Mardonius,  however,  on  perceiving  the  change  which  had  been  made, 
effected  a  corresponding  one  in  his  own  line.  Hereuiwn  Pausanias 
marched  back  to  the  Grecian  right,  and  was  again  followed  by  ]\Iardo- 
nius ;  so  that  the  two  armies  remained  in  their  original  position. 

Neither  side,  however,  was  inclined  to  venture  a  general  attack.  The 
fighting  was  confined  to  the  Persian  cavalry,  which  the  Greeks  had  no 
adequate  means  of  repelling.  For  some  portion  of  the  day  it  obtained 
possession  of  the  fountain  of  Gargaphia,  the  only  source  from  which  the 
Greeks  could  procure  their  water,  and  succeeded  in  choking  it  up.  It 
also  intercepted  the  convoys  of  provisions  proceeding  to  the  Grecian 
camp.  Under  these  cii-cumstances,  finding  the  gi-ound  untenable,  Pau- 
sanias summoned  a  council  of  war,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  retreat  dur- 
ing the  night  to  a  place  called  the  Island,  about  ten  furiongs  in  the  rear 
of  their  present  position,  and  half-way  between  it  and  the  town  of  PIata\a. 
The  spot  selected,  improperly  called  an  island,  was  in  fiict  a  piece  of 
ground  about  three  furlongs  in  breadth,  comprised  between  two  branches 
of  the  river  Oeroe,  which,  rising  from  distinct  sources  in  Citlwron,  and 
running  for  some  space  nearly  parallel  with  one  another,  at  length  unite, 
and  flow  in  a  westerly  direction  into  the  Gulf  of  Corinth.  The  nature  of 
the  ground  would  thus  afford  to  the  Greeks  both  abundance  of  water  and 
protection  from  the  enemy's  cavalry. 

The  retreat,  however,  though  for  so  short  a  distance,  was  effected  in 
disorder  and  confusion.  The  Greek  centre,  chiefly  composed  of  Megari- 
ans  and  Corinthians,  instead  of  taking  up  a  position  on  the  Island,  as  com- 
manded by  Pausanias,  did  not  halt  till  they  reached  the  town  of  Plattea, 
where  they  formed  in  front  of  the  Herajum  on  high  ground,  and  protected 
by  buildings.  (See  Plan,  Third  Position.)  Some  time  after  their  depart- 
ure Pausanias  commanded  the  right  wing,  which,  as  we  have  said,  was 
composed  of  Lacedemonians,  to  follow.  But  his  orders  were  disputed  by 
one  of  his  captains,  Amompharetus,  a  leader  of  one  of  the  lochi,  who  had 
not  been  present  at  the  council  of  war,  and  who,  considering  this  retrograde 
movement  as  a  retreat  derogatory  to  Spartan  honor,  obstinately  refused  to 
stir  from  his  post.  Meanwhile,  the  Athenians,  —  not  unnaturally  distrust- 
ful of  the  Spartans,  —  before  they  broke  ground  themselves,  despatched  a 
mounted  messenger  to  ascertain  whether  the  right  wing  was  really  pre- 
paring to  march.  The  messenger  found  the  Spartan  troops  in  their 
former  position,  and  Pausanias,  together  with  the  other  generals,  engaged 
in  a  warm  dispute  with  the  refractory  captain.  No  threats  of  being  left 
alone  could  induce  liim  to  move ;  and  when  reminded  that  the  order  for 
retreat  had  been  resolved  upon  in  a  council  of  war,  he  took  up  a  huge 
rock,  and  casting  it  at  the  feet  of  Pausanias,  exclaimed,  "  With  this 
pebble  I  give  my  vote  not  to  fly  fi-om  the  foreigners." 

Meantime,  the  day  began  to  dawn :  a  little  longer  delay  and  retreat 
would  become  impossible.     Pausanias  resolved  to  abandon  Amomphare- 

27 


210 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XX 


B.  C.  479.3 


DEATH   OF  MARDONIUS. 


211 


ilr  , 


tus  and  his  lochus  to  their  fate,  should  he  really  prove  so  obstinate  as  to 
stand  his  ground  after  the  departure  of  the  rest  of  the  army.  The  order 
to  march  was  given.  The  slant  rays  of  the  rising  sun  gleamed  on  the  tall 
and  bristling  spears  of  the  Lacedemonian  columns  as  they  slowly  ascended 
the  hills  which  separated  them  from  the  Island.  The  Athenians,  posted 
more  towards  the  east,  and  who  were  to  arrive  at  the  appointed  spot  by 
turning  the  hills,  began  their  march  at  the  same  time.  Amompharetus 
was  not  so  madly  obstinate  as  to  await  alone  the  approach  of  the  Persians. 
Findmg  that  his  comrades  had  really  departed,  he  gave  orders  to  follow, 
and  overtook  them  at  their  first  halt. 

§  8.  Mardonius  beheld  with  astonishment  and  disdain  the  retreating 
ranks  of  the  Spartans.  The  order  was  given  to  pursue.  The  shout  of 
victory  already  rang  through  the  Persian  host,  as  they  dashed  in  a  con- 
fused mass,  cavaliy  and  infantry,  through  the  waters  of  the  Asopus,  and 
up  the  hiU  after  the  retreating  foe.  Scarcely  had  Pausanias  time  to  de- 
ploy on  the  spot  where  he  had  halted  for  Amompharetus,  when  the  Per- 
sian cavalry  were  upon  him.  These  were  soon  followed  by  the  infantry ; 
who,  planting  in  the  ground  then*  long  wicker  shields,  or  gerrha,  and  thus 
forming  a  kind  of  breastwork,  annoyed  the  Lacedaimonians  with  showers  of 
arrows.  Even  in  these  circumstances  the  rites  of  religion  were  not  neg- 
lected by  Pausanias.  For  some  time  the  sacrifices  were  unfavorable  for 
an  attack ;  till  Pausanias  invoked  the  assistance  of  Hera,  whose  temple 
rose  conspicuous  at  Plataea.  Hardly  had  the  prayer  been  uttered,  when 
the  victims  changed,  and  the  order  to  charge  was  given.  The  line  of 
wicker  shields  fell  at  the  first  onset  of  the  Lacedaemonians.  The  light- 
armed  undisciplined  Persians,  whose  bodies  were  unprotected  with  armor, 
had  now  to  maintain  a  very  unequal  combat  against  the  serried  ranks,  the 
long  spears,  and  the  mailed  bodies  of  the  Spartan  phalanx.  Desperate 
deeds  of  valor  they  performed,  throwmg  themselves  upon  the  Grecian 
ranks  and  endeavoring  to  get  into  close  combat,  where  they  could  use  their 
javelins  and  daggers.  Mardonius  at  the  head  of  his  body-guard  of  one 
thousand  picked  men,  and  conspicuous  by  his  white  charger,  was  among 
the  foremost  in  the  fight,  till  struck  down  by  the  hand  of  Aimnestus,  a 
distinguished  Spartan.  The  fall  of  theu*  general  was  the  signal  for  flight 
to  the  Persians,  already  wearied  and  disheartened  by  the  fruitless  contest. 
The  panic  was  general  both  among  the  Persians  themselves  and  their 
Asiatic  allies  ;  nor  did  they  once  stop  till  they  had  again  crossed  the  Aso- 
pus and  reached  their  fortified  camp. 

The  glory  of  having  defeated  the  Persians  at  Plata?a  rests,  therefore, 
with  the  Lacedaimonians ;  yet  the  Athenians  also  were  not  without  some 
share  in  the  honor  of  the  day.  Pausanias,  when  overtaken  by  the  Per- 
sians, despatched  a  horseman  to  Aristeides  to  request  him  to  hasten  to  his 
;assistance ;  but  the  coming  up  of  the  Boeotians  prevented  him  from  doing 
80.    A  sharp  conflict  ensued  between  the  latter  and  the  Athenians.    The 


Thebans,  especially,  fought  with  great  bravery ;  but  were  at  length  re- 
pulsed with  considerable  loss.  Though  comi)elled  to  give  way,  they 
retreated  in  good  order  to  Thebes,  being  covered  by  their  cavalry  from 
the  pursuit  of  the  Athenians.  None  of  the  other  Greeks  in  the  Persian 
service  took  any  share  in  the  fight,  but  turned  their  backs  as  soon  as  they 
saw  that  the  day  was  lost.  Of  the  Persians  themselves,  forty  thousand 
under  the  command  of  Artabazus  did  not  strike  a  blow.  The  eagerness 
and  impetuosity  of  Mardonius,  and  the  contempt  which  he  had  conceived 
for  the  Lacediemonians  on  account  of  what  he  considered  their  flight,  had 
led  him  to  begin  the  attack  without  waiting  for  the  corps  of  Artabazus ; 
and  when  that  general  arrived  upon  the  field,  the  rout  was  already  com- 
plete. Artabazus,  indeed,  who  had  always  deprecated  a  general  engage- 
ment, was  probably  not  very  zealous  on  the  occasion  ;  at  all  events,  he  did 
not  make  a  single  attempt  to  restore  the  fortune  of  the  day ;  and  instead 
of  retreating  either  to  Thebes,  or  to  the  fortified  camp  of  his  countrymen, 
he  gave  up  the  whole  expedition  as  irretrievably  lost,  and  directed  his 
march  towards  the  Hellespont. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  now  reinforced  by  the  Corinthians  and  others 
from  Plataea,  pursued  the  Persians  as  far  as  their  fortified  camp,  whose 
barricades  proved  a  complete  check  to  them,  till  the  Athenians,  more 
skilled  in  that  species  of  warfare,  came  to  their  assistance.  The  barri- 
cades were  then  stormed  and  carried,  after  a  gallant  resistance  on  the  part 
of  the  Persians.  The  camp  became  a  scene  of  the  most  hon-ible  carnage. 
According  to  Herodotus,  only  three  thousand  men,  exclusive  of  the  divis- 
ion under  Artabazus,  escaped,  out  of  an  ai-my  of  three  hundred  thousand. 
These  numbers  are  probably  exaggerated ;  yet  the  Persian  loss  was  un- 
doubtedly immense.  That  of  the  Greeks  was  comparatively  small,  and 
seems  not  to  have  exceeded  thirteen  or  fourteen  hundred  men. 

§  9.  It  remained  to  bury  the  dead  and  divide  the  booty ;  and  so  great 
was  the  task,  that  ten  days  were  consumed  in  it.  The  body  of  Mardonius, 
found  among  the  slam,  was  treated  by  Pausanias  with  respect ;  on  the 
morrow,  not,  perhaps,  without  his  connivance,  it  was  secretly  conveyed 
away  and  mterred.  A  monument  was  even  erected  over  it,  which  was  to  be 
seen  several  centuries  afterwards.  His  cimeter  and  silver-footed  throne 
fell  to  the  share  of  the  Athenians,  by  whom  they  were  preserved,  along 
with  the  breastplate  of  Masistius,  in  the  Acropolis  of  Athens.  The  other 
booty  was  ample  and  magnificent.  Gold  and  silver  coined,  as  well  as  in 
plate  and  trinkets ;  rich  vests  and  carpets ;  ornamented  arms ;  horses, 
camels  ;  in  a  word,  all  the  magnificence  of  Eastern  luxury,  were  collected 
together  in  order  to  be  divided  among  the  conquerors.  A  tithe  was  first 
selected  for  the  Delphian  Apollo,  together  with  ample  offerings  for  the 
Olympic  Zeus  and  the  Isthmian  Poseidon ;  and  then,  after  a  large  share 
had  been  appropriated  to  Pausanias,  the  i-emainder  was  divided  among 
the  Grecian  contingents  in  proportion  to  their  numbers. 


212 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XX. 


B.  C.  479.] 


BATTLE   OF   MYCALE. 


213 


§  10.  The  reduction  of  Thebes,  which  had  proved  the  most  fonnidable 
ally  of  the  Persians,  was  still  necessary  to  complete  the  victory.  On  the 
eleventh  day  after  the  battle,  Fausanias  invested  that  city,  and  demanded 
that  the  leading  men  who  had  espoused  the  Persian  cause,  especially 
Timagenidas  and  Attaginus,  should  be  delivered  up  to  him.  The  Tlie- 
bans  having  refused  to  comply  with  this  demand,  Pausanias  began  to  bat- 
ter their  walls,  and  to  lay  waste  the  country  around.  At  length,  after  the 
siege  had  lasted  twenty  days,  Timagenidas,  and  the  other  Medizing  lead- 
ers, voluntarily  offered  to  surrender  themselves,  hoping,  probably,  to  be 
able  to  redeem  their  lives  for  a  sum  of  money.  In  this  expectation,  how- 
ever, they  were  completely  disappointed.  The  whole  of  them,  with 
the  exception  of  Attaginus,  who  found  means  to  escape,  were  conveyed 
to  Corinth,  and  put  to  death  without  any  form  of  trial.  No  attempt  was 
made  to  pursue  Aiiabazus,  who  escaped  safely  into  Asia. 

§  11.  Among  the  slain  Spartans  was  Aristotlemus,  the  sole  survivor  of 
those  who  had  fought  at  Thermopylffi.  Tlie  disgrace  of  having  outlived 
that  battle  seems  to  have  rendered  life  a  burden  to  him.  In  order  to  wash 
it  out,  he  stepped  forth  from  the  ranks  at  the  battle  of  Plataa,  and  after 
performing  prodigies  of  valor,  received  from  the  enemy  the  death  which 
he  courted.  But  in  the  distribution  of  funeral  honors,  this  conduct  could 
extort  no  favor  from  the  stem  justice  of  his  countr}Tnen.  They  consid- 
ered that  desperate  rashness  and  contempt  of  discipline  were  no  atone- 
ment for  former  misconduct,  and  refused  to  put  him  on  a  level  with  the 
other  citizens  who  had  fiillen  in  the  combat.  Among  these  was  Amom- 
pharetus,  the  captain  whose  obstinacy  had  precipitated  the  attack  of  the 
Persians,  and  thus  perhaps,  though  undesignedly,  contributed  to  secure 
the  victory. 

§  12.  With  the  Greeks,  religion  and  politics  went  ever  hand  in  hand; 
and  if  the  town  and  territory  of  Plat»a,  as  the  scene  of  the  Persian  defeat, 
were  signally  honored  on  this  occasion  with  the  grateful  offerings  of  devo- 
tion, it  was  not  probably  without  a  view  to  the  services  which  might  be 
hereafter  required  from  its  citizens  in  the  cause  of  Grecian  independence. 
In  the  market-place  of  Plataea,  Pausanias,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
allies,  offered  up  a  sacrifice  and  thanksgiving  to  Zeus  Eleutherios,  or  the 
Liberator,  in  which  the  gods  and  heroes  of  the  Plataian  territoiy  were 
made  partakers.  The  Plateaus  were  intrusted  Avith  the  duty  of  taking 
care  of  the  tombs  of  the  slain ;  of  offering  a  periodical  sacrifice  in  hon- 
or of  the  victory ;  and  of  celebrating  it  every  fifth  year  with  gymnastic 
games,  in  a  grand  public  festival,  to  be  called  the  Eleutheria.  For  these 
services  the  large  sum  of  eighty  talents  was  allotted  to  them  out  of  the 
spoil,  part  of  which  was  employed  in  erecting  a  temple  to  Athena.  At 
the  same  time  the  independence  of  Plata?a,  and  the  inviolability  of  her 
territory,  were  guaranteed  by  the  allies ;  the  defensive  league  against  the 
Persians  was  renewed;   the  contingent  which  eaeh  ally  should  furnish 


was  specified ;  and  it  was  arranged  tliat  deputies  from  all  of  them  should 
meet  annually  at  Plataea. 

§  13.  At  the  very  time  of  the  defeat  at  Plataea,  the  failure  of  the  Per- 
sian expedition  was  completed  by  the  destruction  of  their  naval  armament. 
Leotychides,  the  Spartan  admiral,  having  at  length  sailed  across  the 
jEgean,  found  the  Persian  fleet  at  Mycale,  a  promontory  of  Asia  Minor 
near  Miletus,  and  only  separated  by  a  strait  of  about  a  mile  in  breadth 
from  Cape  Poseidium,  the  east«i inmost  extremity  of  Samos.  Their 
former  reverses  seem  completely  to  have  di^^couraged  the  Persians  from 
hazarding  another  naval  engagement.  The  Phoenician  squadron  had 
been  pennitted  to  depart ;  tlie  rest  of  the  ships  were  hauled  ashore  and 
surrounded  with  a  rampart ;  whilst  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  Persians, 
under  the  command  of  Tigranes,  lined  the  coast  for  their  defence. 

The  Greeks  landed  on  tlie  4th  of  the  month  Boedromion  (September 
22d),  in  the  year  479  b.  c.  :  the  very  day  on  which  the  battle  of  Plataja 
was  fought.  A  supernatural  presentiment  of  that  decisive  victory,  con- 
veyed by  a  herald's  staff,  which  floated  over  the  ^gean  from  the  shores  of 
Greece,  is  said  to  have  pervaded  the  Grecian  ranks  at  Mycale  as  they 
marched  to  the  attack.  As  at  Plataja,  the  Persians  had  planted  their  ger- 
rha,  or  wicker  shields,  before  them ;  but  after  a  sharp  contest  this  bulwark 
was  overthrown.  The  Persians  now  turned  their  backs,  and  fled  to  their 
fortification,  pursued  by  the  Greeks,  wlio  entered  it  almost  simultaneously. 
Here  a  bloody  struggle  ensued.  The  Persians  fought  desperately,  though 
without  discipline,  and  for  some  time  maintained  an  unequal  conflict.  At 
length  the  arrival  of  the  Lacedaiinonians,  who  composed  the  right  wing  of 
the  Greek  force,  and  who  had  been  retarded  by  the  hilly  ground  which 
they  had  to  traverse,  as  well  as  the  open  revolt  of  the  lonians,  who  now 
turned  upon  their  masters,  completed  the  discomfiture  of  the  Persians. 
A  large  number  of  them,  together  with  both  their  generals,  Tigranes  and 
Mardontes,  perished  on  this  occasion ;  and  the  victory  was  rendered  still 
more  decisive  by  the  burning  of  their  fleet.  The  honor  of  the  day,  wliich, 
liowever,  was  not  won  without  the  sacrifice  of  many  lives,  was  principally 
due  to  the  Athenians,  as  the  Lacedasmonians  did  not  arrive  tiU  the  battle 
was  nearly  decided. 

§  14.  The  remnant  of  the  Persian  army  retreated  to  Sardis,  where 
Xerxes  had  Imgered  ever  since  his  flight  from  Greece.  He  was  not  in  a 
position  to  avenge  this  affront,  or  to  retain  the  Ionian  cities  of  the  con- 
tinent in  obedience ;  still  less  was  it  possible  for  him,  after  the  destruction 
of  his  fleet,  to  preserve  his  dominion  over  the  islands.  The  latter  were 
immediately  admitted  into  the  Greek  confederation;  but  respecting  the 
Ionian  cities  on  the  continent  there  was  more  difficulty.  The  Greeks 
were  not  in  a  condition  to  guarantee  their  independence ;  and  therefore 
the  Peloponnesian  commanders  offered  to  transport  their  inhabitants  into 
Greece,  where  they  prepared  to  make  room  for  them,  by  transplanting 


I   ~ 

r 


ill 
li 


iK  ' 


I. 


214 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XX 


into  Asia  the  Greeks  who  had  espoused  the  Persian  cause.  But  this 
proposition  was  strenuously  opposed  by  the  Athenians,  who  regarded  their 
own  dignity  and  glory  as  inseparably  bound  up  with  the  maintenance  of 
their  Ionian  colonies ;  and  indeed  the  effect  of  such  a  measure  must  have 
been  to  transfer  them  completely  to  the  Persians. 

§  15.  So  imperfect  in  those  times  was  the  transmission  of  intelligence, 
that  the  Greeks  still  believed  the  bridge  across  the  Hellespont  to  be 
entire,  though  it  was  broken  and  useless  almost  a  twelvemonth  previously, 
during  the  retreat  of  Xjerxes.  At  the  instance  of  the  Athenians,  Leoty- 
chides  set  sail  with  the  view  of  destroying  it ;  but  having  learnt  at  Abydos 
that  it  no  longer  existed,  he  departed  homewards  with  the  Peloiwnnesian 
vessels.  Xanthippus,  however,  the  Athenian  commander,  seized  the 
opportunity  to  recover  from  the  Persians  the  Thraeian  Chersonese,  which 
had  long  been  an  Athenian  possession,  and  proceeded  to  blockade  Sestos, 
the  key  of  the  stmit.  Being  thus  taken  by  surprise,  the  Persians  flung 
themselves  into  the  town  without  having  time  to  collect  the  provisions 
necessary  for  a  siege.  Nevertheless,  amid  the  most  painful  privations, 
they  contrived  to  protract  the  siege  till  a  late  period  of  the  autumn,  when 
famine  and  insubordination  reached  such  a  height,  that  the  Persian  com- 
manders, Q*lobazus  Jind  Artayctes,  were  fain  to  quit  the  town  by  stealth, 
which  was  inmiediately  surrendered.  Artayctes,  having  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Greeks,  was  fixed  to  a  high  pole,  and  left  to  perish  just  at 
the  siK)t  where  the  bridge  of  Xerxes  had  stood.  Tliis  deviation  from  the 
usual  humanity  of  the  Greeks,  and  which  seems  to  have  been  sanctioned 
by  Xanthippus,  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  religious  exasperation 
occasioned  by  Artayctes  having  violated  find  insulted  the  grove  and 
temple  of  the  hero  Protesilaus,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Sestos. 

After  this  exploit  the  Athenians  returned  home,  carrying  with  them  the 
cable  of  the  bridge  across  the  Hellespont,  which  were  afterwards  pre- 
served in  the  Acropolis  as  a  trophy. 


Bmns  of  an  Ionic  Temple  in  Lycia. 


Chap.  XXI.] 


HISTORY   OP   LITERATURE. 


215 


Bust  of  Pindar. 

CHAPTER  XXL 

raSTORY   OP  LITERATURE. 

§  1.  General  Characteristics.  §  2.  Simonides.  §  3.  Pindar.  §  4.  Ibycus  and  Bacchylldea. 
\  6.  Rise  of  History  and  of  Composition  in  Prose.  §  6.  Hecatajus,  Charon  of  Lampsacus, 
Hellanicus.  §  7.  Herodotus.  §  8.  Character  of  liis  Work.  Analysis.  §  9.  Predilection 
of  Herodotus  for  Athens.    §  10.  Style  of  his  Work. 

§  1.  During  the  period  which  we  have  been  surveying  in  the  present 
book,  Grecian  litemture  was  gradually  assuming  a  more  popular  foi-m, 
especially  at  Athens,  where,  since  the  expulsion  of  the  Peisistratids,  the 
people  were  rapidly  advancing  both  in  intellectual  culture  and  in  political 
importance.  Of  this  we  have  a  striking  proof  in  the  rise  of  the  drama, 
and  the  founding  of  a  regular  theatre  ;  for  dramatic  entertainments  must  be 
regarded  as  the  most  popular  form  which  literature  can  assume.  Nearly 
half  a  century  before  the  Persian  invasion,  Thespis  had  sketched  out  the 
first  feeble  rudiments  of  tragedy ;  and  ^schylus,  the  real  founder  of  tragic 
art,  exhibited  a  play  nine  years  before  he  fought  at  Marathon.  But 
tragedy  still  awaited  its  final  improvements  from  the  hand  of  Sophocles, 
whilst  comedy  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  existed.  For  these  reasons  we 
shall  defer  an  account  of  the  Greek  drama  to  a  later  period,  when  we  sliall 
be  enabled  to  present  the  subject  as  a  whole,  and  in  a  connected  point  of 
view. 

Tragedy,  the  noblest  emanation  of  ancient  genius,  was  in  fact  only  the 
final  development  of  lyric  poetry ;  which,  in  the  period  we  are  consider- 
ing, had  attained  its  highest  pitch  of  excellence  in  the  hands  of  Simonides 
and  Pindar.  These  two  great  masters  of  the  lyre  never  ventured,  how- 
ever, beyond  the  stricter  limits  of  that  species  of  composition,  and  left  their 
contemporary,  -^schylus,  to  gather  laurels  in  a  new  and  miexplored  field. 
With  Pindar  ends  the  ancient  school  of  lyric  poetry;  with  ^schylus 
properly  begins  the  splendid  list  of  Athenian  dramatists. 

§  2.  Simonides  was  considerably  older  than  both  of  these  poets ;  but 
the  length  of  years  which  he  attained  made  him  their  contemjiorary.    He 


214 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XX 


imto  Asia  tlie  Greeks  who  had  espoused  the  Persian  cause.  But  this 
pTOiJOsitiofi  was  strenuously  opjwsed  by  the  Athenians,  who  regarded  tlieir 
own  dignity  and  glory  as  inseparably  bound  up  willi  the  maintenance  of 
their  hniian  colonies ;  and  indeed  the  effect  of  such  a  measure  must  have 
been  to  transfer  them  {t»m[>letely  to  the  Persians. 

§  15.  So  imperfect  in  those  times  was  the  transmission  of  intelligence, 
that  tlu'  Greeks  still  Indieved  the  bridge  across  the  IIell(*s[K)nt  to  be 
entire,  tliough  it  was  broken  and  useless  almost  a  twelvemonth  ])re\  iously, 
during  the  retreat  of  Xerxes.  At  the  instance  of  the  Athenians,  Leoty- 
chides  set  sail  with  the  view  of  destroying  it;  but  having  learnt  at  Abydos 
that  it  no  longer  existed,  he  dei>arted  homewards  with  the  IVdoponnesian 
vessels.  Xanthi[>pus,  however,  the  Atlienian  commander,  seized  the 
opix>rtunity  to  recover  from  the  Persians  tlie  Thracian  Chersonese,  Avhieli 
had  long  been  an  Athenian  jiossession,  an<l  })r()ceeded  to  blockade  Sestos, 
the  key  of  the  strait.  Being  tlius  taken  by  surprise,  the  Persians  flung 
themselves  into  the  town  without  having  time  to  collect  the  [»rovisions 
necessary  for  a  siege.  Nevertheless,  amid  the  most  j)ainful  privations, 
they  contrived  to  protract  tlie  siege  till  a  late  period  of  the  autumn,  when 
famine  and  insubordination  reaehed  such  a  height,  that  the  Persian  com- 
manders, CEobazus  and  Arta}ctes,  were  fain  to  quit  the  town  Ijy  stealth, 
which  was  innnediately  surrendered.  Artayctes,  having  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Cireeks.  was  tixed  to  a  high  pole,  and  left  to  i)eris]i  just  at 
tlie  spot  where  the  bridge  of  Xerxes  had  stood.  This  deviation  from  tlie 
usual  humanity  of  the  Greeks,  and  wliich  seems  to  have  been  sanctioned 
by  Xanthi[)i)us,  can  only  be  accounted  for  l)y  religious  exas}H'ration 
occasioned  by  Artayctes  having  violated  and  insulted  the  grove  and 
temple  of  the  hero  Protesilaus,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Sestos. 

After  this  exploit  the  Athenians  returned  home,  carrying  with  tliera  the 
cable  of  the  bridge  across  the  nellesi)ont,  which  were  afterwards  pre- 
served in  the  Acropolis  as  a  trophy. 


Ruins  of  an  Ionic  Temple  in  Lycia. 


Chap.  XXI.] 


HISTORY   OF   LITERATURE. 


215 


Bust  of  Pindar. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


HISTORY   OF   LITERATURE. 


\  1.  General  Characteristics.  ^  2.  Simonifles.  ^  3.  Pindar.  §  4.  Ibycus  nnd  P.ncchylldes. 
^  5.  Rise  of  History  and  of  Composition  in  Prose.  ^  (3.  Ilccata-us,  Charon  of  Lampsacus, 
Hellanicus.  §  7.  Herodotus.  ^  8.  Cliaractcr  of  his  Work.  Analysis.  §  9.  Predilection 
of  Herodotus  for  Athens.    §  10.  Style  of  liis  Work. 

§  1.  During  the  period  which  we  have  been  surveyinjr  in  the  present 
book,  Grecian  literature  was  jrradnally  assuming  a  more  popular  form, 
especially  at  Athens,  Avhere,  since  the  expulsion  of  the  Peisistratids,  the 
people  were  rapidly  advancing  both  in  intellectual  culture  and  in  political 
importance.  Of  this  we  have  a  striking  i)roof  in  tlie  rise  of  the  drama, 
and  the  founding  of  a  regular  theatre  ;  for  dramatic  entertainments  must  be 
regarded  as  the  most  pojndar  form  which  literature  can  assume.  Nearly 
half  a  century  before  the  Persian  invasion,  Thespis  liad  sketched  out  the 
first  feeble  rudiments  of  trageily ;  and  il^schylus,  the  real  founder  of  tragic 
art,  exhilnted  a  play  nine  years  before  he  fought  at  ^larathon.  But 
tragedy  still  awaited  its  final  improvements  fi"om  tlie  hand  of  8o[>hoeles, 
whilst  comedy  can  hardly  be  said  to  liave  existed.  For  these  reasons  we 
shall  defer  an  account  of  the  Greek  drama  to  a  later  period,  avIkmi  we  shall 
be  enabled  to  present  the  subject  as  a  whole,  and  in  a  connected  point  of 
view. 

Tragedy,  the  noblest  emanation  of  ancient  genius,  was  in  fact  only  the 
final  development  of  lyric  i)octry ;  which,  in  the  period  we  are  consider- 
ing, had  attained  its  higliest  pitch  of  excellence  in  the  hands  of  Simonides 
and  Pin<lar.  These  two  great  masters  of  the  lyre  never  ventured,  how- 
ever, beyond  the  stricter  limits  of  that  species  of  composition,  and  left  their 
contemporary,  il^^schylus,  to  gatlier  laurels  in  a  new  an<l  unexplored  field. 
With  Pindar  ends  the  ancient  scliool  of  lyric  poetry;  with  xEschylus 
properly  begins  the  splendid  list  of  Athenian  dramatists. 

§  2.  Simonides  was  considerably  older  tlian  both  of  these  poets ;  but 
the  length  of  years  which  he  attained  made  him  tlieir  contemporary.     He 


216 


HISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[C&AP.XXI 


was  bom  at  lulis,  in  the  island  of  Ceos,  in  the  year  556  b.  c.  His  family 
had  cultivated  music  and  poetry  with  diligence  and  success,  and  he  him- 
self was  trained  up  in  them  as  a  profession.  From  his  native  island  he 
proceeded  to  Athens,  where  he  resided  some  years  at  the  court  of  Hip- 
parchus,  togetlier  with  Anacreon  and  Lasus  of  Hermione,  the  teacher  of 
Pindar :  a  society  which  could  not  but  serve  to  expand  and  mature  his 
powers,  more  especiidly  as  a  sort  of  rivalry  existed  between  him  and 
Lasur.  Here  he  seems  to  have  remained  till  the  expulsion  of  Hippias 
(b.  c.  510).  Subsequently  he  spent  some  time  in  Thessaly,  under  the 
patronage  of  the  Aleuads  and  Scopads,  tlie  dominant  families  of  the  cities 
of  Larissfi  and  Crannon.  The  poet  seems,  however,  to  have  been  but 
little  satisfied  with  his  visit  His  songs  were  unappreciated  by  the  rugged 
Thessalians,  and  ill  rewarded  by  their  vain  and  selfish  masters.  Scopas 
bespoke  a  poem  on  his  own  exploits,  which  Simonides  recited  at  a  banquet. 
In  order  to  diversify  the  theme,  Simonides,  as  was  customary  on  such 
occasions,  inti-oduced  into  it  the  exploits  of  Castor  and  Pollux.  An 
ordmary  mortal  might  have  been  content  to  share  the  praises  of  the  sons 
of  Leda;  but  vanity  is  exacting;  and  as  the  tyrant  sat  at  his  festal 
board  among  his  courtiers  and  sycophants,  he  grudged  every  verse  that 
did  not  echo  his  own  praises.  When  Simonides  approached  to  receive 
his  promised  reward,  Scopas  exclaimed,  "  Here  is  my  half  of  thy  pay ; 
the  Tyndarids  who  have  had  so  much  of  thy  praise  will  doubtless  fiimish 
the  other."  The  disconcerted  poet  retired  to  his  seat  amidst  the  laughter 
which  followed  the  great  man's  jest.  In  a  little  time  lie  received  a  mes- 
sage that  two  young  men  on  horseback,  whose  description  answered  in 
every  respect  to  that  of  Castor  and  Pollux,  were  waiting  without,  and 
anxious  to  see  him.  Simonides  hastened  to  the  door,  but  looked  in  vain 
for  the  visitors.  Scarcely,  however,  had  he  left  the  banqueting-hall, 
when  the  building  fell  in  with  a  loud  crash,  burying  Scopas  and  all  his 
guests  beneath  the  ruins.  Lito  the  authenticity  of  such  a  story  it  would  be 
idle  to  inquire.  It  is  enough  that  we  see  in  it  the  tribute  which  a  lively 
and  ingenious  people  paid  to  merit,  as  in  the  tales  of  Arion  saved  by 
the  dolphin,  and  of  Ibycus  avenged  by  the  cranes. 

But  a  nobler  subject  than  the  praises  of  despots  awaited  the  muse  of 
Simonides,  —  the  struggles  of  Greece  for  her  independence.  At  the  time 
of  the  Persian  wars,  the  poet,  who  had  then  reached  the  age  usually 
allotted  to  man,  was  again  residing  among  the  Athenians.  His  genius, 
however,  was  still  fresh  and  vigorous,  and  was  employed  in  celebrating  the 
most  momentous  events  of  that  memorable  epoch.  He  carried  away  the 
prize  from  iEschylus  with  an  elegy  upon  the  warriors  who  had  fallen  at 
the  battle  of  Marathon.  Subsequently  we  find  him  celebrating  the  heroes 
of  Thermopylie,  Artemisium,  Salamis,  and  Plataia.  He  was  upwards  of 
eighty  when  his  long  poetical  career  at  Athens  was  closed  with  the  victory 
which  he  gained  by  the  dithyrambic  chorus  in  B.  c.  477,  making  the 


\  i 


Chap.  XXL] 


SIMONIDES   AND  PINDAR. 


217 


fifty-sixth  prize  that  he  had  carried  off.  Shortly  after  this  event  he 
repaired  to  Syracuse  at  the  invitation  of  Hiero.  Here  he  spent  the 
remaining  ten  years  of  his  life,  not  only  entertaining  Hiero  with  his 
poetry,  but  instructing  him  by  his  wisdom ;  for  Simonides  was  a  philos- 
opher as  well  as  a  poet,  and  is  reckoned  amongst  the  sophists. 

Simonides  was  one  of  the  most  prolific  poets  that  Greece  had  seen ;  but 
only  a  few  fragments  of  his  compositions  have  descended  to  us.  He  em- 
ployed himself  on  all  the  subjects  which  fell  to  the  lyric  poet,  then  the 
mouthpiece  of  human  Hfe  with  all  its  joys  and  sorrows,  its  hopes  and 
disappointments.  He  wrote  hymns,  pajans,  elegies,  hyporchemes,  or  songs 
for  dancing,  dithyrambs,  epinician  odes,  and  threnes,  or  dirges,  in  which  he 
lamented  the  departed  great.  In  the  last  species  of  composition  he  par- 
ticularly excelled.  His  genius  was  inclined  to  the  pathetic,  and  none 
could  touch  with  truer  effect  the  chords  of  human  sympathy. 

§  3.  Pindar,  though  the  contemporary  of  Simonides,  was  considerably 
his  junior.  He  was  bom  either  at,  or  in  the  neighborhood  of,  Thebes  in 
Boeotia,  about  the  year  522  b.  c.  His  family  ranked  among  the  noblest  in 
Thebes,  and  seems  to  have  been  celebrated  for  its  skill  in  music,  though 
there  is  no  authority  for  the  assertion  that  they  were  hereditary  flute- 
players.  The  youth  soon  gave  indications  of  a  genius  for  poetry,  which 
induced  his  father  to  send  him  to  Athens  to  receive  more  perfect  instruc- 
tion in  the  art.  Later  writers  tell  us  that  his  future  glory  as  a  poet  was 
miraculously  foreshadowed  by  a  swarm  of  bees  which  rested  upon  his  lips 
while  he  was  asleep,  and  that  this  miracle  first  led  him  to  compose  poetry. 
At  Athens  he  became  the  pupil  of  Lasus  of  Hermione,  who  was  the 
founder  of  the  Athenian  dithyrambic  school.  He  returned  to  Thebes 
before  he  had  completed  his  twentieth  year,  and  is  said  to  have  received 
instruction  there  from  Myrtis  and  Corinna,  two  poetesses  who  then  en- 
joyed great  celebrity  in  Bojotia.  Corinna  appears  to  have  exercised  con- 
siderable influence  upon  the  youtliful  poet,  and  he  was  not  a  little  indebted 
to  her  example  and  precepts.  It  is  related  that  she  recommended  him 
to  introduce  mythical  narrations  into  his  poems,  and  that  when,  in  accord- 
ance with  her  advice,  he  composed  a  hymn  in  which  he  interwove  almost 
all  the  Theban  mythology,  she  smiled  and  said,  "  We  ought  to  sow  with 
the  hand,  and  not  with  the  whole  sack."  "With  both  these  poetesses  he 
contended  for  the  prize  in  the  musical  contests  at  Thebes. 

Pindar  commenced  his  professional  career  at  an  early  age,  and  soon 
acquired  so  great  a  reputation,  that  he  was  employed  by  various  states 
and  princes  of  the  Hellenic  race  to  compose  choral  songs.  He  was 
courted  especially  by  Alexander,  king  of  Macedonia,  and  by  Hiero,  despot 
of  Syracuse.  The  praises  which  he  bestowed  upon  Alexander  are  said  to 
have  been  the  chief  reason  which  led  his  descendant,  Alexander  the  Great, 
to  spare  the  house  of  the  poet  when  he  destroyed  the  rest  of  Thebes. 
About  B.  c.  473  he  visited  Syracuse,  but  did  not  remain  more  than  four 

28 


3 

-''I 


>  'V 


I    * 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chjlp.  XXI. 


COIP.  XXI.] 


EARLY  PROSE- WRITERS. 


219 


I 


years  with  Hiero,  as  he  loved  an  independent  life,  and  did  not  care  to 
cultivate  the  courtly  arts  which  rendered  his  contemporary,  Simonides, 
a  more  welcome  guest  at  the  table  of  their  patron.  But  the  estimation  in 
which  Pindar  was  held  is  still  more  strikingly  shown  by  the  honors  con- 
ferred upon  him  by  the  free  states  of  Greece.  Although  a  Theban,  he 
was  always  a  great  favorite  with  the  Athenians,  whom  he  frequently 
praised  in  his  poems,  and  whose  city  he  often  visited.  The  Athenians 
testified  their  gratitude  by  making  him  their  public  guest,  and  by  giving 
him  ten  thousand  drachmas ;  and  at  a  later  period  they  erected  a  statue 
in  his  honor. 

The  only  poems  of  Pindar  which  have  come  down  to  us  entire  are  his 
Epinicia,  or  triumphal  odes,  composed  in  commemoration  of  victories 
gained  in  the  great  public  games.  But  these  were  only  a  small  portion 
of  his  works.  He  also  wrote  hymns,  pagans,  dithyrambs,  odes  for  pro- 
cessions, songs  of  maidens,  mimic  dancing-songs,  drinking-songs,  dirges, 
and  encomia,  or  panegyrics  on  princes.* 

The  style  of  Pindar  is  marked  by  daring  flights  and  abrupt  transitions, 

and  became  proverbial  for  its  sublimity.     He  compared  himself  to  an 

eagle,  —  a  simile  which  has  been  beautifully  expressed  in  the  lines  of 

Gray :  — 

"  The  pride  and  ample  pinion 
That  the  Theban  ea^jle  bare, 
Sailing  with  supreme  dominion 
Through  the  azure  deep  of  air." 

§  4.  The  only  other  poets  of  this  epoch  whom  we  need  mention  are 
Ibycus  and  Bacchylides.  Ibycus  was  a  native  of  Rhegium,  and  flourished 
towards  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  before  the  Christian  era.  The 
best  part  of  his  life  was  spent  at  the  court  of  Polycrates  of  Samos.  Tlie 
story  of  his  death  is  well  known.  While  travelling  through  an  unfre- 
quented place  near  Corinth,  he  was  set  upon  by  robbers  and  mortally 
wounded.  As  he  was  on  the  point  of  expiring,  he  called  upon  a  flock  of 
cranes  that  happened  to  fly  over  the  spot  to  avenge  his  death.  Soon 
afterwards  the  cranes  were  beheld  hovering  over  the  theatre  at  Corinth, 
where  the  people  were  assembled  ;  and  one  of  the  murderers,  who  were 
present,  struck  with  remorse  and  terror,  involuntarily  exclaimed,  "  Behold 
die  avengers  of  Ibycus  ! "  and  thus  occasioned  the  detection  of  the  crimi- 

♦  Most  of  them  are  mentioned  by  Horace :  — 

"  Sen  per  audaces  nova  dithyrambos 
Verba  devolvit,  numerisque  ferttir 

Lege  sohitis ; 
Sen  deos  {hipnm  andpaans)  regesve  {encomia)  canit,  deorum 

Sanguinem; 

Sive  qnos  Elea  domum  reducit 

Palma  coelestes  {the  Epinicia) 

Flebili  sponsne  juvenemve  raptura 
Plorat "  {the  Dirges).  —  Od.  iv.  2. 


nals.*  The  poetry  of  Ibycus  was  chiefly  of  an  amatory  character.  He 
wrote  in  a  dialect  which  was  a  mixture  of  the  Doric  and  ^olic. 

Bacchylides  was  a  native  of  lulis  in  the  island  of  Ceos,  and  the  nephew 
and  fellow-townsman  of  Simonides.  He  lived  with  Simonides  and  Pindar 
at  the  court  of  Hiero  at  Symcuse.  His  odes  and  songs  turned  on  the 
same  subjects  as  those  of  the  poets  just  named ;  but  though  he  seems  to 
have  rivalled  his  uncle  in  the  grace  and  finish  of  his  compositions,  he  was 
far  from  attaining  to  the  strength  and  energy  of  Pindar.  He  wrote  in 
the  Doric  dialect,  witli  a  mixture  of  the  Attic. 

Such  were  the  principal  characteristics  of  the  poetry  of  the  epoch  which 
we  are  considering,  and  such  the  chief  poets  who  flourished  in  it.  Our 
attention  must  now  be  directed  to  a  striking  feature  in  the  literature  of  the 
period, — the  rise  of  composition  in  prose,   and  of  history  properly  so 

called. 

§  5.  The  Greeks  had  arrived  at  a  high  pitch  of  civilization  before 
they  can  be  said  to  have  possessed  a  history.  Nations  fiir  behind  them  in 
intellectual  development  have  infinitely  excelled  them  in  this  respect. 
Many  of  the  Eastern  nations  had  continuous  chronicles  from  a  very  remote 
antiquity,  as  the  Egyptians,  the  Babylonians,  and  the  Jews.  But  among 
the  Greeks  this  branch  of  literature  was  singularly  neglected.  Their 
imagination  seems  to  have  been  entirely  dazzled  and  fascinated  with  the 
glories  of  the  heroic  ages,  and  to  have  taken  but  little  interest  in  the 
events  wliich  were  daily  passing  around  them.  But  a  more  critical  and 
inquiring  spirit  was  now  beginning  to  spring  up,  especially  among  the 
lonians  of  Asia  Minor.  We  have  already  recorded  the  rise  of  natural 
philosophy  among  that  people,  and  we  are  now  to  view  them  as  the 
originators  of  history  in  prose.  This  innovation  of  course  implies  a  more 
extended  use  of  the  art  of  writing,  without  which  a  long  prose  composition 
could  not  be  remembered. 

§  6.  The  use  of  prose  in  writing  was  probably  coeval  with  the  art  of 
writing  itself;  but  its  first  application  was  only  to  objects  of  essential 
utility,  and  it  was  long  before  it  came  to  be  cultivated  as  a  branch  of 
literature.  The  first  essays  in  literary  prose  cannot  be  placed  earlier 
than  the  sixth  century  before  the  Christian  era.  Three  nearly  contem- 
porary authors,  who  flourished  about  the  middle  of  that  century,  lay  claim 
to  the  honor  of  having  been  the  first  prose-writers ;  namely,  Cadmus  of 
Miletus,  Pherecydes  of  Syros,  and  Acusilaus  of  Argos ;  but  Hecataeus  of 
Miletus,  to  whom  Herodotus  frequently  refers  by  name,  must  be  regarded 
as  the  first  historical  prose-writer  of  any  importance.  He  was  apparently 
a  man  of  wealth  and  importance,  and  distinguished  himself  by  the  sound 
advice  which  he  gave  the  lonians  at  the  time  of  theu-  revolt  from  Per- 


*  One  of  the  finest  ballads  of  Schiller  is  on  this  subject.    It  has  been  translated  into 
English  several  times.    Sir  Edward  Bulwer  Lytton's  version  is  the  best  known.  —  Ed. 


ISO 


HISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXL 


Chap.  XXI.] 


HERODOTUS. 


221 


M 


sia  (b.  c.  500>.  He  lived  till  the  close  o£  the  Persian  wars  in  Greece. 
Like  many  other  early  Greek  historians,  Hecataeus  was  a  great  traveller, 
for  at  first  geography  and  history  were  almost  identical.  Egypt  especially 
he  seems  to  have  carefully  explored.  Two  works  are  ascribed  to  him ; 
one  of  a  geographical  nature,  called  "Periodus,"  or  travels  round  the 
earth,  and  the  other  of  an  historical  kind,  w^hich  is  sometimes  cited  by  the 
name  of "  Genealogies,"  and  sometimes  by  that  of  "  Histories."  The 
former  of  these  seems  to  have  constituted  the  first  regular  system  of 
Grecian  geography ;  but  it  was  probably  little  more  than  a  "  Periplus," 
or  circumnavigation  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  its  adjoining  seas.  The 
"  Genealogies "  related  to  the  descent  and  exploits  of  the  heroes  of 
mythology. 

Charon  of  Lampsacus,  an  Ionian  city  on  the  Hellespont,  is  remarkable 
as  the  fii-st  prose-writer  whose  subjects  were  selected  from  the  historical 
times,  and  treated  in  a  rational  and  discriminating  manner ;  and  he  has 
therefore  some  title  to  be  regarded  as  the  first  liistorian  really  deserving 
of'  the  name.  He  flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  fifi;h  century  b.  c,  and 
was  certainly  alive  in  b.  c.  464. 

The  only  other  prose-writer  previous  to  Herodotus,  whom  it  is  neces- 
sary to  mention,  is  Hellanicus  of  Mytilene.  Hellanicus  was  alive  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Pelojwnnesian  war,  and  was  therefore  a  contempo- 
rary of  Herodotus,  though  probably  a  little  older.  He  was  by  far  the 
most  eminent  and  most  voluminous  writer  of  history  before  the  time  of 
Herodotus,  and  seems  to  have  been  the  author  of  at  least  ten  or  twelve 
works  of  considerable  size.  Many  others  were  ascribed  to  him  which  in 
all  probability  were  spurious.  Like  his  predecessors,  a  large  portion  of 
his  labors  was  dedicated  to  imaginary  pedigrees,  but  some  of  them  were 
historical  and  chronological.  He  seems  to  have  been  acquainted  with  the 
early  history  of  Italy  and  Rome.  He  must  be  regarded  as  forming  the 
chief  link  between  the  earlier  logographers  and  Herodotus ;  but  his  works 
were  probably  very  far  from  exliibiting  the  unity  of  design  which  we  find 
in  that  of  the  latter  writer. 

§  7.  According  to  the  strict  order  of  chronology,  neither  Herodotus 
nor  gome  others  of  the  authors  just  mentioned  belong  to  the  perio<l  which 
we  are  now  considering ;  but  the  subject  of  Herodotus  connects  him  so 
intimately  with  the  Persiim  wars,  that  we  have  preferred  to  give  an 
account  of  him  here,  rather  than  in  a  subsequent  book.  Herodotus  was 
bom  in  the  Dorian  colony  of  Halicarnassus  in  Caria,  in  the  year  484  b.  c, 
and  accordingly  about  the  time  of  the  Persian  expeditions  into  Greece. 
He  was  descended  from  a  distinguished  family,  but  respecting  his  youth 
and  education  we  are  totally  in  the  dark.  One  of  the  earliest  events  of 
his  life  with  wliich  we  are  acquainted  is  his  retirement  to  Samos,  in  order 
to  escape  the  tyranny  of  Lygdamis,  a  grandson  of  Queen  Artemisia,  who 
had  fought  so  bravely  at  Salamis.    It  was  perhaps  in  Samos  that  Herodotus 


acquired  the  Ionic  dialect.     The  celebrity  of  the  Ionian  writers  of  liistory 
had  caused  that  dialect  to  be  regarded  as  the  appropriate  vehicle  for  that 
species  of  composition ;  but  though  Herodotus  made  use  of  it,  his  lan- 
guage has  been  observed  not   to   be   so  pure  as  that  of  Ilecatasus,  who 
was  an  Ionian  by  birth.    Herodotus  was  probably  rather  more  than  thirty 
years  of  age  when  he  went  to  Samos.     How  long  he  remained  there 
cannot  be  determined.     He  seems  to  have  been  reciiUed  to  his  native  city 
by  some  political  crisis ;  for  on  his  return  he  took  a  prominent  part  in 
delivering  it  from  the  tyrant  Lygdamis.    The  dissensions,  however,  which 
prevailed  at  Halicarnassus  after  that  event,  compelled  Herodotus  again  to 
emigrate ;  and  it  was  probably  at  this  period  that  he  undertook  the  travels 
of  which  he  speaks  in  his  work.     The  extent  of  them  may  be  estimated 
from  the  fact,  that  there  was  scarcely  a  town  in  Greece,  or  on  the  coast  of 
Asia  Minor,  with  which  he  was  not  acquainted;  that  he  had  explored 
Thrace  and  the  coasts  of  the  Black  Sea ;  that  in  Egypt  lie  had  penetrated 
as  fai'  south  as  Elephantine ;  and  that  in  Asia  he  had  visited  the  cities 
of  Babylon,  Ecbatana,  and  Susa.     The  latter  part  of  his  life  was  spent  at 
Thurii,  a  colony  founded  by  the  Athenians  in  Italy  in  b.  c.  443 ;  and  it 
was  probably  at  this  place  that  he  composed  the  greater  portion  of  his 
history.    The  date  of  his  settlement  at  Thurii  cannot  be  accurately  fixed. 
Some  accounts  make  him  accompany  the  first  colonists  thither ;  but  there 
are   reasons  for  believing  that  he  did  not  ttfke  up  his  abode  there  till 
several  yeai-s  afterwards.     According  to  a  well-known  story  in  Lucian, 
Herodotus,  when  he  had  completed  his  work,  recited  it  pubHcly  at  the 
great  Olympic  festival,  as  the  best  means  of  procuring  for  it  that  celebrity 
to  which  he  felt  that  it  was  entitled.     Posting  himself  on  the  platform  of 
the  temple  of  Zeus,  he  recited,  or  rather  chanted,  the  whole  of  his  work 
to  the  assembled  Greeks.     The  effect  is  described  as  immediate  and  com- 
plete.   The  delighted  audience  at  once  assigned  the  names  of  the  nine 
Muses  to  the  nine  books  into  which  it  is  divided ;  whilst  the  celebrity  of 
the  author  became  so  great,  that  it  even  echpsed  that  of  the  victors  in  the 
games.     A  still  later  auther  (Suidas)  adds,  that  Thucydides,  then  a  boy, 
was  present  at  the  festival  with  his  father  Olorus,  and  was  so  affected  by 
the  recital  as  to  shed  tears ;  upon  which  Herodotus  congratulated  Olorus 
on  having  a  son  who  possessed  so  early  such  a  zeal  for  knowledge.     But 
there  are  many  objections  to  the  probability  of  these  tales. 

The  time  and  manner  of  the  death  of  Herodotus  are  uncertain,  but  W8 
know,  from  some  allusions  in  his  history,  that  he  was  alive  subse- 
quently to  the  year  408  B.C.  According  to  one  tradition  he  died  at 
Thurii ;  according  to  another,  at  Pella  in  Macedonia.  The  former  ac- 
count is  hardly  probable,  since  Thurii  revolted  from  Athens  in  412,  when 
the  old  Athenian  colonists  who  sided  with  the  mother  country  were  driven 
int<v  exile.  Unless,  therefore,  we  assume  that  Herodotus  took  part  with 
the  insurgents,  it  seems  most  likely  that  he  quitted  Thurii  at  this  period. 


222 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


I 


U 


[Chap.  XXI. 


Chap.  XXL] 


HERODOTUS. 


223 


and  it  is  not  improbable  that,  like  Lysias  the  orator,  he  returned  to 
Athens. 

§  8.  Herodotus  interwove  into  his  history  all  the  varied  and  extensive 
knowledge  iMjquired  in  his  travels,  and  by  his  own  personal  researches. 
Tlie  real  subject  of  that  magnificent  work  is  the  conflict  between  the 
Greek  race,  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  term,  and  including  the  Greeks  of 
Asia  Minor,  with  the  Asiatics.  This  is  the  ground-plan  of  the  book,  and 
was  founded  on  a  notion  then  current  of  an  ancient  enmity  between  the 
Greeks  and  Asiatics,  as  exemplified  in  the  stories  of  lo,  Medea,  and 
Helen.  Tims  the  historian  had  a  vast  epic  subject  presented  to  him, 
which  was  brought  to  a  natural  and  glorious  tennination  by  the  defeat  of 
the  Persians  in  their  attempt  upon  Greece.  He  touches  the  ancient  and 
mythical  times,  however,  but  lightly,  and  hastens  on  to  a  more  recent  and 
authentic  historical  period.  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia,  the  earliest  Asiatic 
monarch  who  had  succeeded  in  reducing  a  portion  of  the  Greek  race  to 
subjection,  first  engages  his  attention  at  any  length.  The  quarrel  be- 
tween Croesus  and  Cyrus,  king  of  Persia,  brings  the  latter  power  upon 
the  stage.  The  destruction  of  the  Lydian  monarchy  by  the  Persians  is 
related,  and  is  followed  by  a  retrospective  view  of  the  rise  of  the  Persian 
power,  and  of  the  Median  empire.  This  is  succeeded  by  an  account  of 
the  reduction  of  the  rest  of  Asia  Minor  and  of  Babylonia;  and  the  first 
book  closes  with  the  death  of  Cyrus  in  an  expedition  against  the  Massa- 
geta;,  a  race  inhabiting  the  plains  beyond  the  Caspian  Sea.  Cambyses, 
the  son  of  Cyrus,  undertakes  an  expedition  against  Egypt,  which  gives 
occasion  to  a  description  of  that  country  occupying  the  whole  of  the 
second  book.  In  the  third  book  the  annexation  of  Egypt  to  the  Persian 
empire  is  related,  as  well  as  the  abortive  attempts  of  Cambyses  against 
the  ^Ethiopians  and  Ammonians.  The  death  of  Cambyses,  the  usurpa- 
tion of  the  false  Smerdis,  and  the  accession  of  Darius,  foi-m  the  remainder 
of  the  third  book.  The  fourth  book  is  chiefly  occupied  with  the  Scythian 
expedition  of  Darius ;  whilst  at  the  same  time  a  Persian  armament  fitted 
out  in  Egypt  for  the  conquest  of  Libya,  serves  to  introduce  an  account  of 
the  discovery  and  colonization  of  the  latter  country  by  the  Greeks.  In 
the  fifth  book  the  termination  of  the  Thracian  expedition  under  the  satrap 
Megabazus  is  related ;  and  a  description  is  given  of  the  Thracian  people. 
This  book  also  contains  an  account  of  the  origin  of  the  quarrel  between 
Persia  and  the  Greek  colonies  m  Asia  Minor.  The  history  of  the  wars 
between  the  Greeks  and  Persians  then  runs  on  with  little  interruption  in 
the  remainder  of  this  book,  and  in  the  last  four  books.  The  work  con- 
cludes with  the  reduction  of  Sestos  by  the  Athenians. 

§  9.  The  love  and  admiration  of  Herodotus  for  Athens  are  apparent 
throughout  his  work;  he  sided  with  her  with  all  his  soul,  and  declared 
lier  to  be  the  saviour  of  Grecian  liberty.  This  attachment  was  not  un- 
fewarded  by  the  Athenians,  and  Sips^kisma,  or  vote  of  the  people,  is 


recorded,  granting  him  the  sum  of  ten  talents  out  of  the  public  treasury. 
It  was  this  not  unfounded  admiration  of  Herodotus  for  Athens  that  gave 
occasion  to  Plutarch,  or  some  writer  who  assumed  Plutarch's  name,  to 
charge  him  with  partiality  and  malice  towards  other  Grecian  states. 

§  10.  The  ease  and  simplicity  of  the  style  of  Herodotus  lend  it  an 
indescribable  charm,  and  we  seem  rather  to  be  conversing  with  an 
intelligent  traveller  than  reading  an  elaborately  composed  history.  On 
the  other  hand,  a  certain  want  of  skill  in  compsition  may  be  observed  in  it. 
Prose  style  does  not  arrive  at  perfection  till  much  has  been  written,  and 
with  Herodotus  it  was  still  in  its  infancy.  Nor  must  we  seek  in  liim 
for  that  depth  of  philosophical  reflection  which  we  find  in  Thucydides. 
Sometimes,  indeed,  he  exhibits  an  almost  childish  credulity.  Yet  he 
had  formed  a  high  notion  of  the  value  of  liistory,  and  was  evidently 
a  sincere  lover  of  truth.  He  may  sometimes  have  received  the  accounts 
of  others  with  too  trusting  a  simplicity,  yet  he  always  gives  them  for  what 
they  are  worth,  leaving  the  reader  to  form  his  own  judgment,  and  ofi;en 
cautioning  him  as  to  their  source  and  value.  On  the  other  hand,  where 
he  speaks  from  his  own  observation,  his  accounts  may  be  implicitly  relied 
upon;  and  many  of  them,  which  were  formerly  doubted  as  improbable, 
have  been  confirmed  by  the  researches  of  modern  travellers.  In  short, 
Herodotus  is  the  Homer  of  history.  He  has  all  the  majesty  and  sim- 
plicity of  the  great  epic  bard,  and  all  the  freshness  and  vivacity  of 
colormg  which  mark  the  founder  of  a  new  literary  epoch. 


Bust  of  Herodotus. 


B.  C.  478.]  MISCONDUCT  AND   TREASON   OF  PAUSANIAS. 


225 


• 


II 


I 


V 


!;< 


The  Theseum  at  Athens. 


BOOK    IV. 


THE    ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  AND   THE   PELO- 

PONNESIAN    WAR. 

B.C.  477-404. 


CHAPTER    XXn. 

FEOM    THE    EXPULSION     OF    THE    PERSIANS     TO     THE    DEATH    OF 

THEMISTOCLES. 

f  1.  Further  Proceedings  against  the  Persians.  §  2.  Misconduct  and  Treason  of  Pausanias. 
$  8.  The  Maritime  Supremacy  transferred  to  the  Athenians.  §  4.  Confederacy  of  Delos. 
\  5.  The  Combmed  Fleet  under  Cimon.  §  6.  Growth  of  the  Athenian  Power.  Plans  of 
Themistocles.  §  7.  Rebuilding  of  Athens.  The  Lacedaemonians  attempt  to  prevent  its 
being  fortified.  ^  8.  Fortification  of  Peirseus.  ^  9.  Strife  of  Parties  at  Athens.  Mis- 
conduct of  Themistocles.  §  10.  He  is  ostracized.  §  11.  Pausanias  convicted  of  Med- 
ism.  §  12.  Themistocles  implicated  in  his  Guilt.  He  escapes  into  Asia.  §  13.  He  is 
magnificently  received  by  Artaxerxes.  His  Death  and  Character.  §  14.  Death  of 
Aristeides. 

§  1.  The  last  campaign  had  eflTectually  delivered  Greece  from  all  fear 
of  the  Persian  yoke ;  but  the  Persians  still  held  some  posts  from  which  it 
concerned  both  the  interests  and  the  honor  of  the  Greeks  to  expel  them. 
They  were  in  possession  of  the  island  of  Cyprus  and  of  the  important 


town  of  Byzantium,  together  with  Eion  on  the  Strymon,  Doriscus,  and 
several  other  places  in  Thrace.  A  fleet  was  therefore  fitted  out  (b.  c.  478) 
the  year  after  the  battle  of  Platcea,  and  placed  under  the  command  of  the 
Spartan  regent,  Pausanias.  Of  this  fleet  only  twenty  ships  belonged  to 
the  Peloponnesians,  whilst  thirty,  under  the  command  of  Aristeides  and 
Cimon,  were  furnished  by  Athens  alone.  After  delivering  most  of  the 
Grecian  towns  in  Cyprus  from  the  Persians,  this  armament  sailed  up  the 
Bosporus  and  laid  siege  to  Byzantium,  which  was  garrisoned  by  a  large 
Persian  force  commanded  by  some  kinsmen  of  Xerxes.  The  town  sur- 
rendered after  a  protracted  siege ;  but  it  was  during  this  expedition  that 
the  conduct  of  the  Spartan  commander  struck  a  fatal  blow  at  the  mterests 
of  his  country. 

§  2.  The  immense  booty,  as  well  as  the  renown,  which  Pausanias  had 
acquired  at  Plataja,  had  filled  him  with  pride  and  ambition.  When  he 
returned  home,  he  felt  it  irksome  to  conform  "to  the  simplicity  and  sobriety 
of  a  Spartan  life,  and  to  submit  to  the  commands  of  the  Ephors.  He 
had  given  a  signal  instance  of  the  pride  with  which  he  was  inflated 
by  causing  Simonides  to  attribute  the  glory  of  the  Persian  defeat  solely 
to  himself  in  the  epigram  *  which  he  composed  for  the  tripod  dedicated 
at  Delphi ;  a  piece  of  vanity  which  gave  such  off*ence  to  the  Lacedie- 
monians,  that  they  caused  the  inscription  to  be  erased,  and  another  to  be 
substituted  in  its  place.  Nevertlieless,  in  spite  of  these  symptoms,  he  had 
been  again  intrusted  with  the  command.  During  the  whole  course  of  it, 
his  conduct  was  marked  by  the  greatest  vanity  and  insolence ;  towards  the 
end,  it  was  also  sullied  by  treason.  After  the  capture  of  Byzantium,  he 
put  himself  in  communication  with  the  Persian  court,  through  Gongylus, 
an  Eretrian  exile  and  subject  of  Persia.  He  sent  Gongylus  clandestinely 
to  Xerxes,  with  those  members  of  the  royal  family  who  had  been  taken  at 
Byzantium,  and  assured  the  aUies  that  they  had  escaped.  At  the  same 
time  he  despatched  the  following  letter  to  Xerxes :  — 

"  Pausanias,  the  Spartan  commander,  wisliing  to  oblige  thee,  sends  back 
these  prisoners  of  war.  I  am  minded,  if  it  i)lease  thee,  to  marry  thy 
daughter,  and  to  bring  Sparta,  and  the  rest  of  Greece,  under  thy  dominion. 
This  I  hold  myself  able  to  do  with  the  help  of  thy  counsels.  If,  therefore, 
the  project  at  all  pleases  thee,  send  down  some  trustworthy  man  to  the 
coast,  through  whom  we  may  carry  on  our  future  correspondence." 

Xerxes  was  highly  delighted  with  this  letter,  and  sent  a  reply  in  which 
he  urged  Pausanias  to  pursue  his  project  night  and  day,  and  promised  to 
supply  him  with  all  the  money  and  troops  that  might  be  needful  for  its 
execution.  At  the  same  time  he  appointed  Artabazus,  wlio  had  been 
second  in  command  in  Boeotia,  to  be  satrap  of  Dascylium,  where  he  would 
be  able  to  co-operate  with  the  Spartan  commander.     But  the  childish 

'  — —         I      |< — 

♦  The  Greek  epigram  means  inscription  simply,  and  not  necessarily  the  pointed  style  of 
composition  intended  by  that  word  in  modern  languages.  —  Ed. 

29 


r     ,  'i 


226 


HISTORY   OP   GREECE. 


I  v/H-AF*    -^  ^  I  li 


B.  C.  477.] 


THE    CONFEDERACY   OP   DELOS. 


227 


\l 


\>.'!. 


vanity  of  Pausanias  betrayed  his  plot  before  it  was  ripe  for  execution. 
Elated  by  the  confidence  of  Xerxes,  and  by  the  money  with  which  he  was 
lavishly  supplied,  he  acted  as  if  he  had  already  married  the  great  king's 
daughter.  He  assumed  the  Pei-sian  dress ;  he  made  a  progress  through 
Thrace,  attended  by  Persian  and  Egyptian  guaids;  and  copied,  in  the 
luxury  of  his  table  and  the  dissoluteness  of  liis  manners,  the  example  of 
his  adopted  country.  Above  all,  he  offended  the  allies  by  his  haughty 
reserve  and  imperiousness. 

§  3.  His  designs  were  now  too  manifest  to  escape  attention.  His  pro- 
ceedings reached  the  ears  of  the  Spartans,  who  sent  out  Dorcis  to  super- 
sede him.  But  when  Dorcis  arrived,  he  found  that  the  allies  had 
transferred  the  command  of  the  fleet  to  the  Athenians. 

There  were  other  reasons  for  this  step  besides  the  disgust  occasioned  by 
the  conduct  of  Pausanias.  Even  before  the  battle  of  Salamis,  the  pre- 
ponderating naval  power  of  Athens  had  raised  the  question  whether  she 
was  not  entitled  to  the  command  at  sea;  and  the  victory  gained  there, 
under  the  auspices  of  Themistocles,  had  strengthened  her  claim  to  that  dis- 
tinction. But  the  delivery  of  the  Ionian  colonies  from  the  Persian  yoke 
was  the  immediate  cause  of  her  attaining  it.  The  lonians  were  not  only 
attracted  to  Athens  by  aflfinity  of  race,  but,  from  her  naval  superiority, 
regarded  her  as  the  only  power  capable  of  securing  them  in  their  newly 
acquired  independence.  Disgusted  by  the  insolence  of  Pausanias,  the 
loniims  now  serving  in  the  combined  Grecian  fleet  addressed  themselves 
to  Aristeides  and  Cimon,  whose  manners  formed  a  striking  contrast  to 
those  of  the  Spartan  leader,  and  begged  them  to  assume  the  conunand. 
Aristeides  was  the  more  inclined  to  listen  to  this  request  as  it  was  made 
precisely  at  the  time  when  Pausanias  was  recalled.  The  Spartan 
squadron  had  accompanied  him  home  ;  so  that,  when  Dorcis  arrived  with 
a  few  ships,  he  found  himself  in  no  condition  to  assert  his  pretensions. 

§  4.  This  event  was  not  a  mere  empty  question  about  a  point  of  honor. 
It  was  a  real  revolution,  termmated  by  a  solemn  league,  of  which 
Athens  was  to  be  the  head ;  and  though  it  is  wrong  to  date  the  Athenian 
empire  from  this  period,  yet  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  this  confederacy 
formed  her  fii*st  step  towards  it.  Aristeides  took  the  lead  in  this  matter, 
for  which  his  proverbial  justice  and  probity,  and  his  conciliatory  manners, 
eminently  qualified  hun.  The  league  obtained  the  name  of  "the  Con- 
federacy of  Delos,"  from  its  being  arranged  that  deputies  of  the  allies 
belonging  to  it  should  meet  periodically  for  deliberation  in  the  temple  of 
Apollo  and  Artemis  in  that  island.  The  league  was  not,  however,  con- 
fined to  the  lonians.  It  was  joined  by  all  who  sought,  in  the  maritime 
power  of  Athens,  a  protection  against  the  attacks  of  Persia.  Besides  the 
Ionic  islands  of  Samos  and  Chios,  it  was  joined  by  Rhodes,  Cos,  Lesbos, 
and  Tenedos.  Among  the  continental  towns  belonging  to  it,  we  find 
Miletus,  the  Greek  towns  on  the  peninsula  of  Chalcidice,  and  the  recently 


delivei'ed  Byzantium.  Eacb  state  was  assessed  in  a  certain  contribution 
either  of  money  or  ships,  as  proposed  by  the  Athenians  and  lutified  by 
the  Synod.*  The  assessment  wiis  intrusted  to  Aristeides,  whose  justice 
and  impartiality  were  universally  applauded.  Of  the  details,  however,  we 
only  know  that  the  first  assessment  amounted  to  four  hundred  and  sixty 
talents  (about  £112,000  sterling!);  that  certain  officei*s  called  Helleno- 
tamiae  were  appointed  by  the  Athenians  to  collect  and  administer  the 
contributions ;  that  Delos  was  the  treasury ;  and  that  the  tax  was  called 
phoros ;  a  name  which  afterwards  became  odious  when  the  tribute  was 
abused  for  the  purposes  of  Athenian  ambition. 

§  5.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos.  Soon  after  its 
formation  Aristeides  was  succeeded  in  tlie  command  of  the  combined  fleet 
by  Cimon,  whose  first  imiwrtant  action  seems  to  have  been  the  capture  of 
Eion  on  the  Strymon.  This  place  was  bravely  defended  by  Boges,  the 
Persian  governor,  who  refused  all  offers  of  capitulation ;  and  when  his 
provisions  were  exhausted  and  all  further  defence  impracticable,  he  caused 
a  large  funeral  pile  to  be  kindled,  into  which  he  cast  his  wives,  his  concu- 
bines, and  children,  and  lastly  himself. 

The  next  event  of  any  moment  was  the  reduction  of  the  island  of 
Scyros,  probably  in  b.  c.  470.  A  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  Scyros  had 
been  condemned  by  the  Amphictyonic  Council  as  guilty  of  piracy,  and, 
in  order  to  avoid  payment  of  the  fine  imposed  upon  them,  appealed  to 
Cimon ;  who  took  possession  of  the  island,  and,  after  expelling  the  natives, 
colonized  it  with  Athenians.  The  hero  Theseus  had  been  buried  in 
Scyros ;  and  now,  by  command  of  an  oracle,  his  bones  were  disinterred 
and  carried  to  Athens,  where  they  were  deix)sited  with  much  solemnity  in 
a  temple  called  the  Theseum,  which  exists  at  the  present  day. 

§  6.  The  isle  of  Scyros  is  small  and  barren,  but  its  position  and  excel- 
lent harbor  rendered  it  an  important  naval  station.  The  occupation  of  it 
by  the  Athenians  seems  to  have  been  the  first  actual  step  taken  by  them 
in  the  career  of  aggrandizement  on  which  they  were  now  about  to  enter ; 
but  the  rapid  growth  of  their  maritime  power,  and  especially  the  formation 
of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  had  already  roused  the  jealousy  and  sus- 
picion of  Sparta  and  other  states.  It  was,  probably^  a  lingering  dread  of 
the  Persians,  against  whose  attacks  the  Athenian  fleet  was  indispensably 
necessary,  which  had  prevented  the  Lacedaemonians  from  at  once  resent- 
ing that  encroachment  on  their  supremacy.  Up  to  that  time  Sparta 
had  been  regarded  as  entitled  to  take  ^  the  lead  in  Grecian  affairs,  and  for 
a  moment  the  league  formed  at  Plataea  after  the  defeat  of  Mardonius 
seemed  to  confirm  her  in  that  position.  But  she  was  soon  deprived  of  it 
by  the  misconduct  of  her  leaders,  and  by  the  skill  and  enterprise  of  Athens. 

*  The  Synod  (<rvvoboi)  was  the  assembly  of  delegates  from  the  several  states,  with 
authority  to  decide  upon  the  general  affairs  of  the  confederacy.  —  Ed. 
t  Half  a  mlllioa  of  dollars. — £d. 


228 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXH. 


B.  C.  478.] 


FORTIFICATION   OF  ATHENS. 


229 


. 


That  city  was  the  only  one  which,  during  the  Persian  wars,  had  dis- 
played ability  and  heroism  equal  to  tlie  crisis.  Slie  had  taken  a  large  share 
in  the  battle  of  Plata^a,  whilst  the  glory  of  IMarathon  and  Salamis  and 
Mycale  was  almost  entirely  her  own.  Above  all,  the  sufferings  which  she 
had  voluntarily  undergone  in  the  common  cause  entitled  her  to  the  love 
and  sympathy  of  Greece.  It  was  not,  however,  the  gi'atitude  of  her  aUies 
which  placed  her  in  the  commanding  situation  she  was  now  about  to  seize. 
She  owed  it  rather  to  the  eminent  qualities  of  two  of  her  citizens,  —  to  the 
genius  of  Themistocles  and  to  the  virtue  of  Aristeides.  It  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  through  the  immediate  agency  of  Aristeides  that  the  Confed- 
eracy of  Delos  was  established :  a  matter  which  his  able  but  unprincipled 
rival,  owing  to  the  want  of  confidence  felt  in  his  character,  would  hardly 
have  been  able  to  cany  out..  But  it  was  Themistocles  who  had  first 
placed  Athens  in  a  situation  which  enabled  her  to  aspire  to  the  chief  com- 
mand. His  genius  had  mastered  all  the  exigencies  of  the  crisis.  Ilis  ad- 
vice to  the  Athenians  to  rely  on  their  ships,  and  to  abandon  their  city  to 
its  fiite,  had  not  only  saved  Athens  but  Greece.  He  was  now  engaged  in 
measures  which  might  enable  Athens  by  the  same  means  to  consolitlate 
and  extend  her  power ;  and  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  promised  to  bring 
his  plans  to  an  earlier  maturity  than  even  he  had  perhaps  ventured  to 
anticipate.  But  in  order  to  understand  the  plans  of  Themistocles,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  revert  to  the  city  of  Athens  itself,  and  to  trace  its  progi'ess 
after  the  close  of  the  Persian  war. 

§  7.  The  Athenians,  on  their  return  to  Attica  after  the  defeat  of  the 
Persians,  found  their  city  ruined  and  their  country  desolate.  Their  first 
care  was  to  provide  shelter  for  the  houseless  fixmilies  which  had  been 
transported  back  from  Troezen,  ^gina,  and  Salamis.  When  this  had 
been  accomplished,  they  began  to  rebuild  their  city  on  a  larger  scale  than 
before,  and  to  fortify  it  with  a  wall.  Those  aUies  to  whom  the  increasing 
maritime  power  of  Athens  was  an  object  of  suspicion,  and  especially  the 
-^ginetans,  to  whom  it  was  more  particularly  formidable,  beheld  her  rising 
fortifications  with  dismay.  In  order  to  prevent  the  completion  of  these 
fortifications,  they  endeavored  to  inspire  the  Lacedemonians  with  their 
own  fears,  and  urged  them  to  arrest  the  work.  But  though  Sparta  shared 
the  jealousy  of  the  iEginetans  on  this  occasion,  she  could  not  with  any 
decency  inteifere  by  force  to  prevent  a  friendly  city  from  exercising  a 
right  inherent  in  all  independent  stiites.  She  assumed,  therefore,  the 
hypocritical  garb  of  an  adviser  and  counsellor.  Concealing  her  jealousy 
under  the  pretence  of  zeal  for  the  common  interests  of  Greece,  she  repre- 
sented to  the  Athenians  that,  in  the  event  of  another  Persian  invasion,  for- 
tified towns  would  serve  the  enemy  for  camps  and  strongholds,  as  Tliebes 
had  done  in  the  last  war ;  and  proposed  that  the  Athenians  should  not 
only  desist  from  completing  their  own  fortifications,  but  help  to  demoHsh 
those  which  already  existed  in  other  towns. 


The  object  of  this  proposal  was  too  transparent  to  deceive  so  acute  a 
statesman  as  Themistocles.  Athens  was  not  yet,  however,  in  a  condition 
to  incur  the  danger  of  openly  rejecting  it ;  and  he  therefore  advised  the 
Athenians  to  dismiss  the  Spartan  envoys,  with  the  assurance  that  they 
would  send  ambassadors  to  Sparta  to  explain  tlieir  views.  He  then  caused 
himself  to  be  appointed  one  of  these  ambassadors,  together  with  Aristeides 
and  Abronychus  ;  and,  setting  off  at  once  for  Sparta,  directed  his  colleagues 
to  Unger  behind  as  long  as  possible.  At  Sparta,  the  absence  of  his  col- 
leagues, at  which  he  affected  to  be  surprised,  afforded  him  an  excuse  for 
not  demanding  an  audience  of  the  Epliors.  During  the  interval  thus 
gained,  the  whole  population  of  Athens,  of  both  sexes  and  every  age, 
worked  day  and  night  at  the  walls,  which,  when  Aristeides  and  Abrony- 
chus at  length  arrived  at  Sparta,  had  attained  a  height  sufficient  to  afford 
a  tolerable  defence.  Meanwhile,  the  suspicions  of  the  Spartans  had  been 
more  than  once  aroused  by  messages  from  the  iEginetans  respecting  the 
progress  of  the  walls.  Themistocles,  however,  positively  denied  their 
statements,  and  urged  the  Spartans  to  send  messengers  of  their  o^vn  to 
Athens  in  order  to  learn  the  true  state  of  affairs ;  at  the  same  time  in- 
structing the  Athenians  to  detain  them  as  hostages  for  the  safety  of  him- 
self and  colleagues.  As  there  was  now  no  longer  any  motive  for  conceal- 
ment, Themistocles  openly  avowed  the  progress  of  the  works,  and  his 
intention  of  securing  the  independence  of  Athens,  and  enabling  her  to  act 
for  herself.  As  the  walls  were  now  too  far  advanced  to  be  easily  taken, 
the  Spartans  found  themselves  compelled  to  acquiesce,  and  the  works  were 
completed  without  further  hindrance. 

§  8.  Having  thus  secured  the  city  from  all  danger  of  an  immediate  at- 
tack, Themistocles  pursued  his  favorite  project  of  rendering  Athens  the 
greatest  maritime  and  commercial  power  of  Greece.  The  large  fleet 
which  he  had  called  into  existence,  and  which  he  had  persuaded  the 
Athenians  to  increase  by  building  twenty  triremes  every  year,  was  destitute 
of  a  strong  and  commodious  harbor  such  as  might  afford  shelter  both 
against  the  weather  and  the  attacks  of  an  enemy.  The  open  roadstead 
of  Phalerum  was  quite  inadequate  for  these  purposes ;  and  during  his 
administration  three  years  before,  Themistocles  had  persuaded  his  country- 
men to  improve  the  natural  basins  of  Peirteus  and  Munycliia.  The  works 
had  been  interinipted,  and  periiaps  ruined,  by  the  Persians ;  but  he  now 
resumed  his  scheme  on  a  still  more  magnificent  scale.  Peiroeus  and  Muny- 
chia  were  both  inclosed  in  a  wall  as  large  in  extent  as  that  of  the  city  itself, 
but  of  vastly  grefiter  height  and  thickness.  In  his  own  magnificent  ideas, 
which  already  beheld  Athens  the  undisputed  mistress  of  the  sea,  the  wall 
which  sheltered  her  fleet  was  to  be  perfectly  unassailable.  Its  height  was 
to  be  such  that  boys  and  old  men  might  suffice  for  its  defence,  and  leave 
the  men  of  military  age  to  act  on  board  the  fleet.  It  seems,  however,  to 
have  been  found  either  unnecessary  or  impossible  to  carry  out  the  design 


230 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXn. 


B.  e.  471.] 


TREASON  AND  FALL  OF  PAUSANIAS. 


231 


; 


J; 


I  1 


«  I 


of  Theraistocles.    The  wall  rose  only  to  aljout  sixty  feet,  or  half  the  pro- 
jected height ;  but  this  was  always  foiiiul  amply  sufficient.* 

§  9.  The  ancient  rivahy  between  Theniistocles  and  Aristeides  had  been 
in  a  good  degree  extinguished  by  the  danger  which  threatened  their  com- 
mon country  during  the  Pei-sian  wars.  Aristeides  had  since  abandoned 
his  former  pi-ejudices,  and  was  willing  to  conform  to  many  of  the  demo- 
cratical  innovations  of  his  rival.  In  fact,  the  crisis  through  which  Atliens 
had  recently  passed  had  rendered  the  progress  of  the  democratical  senti- 
ment irresistible.  Whilst  the  greater  part  of  the  male  population  was 
serving  on  shipboard  without  distinction  of  rank,  and  the  remainder  dis- 
persed in  temporary  exile,  political  privileges  had  been  necessarily  sus- 
pended ;  and  the  whole  body  of  the  people,  rendered  equal  by  the  common 
danger,  became  also  equal  in  their  civil  rights.  The  effect  of  this  was  to 
produce,  soon  after  their  return  to  Attica,  a  still  further  modification  of 
the  constitution  of  Cleisthenes.  The  Thetes,  the  lowest  of  the  four  classes 
of  Athenian  citizens,  were  declared  eligible  for  the  magistracy,  from  which 
they  had  been  excluded  by  the  laws  of  Solon.  Thus  not  only  the  ar- 
chonship,  but  consequently  the  Council  of  Areopagus,  was  thrown  oi)en 
to  them ;  and,  strange  to  say,  this  reform  was  proposed  by  Aristeides 
himself. 

Nevertheless,  party  spirit  still  ran  high  at  Athens.  Cimon  and  Alc- 
mseon  were  violent  opponents  of  Themistocles,  and  of  their  party  Aris- 
teides was  still  the  head.  The  popularity  of  Aristeides  was  never 
greater  tlian  at  the  present  time,  owing  not  only  to  the  moderation  and 
the  more  liberal  spirit  which  he  exhibited,  but  also  to  his  great  services  in 
CstabUshing  the  Confederacy  of  Delos.  He  was,  therefore,  more  than  ever 
to  be  dreaded  as  an  adversary  ;  and  the  conduct  of  Themistocles  soon  laid 
him  open  to  the  attacks  of  his  enemies.  He  offended  the  Athenians  by 
his  ostentation  and  vanity.  He  was  continually  boasting  of  his  services 
to  the  state ;  but,  worse  than  all  tliis,  his  conduct  was  stained  with  positive 
guilt.  There  was  much  to  be  done  af^er  the  close  of  the  Persian  wars  in 
restoring  order  in  the  Grecian  communities ;  in  deposing  corrupt  magis- 
ti-ates,  in  punishing  evil-doers,  and  in  replacing  fugitives  and  political  ex- 
iles in  their  possessions.  All  these  things  opened  a  great  field  for  bribeiy 
and  corruption ;  and  whilst  Themistocles,  at  the  head  of  an  Athenian 
squadron,  was  saihng  among  the  Greek  islands  for  the  ostensible  purpose 
of  executing  justice,  there  is  little  room  to  doubt  that  he  cornq)ted  its 
very  source  by  accepting  large  sums  of  money  from  the  cities  wliich  he 
visited. 

§  10.  The  influence  of  the  Lacedaemonians  was  still  considerable  at 
Athens.    The  conservative  party  there,  and  especially  Cimon,  one  of  its 


*  For  a  farther  account  of  the  topography  of  Athens  and  the  Peirflens,  see  Chap. 
XXXIV. 


principal  leaders,  regarded  with  love  and  veneration  the  stable  institutions 
of  Sparta,  which  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  democratical  innovations 
which  were  making  such  rapid  progress  in  their  own  city.     The  Lacedae- 
monians on  their  side  were  naturally  inimical  to  the  Athenian  democracy, 
as  the  party  most  opposed  to  their  interests  and  power ;  and  to  Themis- 
tocles himself  they  were  personally  hostile,  on  account  of  the  decei»tion 
which  he  had  lately   practised   upon   them.      Hence,  when  Pausanias 
became  suspected  of  3Iedisni,  they  urged  the  political  opponents  of  Themis- 
tocles to  accuse  him  of  being  implicated  in  the  same  crime.     This  accusa- 
tion was  at  all  events  premature ;  nor  is  it  surprising  that  the  Athenian 
statesman  should  have  been  acquitted  of  a  cliarge  which  could  not  at  that 
time  be  brought  home  to  Pausanias  himself.     The  result,  however,  of  this 
accusation  was  to  embitter  party  spirit  at  Athens  to  such  a  degree,  that  it 
was  found  necessary  to  resort  to  ostracism,  and  Themistocles  was  con- 
demned to  a  temporary  banishment  (b.  c.  471).     He  retired  to  Argos,  and 
had  been  residing  in  that  city  for  a  sjnice  of  about  five  yeai-s  when  indubi- 
table proofs  were  discovered  of  his  b'ing  implicated  in  the  tresisonable 
correspondence  of  Pausanias  with  the  Pei-sians.     But  in  oi-der  to  explain 
the  fall  of  the  Athenian  statesman,  we  must  first  relate  that  of  the  Spartan 
regent,  with  which  it  was  intimately  connected. 

§  11.  The  recall  of  Pausanias  from  Byzantium  has  been  already  men- 
tioned. On  his  arrival  at  home  he  seems  to  have  been  acquitted  of  any 
definite  charges ;  yet  the  general  presumption  of  his  guilt  was  so  strong, 
that  he  was  not  again  intrusted  with  the  connnand  of  the  fleet.  This  was 
perhaps  an  additional  motive  with  him  to  complete  his  treachery.  Under 
pretence  of  serving  as  a  volunteer,  he  returned  to  Byzantium  with  a  single 
trireme,  and  renewed  his  negotiations  with  Artabazus.  Here  he  seems  to 
have  again  enjoyed  a  sort  of  ascendency,  till  his  conduct  obliged  the 
Athenians  to  expel  him  from  this  city.  He  then  retired  to  Colonie,  in  the 
Troad,  where  he  still  pursued  Ids  designs ;  employing  both  Persian  gold, 
and  perhaps  the  influence  of  the  Spartan  name,  in  order  to  induce  various 
Grecian  cities  to  participate  in  his  schemes. 

At  the  news  of  these  proceedings  the  Spartans  again  ordered  Pausanias 
home,  under  pain  of  being  denounced  as  a  public  enemy.  With  this  order 
he  deemed  it  prudent  to  comply ;  foreseeing  that,  if  proscribed,  his  influ- 
ence would  be  at  an  end,  and  relying,  probably,  on  his  riches  to  bribe  his 
judges  and  procure  an  acquittal.  But,  though  at  first  imprisoned  by  the 
Ephors,  nobody  was  bold  enough  to  come  forwai-d  as  his  accuser.  His 
treachery,  though  sufficiently  palpable,  seems  to  have  offered  no  overt  and 
legally  tangible  act,  and  he  was  accordingly  set  at  liberty.  He  now  em- 
ployed himself  in  hatching  treason  nearer  home.  He  tampered  with  the 
Helots,  and  by  promises  of  enfranchisement  and  political  rights  endeav- 
ored to  persuade  them  to  overthrow  the  Ephors,  and  make  him  sole 
sovereign.    Though  these  plots  were  communicated  to  the  Ephors,  they 


1'  ;i! 


^  H 


ii 


i;  ' 


%  I      ! 


i-1 


232 


mSTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXn. 


were  still  either  unable  or  unwilling  to  prosecute  so  powerful  a  criminal. 
Meanwhile,  he  continued  his  correspondence  with  Persia ;  and  an  acci- 
dent at  length  afforded  convincing  proofs  of  his  guilt. 

A  ftworite  slave,  to  whom  he  had  intrusted  a  letter  to  Artabazus, 
observed  with  dismay  that  none  of  the  messengers  employed  in  this  ser- 
vice had  ever  returned.  Moved  by  these  fears,  he  broke  the  seal  and 
read  the  letter,  and  finding  liis  suspicions  of  the  fate  that  awaited  him  con- 
firmed, he  carried  the  document  to  the  Ephors.  But  in  ancient  states  the 
testimony  of  a  slave  was  always  regarded  with  suspicion.  The  Ephors 
refused  to  believe  the  evidence  offered  to  them  unless  the  slave  placed 
them  in  a  position  to  have  it  confii-med  by  their  own  ears.  For  this  pur- 
pose they  directed  him  to  plant  himself  as  a  suppliant  in  the  grove  of 
Poseidon,  near  Cape  Tanarus,  in  a  hut  behind  which  two  of  tlieir  body 
might  conceal  themselves.  Pausanias,  as  they  had  expected,  anxious  and 
surprised  at  the  step  taken  by  his  slave,  hastened  to  the  spot  to  question 
him  about  it.  The  conversation  which  ensued  between  them,  and  which 
was  overheard  by  the  Ephors,  rendered  it  impossible  for  them  any  longer 
to  doubt  the  guilt  of  Pausanias.  They  now  determined  to  arrest  him  on 
his  return  to  Spai-ta.  They  met  him  in  the  street  near  the  temple  of 
Athena  Chalcioecus  (of  the  Brazen  House);  when  Pausanias,  either 
alarmed  by  his  guilty  conscience,  or  put  on  his  guard  by  a  secret  signal 
from  one  of  the  Ephors,  turned  and  fled  to  the  temple,  where  he  took 
refuge  in  a  small  chamber  belonging  to  the  building.  From  this  sanctuary 
it  was  unlawful  to  drag  him;  but  the  Ephors  caused  the  doors  to  be 
built  up  and  the  roof  to  be  removed ;  and  his  own  mother  is  said  to  have 
placed  the  fii-st  stone  at  the  doors.  Wlien  at  the  pomt  of  death  from  star- 
vation, he  was  carried  from  the  sanctuary  before  he  polluted  it  with  his 
corpse, 

§  12.  Such  was  the  end  of  the  victor  of  Platoea.  Afler  his  death  proofs 
were  discovered  among  his  correspondence  that  Themistocles  was  impli- 
cated in  his  guilt.  The  Lacedajmonians  now  again  called  upon  the 
Athenians  to  prosecute  their  great  statesman  before  a  synod  of  the  allies 
assembled  at  Sparta ;  and  joint  envoys  were  sent  from  Athens  and  Sparta 
to  arrest  him. 

Themistocles  avoided  the  impending  danger  by  flying  from  Ai-gos  to 
Corcyra.  The  Corcyrajans,  however,  refusing  to  shelter  him,  he  passed 
over  to  the  continent ;  where,  being  still  pursued,  he  was  forced  to  seek 
refuge  at  the  court  of  Admetus,  king  of  the  Molossians,  though  he  had 
made  Admetus  his  personal  enemy  by  opposing  him  on  one  occasion  in 
some  favor  which  the  king  begged  of  the  Athenians.  Fortunately, 
Admetus  happened  to  be  from  home.  The  forlorn  condition  of  Themis- 
tocles excited  the  compassion  of  the  wife  of  the  Molossian  king,  who 
placed  her  child  in  his  arms,  and  bade  him  seat  hunself  on  the  hearth  as  a 
suppliant.     As  soon  as  the  kmg  arrived,  Themistocles  explained  his  peril, 


B.  C.  449.] 


DEATH   OF   THEMISTOCLES. 


233 


and  adjured  him  by  the  sacred  laws  of  hospitality  not  to  take  vengeance 
upon  a  fallen  foe.  Admetus  accepted  his  appeal  and  raised  him  from  the 
hearth ;  he  refused  to  deUver  him  to  his  pursuers,  and  at  last  only  dis- 
missed him  on  his  own  expressed  desire  to  proceed  to  Persia.  Having 
traversed  the  mountains,  Themistocles  reached  Pydna,  on  the  Theniiaic 
Gulf,  where,  under  an  assumed  name,  he  took  passage  in  a  merchant-ves- 
sel bound  for  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  The  ship  was  driven  by  stress  of 
weather  to  the  island  of  Naxos,  which  happened  at  that  very  moment  to 
be  blockaded  by  an  Athenian  fleet.  In  this  conjuncture  Themistocles 
adopted  one  of  those  decisive  resolutions  which  never  failed  him  in  the 
hour  of  danger.  Having  summoned  the  master  of  the  vessel,  he  disclosed 
to  him  his  real  name,  and  the  peril  which  menaced  him  in  case  of  dis- 
covery. He  then  conjured  the  master  not  to  make  the  land,  at  the  same 
time  threatenmg  that,  if  detected,  he  would  involve  him  in  his  own  ruin  by 
representing  him  as  the  accomplice  of  his  flight ;  promising,  on  the  other 
hand,  a  large  reward  if  he  would  secure  his  escape.  These  representa- 
tions induced  the  master  to  keep  the  sea  in  spite  of  the  weather;  and 
Themistocles  landed  safely  at  Ephesus. 

§  13.  Artaxerxes,  the  son  of  Xerxes,  was  now  upon  the  throne  of 
Persia,  and  to  him  Themistocles  hastened  to  announce  himself.  Having 
been  conducted  to  Susa,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Persian  king,  in 
which  he  claimed  a  reward  for  his  past  services  in  favoring  the  escape  of 
Xerxes,  and  promised  to  effect  much  for  Persian  interests  if  a  year  were 
allowed  him  to  mature  his  plans.  Artaxerxes  welcomed  the  arrival  of  the 
illustrious  stranger,  and  readily  granted  his  request.  According  to  the 
tales  current  at  a  later  period,  the  king  was  so  transported  with  joy  as  to 
start  from  his  sleep  at  night  and  thrice  to  cry  out,  "  I  have  got  Themis- 
tocles the  Athenian."  At  the  end  of  the  year,  Themistocles,  having 
acquired  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  Persian  language  to  be  able  to  con- 
verse in  it,  entertained  Artaxerxes  with  magnificent  schemes  for  the 
subjugation  of  Greece,  and  succeeded  in  gaining  his  entire  confidence  and 
favor.  Artaxerxes  loaded  him  with  presents,  gave  him  a  Persian  wife, 
and  appointed  Magnesia,  a  town  not  far  from  the  Ionian  coast,  as  his 
place  of  residence.  In  accordance  with  Eastern  magnificence,  the  reve- 
nues of  that  place,  amounting  to  the  yearly  sum  of  fifty  talents,*  were 
assigned  to  him  for  bread,  whilst  Myos  was  to  supply  condiments,  and 
Lampsacus  wine.  At  Magnesia  Themistocles  was  joined  by  his  family ; 
and  after  living  there  some  time  was  earned  off  by  disease  at  the  age  of 
sixty-five,  without  having  realized,  or  apparently  attempted,  any  of  those 
plans  with  which  he  had  dazzled  the  Persian  monarch.  Rumor,  which 
ever  dogs  the  footsteps  of  the  great,  ascribed  his  death  to  poison,  which  he 
took  of  his  own  accord,  from  a  consciousness  of  his  inabiUty  to  perform  his 


*  About  $52,000.— Ed. 


SO 


•114 


HI8T0RT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIL 


Chap.  XXIU.]         RISE  AND  GROWTH  OF  THE  ATHENIAN  EMPIRE. 


235 


promises ;  but  this  report,  which  was  current  in  the  time  of  Tlmcjdides,  is 
rejected  by  that  historian,  though  it  was  subsequently  adopted  by  writers 
of  no  mean  note.  The  tale  was  probably  propagated  by  the  friends  of 
Themistocles,  who  also  asserted  that,  at  his  express  command,  they  had 
carried  his  bones  to  Attica,  and  had  secretly  buried  them  m  his  native 
land.  In  the  time  of  the  Roman  empire  his  tomb  was  shown  upon  the 
promontory  at  the  right  hand  of  the  entrance  of  the  great  harbor  of 
Peirieus.*  This  was  doubtless  the  invention  of  a  hiter  age;  but  the 
imagination  could  not  have  chosen  a  fitter  spot  for  the  ashes  of  the 
founder  of  the  maritime  greatness  of  Athens.  Hence  we  find  in  an 
ancient  epigram,  supposed  to  have  been  inscribed  upon  his  tomb:  — 

"  By  the  sea's  margin,  on  the  watery  strand. 
Thy  monument,  Themistocles,  shall  stand: 
By  this  directed  to  thy  native  shore, 
The  merchant  shall  convey  his  freighted  store; 
And  when  our  fleets  are  summoned  to  the  fight, 
Athens  shall  conquer  with  thy  tomb  m  sight." 

Themistocles  is  one  of  those  characters  which  exhibit  at  once  all  the 
greatness  and  all  the  meanness  of  human  nature.  Acuteness  in  foreseeing, 
readiness  and  wisdom  in  contriving,  combined  with  vigor  and  decision  in 
acting,  were  the  characteristics  of  this  great  statesman,  and  by  these 
qualities  he  not  only  rescued  his  country  from  the  imminent  danger  of  the 
Persian  yoke,  but  enabled  her  to  become  one  of  the  leading  states  of 
Greece.  Yet  his  lofty  genius  did  not  secure  him  from  the  seductions  of 
avarice  and  pride,  which  led  him  to  sacrifice  both  his  honor  and  liis 
country  for  the  tinsel  of  Eastern  pomp.  But  the  riches  and  luxury  which 
surrounded  him  served  only  to  heighten  his  infamy,  and  were  dearly 
bouglit  with  the  hatred  of  his  countrymen,  the  reputation  of  a  tmitor,  and 
the  death  of  an  exile. 

§  14.  Aristeides  died  about  four  years  after  the  banishment  of  Themis- 
tocles. The  common  accounts  of  his  poverty  are  probably  exaggerated, 
and  seem  to  have  been  founded  on  the  circumstances  of  a  public  funeral, 
and  of  handsome  donations  made  to  his  tlu-ee  children  by  the  state.  But 
in  ancient  times  these  were  no  unusual  marks  of  respect  and  gratitude 
towards  merit  and  virtue ;  and  as  he  was  archm  epowjmus  at  a  time  when 
only  the  first  class  of  the  Solonian  census  was  admissible  to  this  office,  he 
must  have  enjoyed  a  certain  amount  of  property.  But  whatever  his 
property  may  have  been,  it  is  at  least  certain  that  he  did  not  acquire  or 
increase  it  by  unlawful  means ;  and  not  even  calumny  has  ventured  to 
assail  his  well-earned  title  of  the  Just. 


»  Massive  remains  still  exist  of  what  haa  been  called  the  Tomb  of  Themistocles.  The 
situation  is  most  appropriate  for  such  a  monument,  commanding  a  near  view  of  the  whole 
scene  of  the  battle  of  Salamis,  and  laved  by  the  waters  that  bore  the  Persian  fleet  on  that 
memorable  day. — Ed.  * 


Pericles  and  Aspasia. 


CHAPTER   XXIIL 

MSB   AND   GROWTH   OP   THE   ATHENIAN    EMPIBE FROM  THE    BATTLE 

OF   EtJRTMEDON  TO  THE  THIRTY  YEARS'  TRUCE  WITH  SPARTA. 

*  1;  Ctaon  Leader  of  the  Aristocratical  Party  at  Athens.    §  2.  Revolt  of  Naxos     S  1    R,t 
«e  of  Eurymedon.  J  i   The  Athenians  Wockade  Thaso.,  and  J^ttTZJcol^t 
m  Thrace,     i  6.    Earthquake  at  Sparta  and  Revolt  of  the  HeJ.    4  6    DeeHne  of 
Spartan  Power.    4  7.  Cimon  assists  the  Spartans  to  suppress  the  Revolt    but  wth„,?f 
Suceess.    The  Spartans  offend  the  Athenians  by  dis^issin,  their  T^t    58    ptl 
8t  Athens     Character  of  Pericles.    «  9.  Attack  upon  the  Areopagus.    I  10  Ctracitmof 
C.mo„     41.  Administration  and  Foreign  Policy  of  Pericles.    4  12.  Expedit  oH^he 
TZZ  T  l^'?]^^'"''!":,  •--'-■    5  13-  Hostilities  with  Corin'th  a  d  ^gila 
4  15   Th„  I       .-"•''"'  ■"  *'''^™-    ^  "•  '^'«'  Long  Walls  of  Athens  commenced 
17   ^^^^^^"^.^^^■"''"■■^"'^^"I'-toB^otia.  Battle  of  Tanagra.  5  16.  Recall  of  cTmo,.: 
i  17.  Battle  of  (inophyta,  and  Conquest  of  Bojotia.     Conquest  of  ^rina.   6  18    The  Five 

lT2rz-l^':t:'T  ^r  ^'■^■''™'-  "'^  ''^"-  ^  «•  oonliuir:/, 

tyar  with  Persia.    4  20.  The  Atheman  Power  at  its  Height,    i  21.  Decline  of  the  Athe 
nian  Power.    Revolution  in  B«otia.    Other  Athenian  Lei.  s.    In™ln  "f  A  tict  by 

T^eeTSsrar  "'"  "*"'"'""    *  ''■  •'''™'"  ^"^''^  ^'^^^  Ttoy  Y^' 

§  1.  On  the  death  of  Aristeides,  Cimon  became  the  undisputed  leader 
ot  the  anstocratieal  or  conservative  party  at  Athens.  Cimon  was  genet- 
ous,  ^able,  magnificent ;  and,  notwithstanding  his  ,x.KticaI  views,  of 
ttceedingly  popular  manners.  He  had  inherited  the  military  genius 
01  his  father,  and  was  undoubtedly  the  greatest  commander  of  his  time. 


I 


23o 


mSTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIH. 


He  employed  the  vast  wealth  acquired  in  his  expeditions  in  adorning 
Athens  and  gratifying  his  fellow-citizens.  He  kept  open  house  for  such 
of  his  demos  (the  Laciadai)  as  were  in  want  of  a  meal,  and  appeared  in 
public  attended  by  well-dressed  slaves,  who  were  often  directed  to  ex- 
change their  comfortable  garments  with  the  threadbare  clothes  of  needy 
citizens.  But  his  mind  wjis  uncultivated  by  arts  or  letters,  and  what  elo- 
quence he  i)ossessed  was  rough  and  soldierlike. 

§  2.  The  capture  of  Eion  and  reduction  of  Scyros  by  Cimon  have  been 
'  already  related.    It  was  two  or  three  years  after  the  latter  event  that  we 
find  the  first  symptoms  of  discontent  among  the  members  of  the  Confed- 
eracy of  Delos.     Naxos,  one  of  the  confederate  islands,  and  the  largest  of 
the  Cyclades,  revolted  in  b.  c.  466,  probably  from  a  feeling  of  the  grow- 
ing oppressiveness  of  the  Athenian  headship.     It  was  immediately  invested 
by  the  confederate  fleet,  and  after  a  blockade  of  unknown  duration  reduced 
and  made  tributary  to  Athens.     It  was  during  this  blockade  that  Themis- 
tocles,  as  before  related,  passed  the  island  in  his  flight  to  Asia,     This  was 
another  step  towards  dominion  gained  by  the  Athenians,  whose  pretensions 
were  assisted  by  the  imprudence  of  the  allies.     Many  of  the  smaller  states 
belonging  to  the  confederacy,  wearied  with  perpetual  hostilities,  commuted 
for  a  money  payment  the  ships  which  they  were  bound  to  supply  ;  and 
thus,  by  depriving  themselves  of  a  navy,  lost  the  only  means  by  wliich 
they  could  assert  their  independence. 

§  3.  The  same  year  was  marked  by  a  memorable  action  against  the 
Persians.     Cimon,  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  Athenian  triremes,  and 
one  hundred  furnished  by  the  allies,  proceeded  to  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 
where  he  expelled  the  Persians  from  several  Grecian  towns  in  Caria  and 
Lycia.    Meanwhile  the  Persians  had  assembled  a  large  fleet  and  army  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Eurymedon  in  Pamphylia.     Their  fleet  already 
consistedoftwohundred  vessels,  chiefly  Phoenician;  and  as  a  reinforce- 
ment of  eighty  more  was  expected,  Cimon  resolved  to  lose  no  time  in 
making  an  attack.     After  speedily  defeating  the  fleet,  Cimon  landed  his 
men  and  marched  against  the  Persian  army,  which  was  drawn  up  on  the 
shore  to  protect  the  fleet.     The  land  force  fought  with  bravery,  but  was 
at  length  put  to  the  rout     These  victories  were  still  further  enhanced  by 
the  destruction  of  the  eighty  vessels,  with  which  Cimon  happened  to  foil 
in  on  his  return.     A  victory  gained  on  the  same  day  both  by  sea  and  land 
added  greatly  to  the  renown  of  Cimon,  and  was  commemorated  on  the 
tri|>od  dedicated  to  Apollo  as  one  of  the  most  glorious  of  Grecian  exploits. 
§  4.  The  successes  of  the  Athenians,  and  their  undisputed  power  at 
sea,  led  them  to  extend  their  empire  by  means  of  colonies.     Some  of  the 
Athenians  who  had  settled  at  Eion  on  the  Strymon  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
Persians,  had  an  opportunity  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  surround- 
ing country,  which  was  principally  occupied  by  Edonian  Thracians,  and 
was  distmguished  not  only  by  the  fertility  of  its  soil,  but  also  by  its  gold 


B,  C.  464.] 


EARTHQUAKE    AT    SPARTA. 


237 


mines  on  Mount  Pangseus.  But  in  their  attempts  to  form  a  permanent 
settlement  on  this  coast,  the  Athenians  were  opposed  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  opposite  island  of  Thasos,  who  were  possessed  of  considerable  territory 
upon  the  continent  of  Thrace,  and  derived  a  large  revenue  from  the  mines 
of  Scapte  Ilyle  and  other  places. 

The  island  of  Thasos  was  a  member  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  with 
which,  however,  this  quarrel  does  not  appear  to  have  been  in  any  way 
connected.  The  ill-feeling  soon  reached  such  a  pitch,  that  Cimon  was 
despatched  in  b.  c.  465  with  a  powerful  fleet  against  the  Thasians.  In 
this  expedition  the  Athenians  gained  various  successes  both  by  sea  and 
land,  but  totally  failed  in  their  attempt  to  found  a  colony  on  the  mainland, 
near  Eion.  This  result,  however,  was  owing  to  the  hostility  of  the  native 
tribes.  A  body  of  ten  thousand  Athenians  and  their  allies,  who  had  taken 
possession  of  Ennea  Hodoi,  a  place  on  the  Strymon,  about  three  miles 
above  Eion,  were  attacked  by  the  Thracians  and  nearly  all  of  them  slain. 
Nevertheless  the  Athenians  did  not  abandon  the  blockade  of  Thasos. 
After  a  siege  of  more  than  two  years  that  island  surrendered,  when  its 
fortifications  were  razed,  its  fleet  and  its  possessions  in  Thrace  were  con- 
fiscated, and  it  was  condemned  to  pay  an  annual,  as  well  as  an  immediate, 
tribute. 

§  5.  The  expedition  to  Thasos  was  attended  with  a  circumstance  which 
first  gives  token  of  the  coming  hostilities  between  Sparta  and  Athens. 
At  an  early  period  of  the  blockade  the  Thasians  secretly  applied  to  the 
Lacediemonians  to  make  a  diversion  in  their  favor  by  invading  Attica ; 
and  though  the  Lacedaemonians  were  still  ostensibly  allied  with  Athens, 
they  were  base  enough  to  comply  with  this  request.     But  their  treachery 
was  prevented  by  a  terrible  calamity  which  befell  themselves.     In  the  year 
B.  c.  464,  their  capital  was  visited  by  an  earthquake  which  laid  it  in  rums 
and  killed  twenty  thousand  of  its  citizens,  besides  a  large  body  of  theu- 
chosen  youth,  who  were  engaged  in  a  building  in  their  gymnastic  exer- 
cises.    But  this  was  only  part  of  the  calamity.     The  earthquake  was 
immediately  followed  by  a  revolt  of  the  Helots,  who  were  always  ready 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  weakness  of  their  tyrants.     Some  of  that  op- 
pressed people  had  been  dragged  from   the  sanctuary  of  Poseidon  at 
Tienarus,  probably  m  connection  with  the  affair  of  Pausanias,  related  in 
the  preceding  chapter ;  and  now  the  whole  race,  and  even  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians  themselves,  believed  that  the  earthquake  was  caused  by  the  anger 
of  that  "  earth-shaking  "  deity.     Encouraged  by  this  signal  of  the  divLe 
favor,  and  being  joined  by  some  of  the  Perioeci,  the  Helots  rushed  to 
arms,  and  marched  straight  upon  Sparta.     In  this  attempt  to  seize  the 
capital  they  were  repulsed  ;  nevertheless  they  were  still  able  to  keep  the 
field  ;  and,  being  joined  by  the  Messenians,  fortified  themselves  in  Mount 
Ithome  in  Messenia.     Hence  this  revolt  is  sometunes  called  the  third 
Messenian  war.    After  two  or  three  years  spent  in  a  vain  attempt  to  dis- 


IJ 


n 


I! 


I 


2S8 


HISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIH 


)j 


lodge  them  from  this  position,  the  Laxiedaemonians   found  themselves 
obliged  to  call  in  the  assistance  of  their  allies,  and  among  the  rest  of  the 

Athenians. 

§  6.  That  Sparta  should  thus  have  condescended  to  solicit  the  assist- 
ance of  her  rival  to  quell  a  domestic  feud,  shows  that  she  must  have  fallen 
greatly  from  her  former  power  and  station.     During  the  period,  indeed, 
in  which  we  have  traced  the  rise  of  Athens,  Sparta  had  been  proix)rtion- 
ably  decUning.     Of  the  causes  of  this  decline  we  can  only  mention  some 
of  the  more  prominent.     Foremost  among  them  was  the  misconduct  of  her 
leaders.     The  misconduct  of  Pausanias,  by  which  the  maritime  supremacy 
was  transferred  to  Athens,  has  been  already  related.     His  infamy  found  a 
counteqiart  in  the  infamy  of  Leotychides,  another  of  her  kings,  and  the 
conqueror  of  Mycale ;  who,  being  employed  in  arranging  the  affairs  of 
Thessaly  after  its  evacuation  by  the  Persians,  was  convicted  of  taking 
bribes  from  the  Persian  king.    The  Lacedaemonians  committed,  moreover, 
a  great  political  blunder  in  the  settlement  of  Bccotia,  whose  affiiirs  had 
been  so  thoroughly  shaken  by  the  Persian  invasion.    Thebes,  convicted 
of  Medtsm,  was,  with  the  concurrence  of  Sparta,  degraded  from  her  former 
rank  and  influence ;  whilst  Plattea  and  Thespiaj,  which  stood  opposed  to 
the  capital,  were  strengthened,  and  the  latter  repeopled.    Thus  the  iuflu- 
ence  of  Athens  in  Bceotia  was  promoted,  in  pi-oportion  as  Thebes,  her 
ancient  enemy,  was  weakened  and  degraded.    The  affairs  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesus itself  had  been  unfavorable  to  the  Spartans.    They  had  been  en- 
gaged in  a  harassing  war  with  the  Arcadians,  and  were  also  cramped 
and  menaced  by  the  growing  power  of  Elis.    And  now  all  these  causes 
of  weakness  were  aggravated  by  the  earthquake,  and  consequent  revolt  of 

the  Helots. 

§  7.  It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Cimon  persuaded  his  countrymen 
to  assist  the  Lacedaemonians  in  quelling  this  revoh.  His  power  was  now 
somewhat  waning  before  the  rising  influence  of  Pericles.  Notwithstand- 
ing what  he  had  accomplished  at  Thasos,  it  is  even  said  that  more  had 
been  expected  by  the  Athenians,  and  that  Pericles  actually  accused  him, 
though  without  success,  of  having  been  diverted  from  the  conquest  of 
Macedonia,  by  the  bribes  of  Alexander,  the  king  of  that  country.  Cimon, 
however,  at  length  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Athenians  to  despatch  him, 
with  a  force  of  four  thousand  hoplites,  to  the  assistance  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians ;  but  the  ill  success  of  this  expedition  still  further  strengthened  the 
hands  of  his  political  opponents. 

The  aid  of  the  Athenians  had  been  requested  by  the  Lacedaemonians  on 
account  of  their  acknowledged  sup|riority  in  the  art  of  attacking  fortified 
places.  As,  however,  Cimon  did  not  succeed  in  dislodging  the  Helots 
from  Ithome,  the  Lacediemonians,  probably  from  a  consciousness  of  their 
own  treachery  in  the  affair  of  Thasos,  began  to  suspect  that  the  Athenians 
were  playing  them  false.    The  conduct  of  the  latter  does  not  seem  tc 


B.  C.  464.] 


PERICLES. 


2d9 


have  afforded  the  least  ground  for  this  suspicion,  and  Cimon,  their  general 
was  notoriously  attached  to  Sparta.     Yet  the  Lacedaemonians,  fearing 
that  the  Athenians  intended  to  join  the  Helots,  abruptly  dismissed  them 
stating  that  they  had  no  longer  any  occasion  for  their  services ;  althoucrh 
the  other  aUies  were  retained,  and  the  siege  of  Ithome  still  proceeded.   "" 

§  8.  This  rude  dismissal  gave  great  offence  at  Athens,  and  annihilated 
for  a  time  the  pohtical  influence  of  Cimon.     The  democratical  party  had 
from  the  first  opposed  the   expedition;  and  it  afforded  them  a  great 
tnumph  to  be  able  to  point  to  Cimon  returning  not  only  unsuccessful  but 
msulted.     That  party  was  now  led  by  Pericles.     A  sort  of  hereditary 
feud  existed  between  Pericles  and  Cimon ;  for  it  was  Xanthippus,  the 
father  of  Pericles,  who  had  impeached  Miltiades,  the  father  of  Cimon. 
The  character  of  Pericles  was  almost  the  reverse  of  Cimon's.     Althoucrh 
the  leader  of  the  popular  party,  his  manners  were  reserved.     He  was^'of 
high  family,  being  descended  on  his  mother's  side  from  the  princes  of  Sicyon 
and  the  Alcmjeonidic,  whilst  on  his  father's  he  was  connected  with  the 
family  of  Peisistratus,  to  which  tyrant  he  is  said  to  have  borne  a  strikmg 
personal  resemblance.     He  appeared  but  httle  in  society  or  in  pubUc, 
reserving  himself  for  great  occasions ;  a  conduct  which,  when  he  did  come' 
forward,  enhanced  the  effect  of  his  dignified  bearing  and  impressive  elo- 
quence.    His  military  talents  were  but  slender,  and  m  fact  in  this  depart- 
ment he  was  frequently  unsuccessful.     But  his  mind  had  received  the 
highest  polish  which  that  period  was  capable  of  giving.     He  constantly 
conversed  with  Anaxagoras,  Protagoras,  Zeno,  and  other  eminent  philoso- 
phers.    To  oratory  in  particular  he  had  devoted  much  attention,  as  an 
mdispensable  instrument  for  swaying  the  pubHc  assemblies  of  Athens ;  and 
he  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  who  committed  his  speeches  to  writing. 
He  was  not  much  distinguished  for  private  liberality ;  but  he  made  amends 
for  the  popularity  which  he  lost  m  this  way  by  his  lavish  distribution  of 
the  public  money.     Such  was  the  man  who  for  a  considerable  period  was 
to  administer  the  affairs  of  Athens. 

§9.  Pericles    seized  the    occasion   presented    by  the  ill    success  of 
Cimon  both  to  ruin  that  leader  and  to  strike  a  fatal  blow  at  the  aristo- 
cratical  party.     The  latter  object  he  sought  to  accomplish  by  various 
changes  m  the  Athenian  constitution,  and  pa'rticularly  by  an  attack  upon 
the  Areopagus.     That  venerable  and  time-honored  assembly  contained 
the  very  pith  and  marrow  of  Athenian  aristocracy.     Besides  its  high 
judicial  functions,  it  exercised  a  kind  of  general  censoi^hip  over  the 
citizens.     By  the  nature  of  its  constitution   it   was   composed  of  men 
of  advanced  years,  and  of  high  position  in  the  state.     The  measure  of 
Ansteides,  ah^ady  mentioned,  opened  it,  at  least  ostensibly,  even  to  the 
lowest  class  of  citizens;  but  this  innovation,  which  was  perhaps  only 
designed  to  stave  off  those  more  serious  changes  which  the  rapid  pn>gres3 
ot  democratical  opmion  seemed  to  threaten,  was  probably  of  httle  practical 


h 


240 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chip.  XXTH 


if 


i 


effect  So  long  as  magistracies  continued  to  be  elective,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  rich  would  carry  them,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  poor.  A 
fatal  4)low  to  aristocratical  power  was,  however,  struck  about  this  tune  by 
rendering  the  election  to  magistracies  dependent  upon  lot ;  though  it  is 
uncertain  whether  this  measure  was  originated  by  Pericles.  We  are  also 
ignorant  of  the  precise  nature  of  the  changes  which  he  introduced  into  the 
constitution  and  functions  of  the  Areopagus,  though,  with  regard  to  their 
result,  it  is  certain  that  they  left  that  august  body  the  mere  shadow  of  its 
former  influence  and  power.  Other  changes  which  accompanied  this 
revolution  — for  such  it  must  be  caUed  — were,  the  institution  of  paid 
dicasteries  or  jury-courts,  and  the  ahnost  entire  abrogation  of  the  judicial 
power  of  the  Sepate  of  Five  Hundred.  As  the  seal  and  symbol  of  these 
momentous  innovations,  Ephialtes,  the  friend  of  Pericles,  caused  the  tablets 
containing  the  kws  of  Solon  to  be  brought  down  from  the  Acropolis  and 
deposited  in  the  market-place,  as  if  to  signify  that  the  guardianship  of  the 
laws  had  been  transferred  to  the  people. 

§  10.  It  cannot  be  supposed  that  such  fundamental  changes  were 
effected  without  violent  party  strife.  Even  the  theatre  became  a  vehicle 
to  express  the  passions  and  the  principles  of  the  agora.  In  the  drama  of 
the  Mimmides,  iEschylus  in  vain  exerted  all  the  powers  of  his  genius  in 
support  of  the  aristocratical  party  and  of  the  tottering  Areopagus ;  his 
exertions  on  this  occasion  resulted  only  m  his  own  flight  from  Athens. 
The  same  fate  attended  Cimon  himself.  In  the  heat  of  political  conten- 
tion, recourse  was  had  to  ostracism,  the  safety-valve  of  the  Athenian  consti- 
tution, and  Cimon  was  condemned  to  a  ten  years'  banishment.  Nay, 
party  violence  even  went  the  length  of  assassination.  Ephialtes,  who  had 
taken  the  lead  in  the  attacks  upon  the  Areopagus,  and  whom  Pericles,  in 
conformity  with  Ws  i)olicy  and  character,  seems  to  have  put  forward 
throughout  as  the  more  active  and  ostensible  agent,  fell  beneath  the 
dagge°r  of  a  Boeotian  hired  by  the  conservative  party  to  despatch  him. 
TWs  event  took  place  after  the  banishment  of  Cunon,  who  was  guiltless  of 
all  paiticipation  in  so  foul  a  deed. 

§  11.  It  was  from  this  period  that  the  long  administration  of  Pericles 
may  be  properly  said  to  have  commenced.  Tlie  effects  of  his  accession  to 
power  soon  became  visible  in  the  foreign  relations  of  Athens.  Pericles 
had  succeeded  to  the  political  principles  of  Themistocles,  and  his  aim  was 
to  render  Athens  the  leading  power  of  Greece.  The  Confederacy  of 
Delos  had  already  secured  her  maritime  ascendency ;  Pericles  directed 
his  policy  to  the  extension  of  her  influence  in  Continental  Greece.  The 
insult  offered  by  Sparta  to  Athens  in  dismissmg  her  troops  had  highly 
inflamed  the  Athenians  against  that  power,  whose  supporters  at  Athens 
were  designated  with  the  contemptuous  name  of  Laconizers,  Pericles 
and  the  democratic  party  turned  the  conjuncture  to  account,  not  only  by 
persuading  the  people  to  renounce  the  Spartan  alliance,  but  to  join  her 


B.  C.  460.]  EXPEDITION  AGAINST   THE   PERSIANS.  241 

bitterest  enemies.  Argos,  the  ancient  rival  of  Sparta,  claimed  the  head- 
Bh.p  of  Greece  rather  from  the  recollections  of  her  former  mvS 
renown  than  from  her  present  material  power.  But  she  had  aS 
herself  of  the  embarrassment  which  the  revolt  of  the  Helots  occasioned  to 

i^Zl  ^tT.'A"'^*t^^  ''^"""'  ^"'^"^^  ^^'  --  other  neighbor! 
mg  towns.     With  Argos  thus  strengthened  Athens  now  formed  a  defen- 

^ve  alhance  agamst  Sparta,  which  the  Thessalians  were  also  induced  to 
jom  Soon  afterwards  Athens  still  further  extended  her  influence  in 
Contmental  Greece  by  an  alliance  with  Megara.  This  step,  which  gave 
s^.d  offence  both  at  Sparta  and  Corinth,  greatly  increased'the  pow^of 
th^^  Athenians  not  only  by  opening  to  them  a  communication  vith  the 
G~  ""f '"^  ^^^?,'^  ^"^^  ^^--  ^^-  ^^y  to  the  parses  of  Moun 
ar^rr;  P V       ^"^-^'^^"^/^^^^  '^  --t  the  progress  of  an  inva^ling 

2edTc!?""""\  .  ^  r'"  '^  ^^""»^^^^^"  "^^^'--^  the  Athenian! 
adopted  a  contrivance  winch  they  afterwards  applied  to  their  own  city. 

Sr  T  T:  '"^'  ""'  '"  '^^^"^^  ^^  ^^'^'^  ^  -^^  f--  ^ts  port, 

Nisa^a-     To  preven    the  communication  between  the  port  and  city  Lm 

bemg  cut  off,  the  Athenians  caused  them  to  be  connected  together  by  two 
parallel  Imes  of  wall,  and  placed  a  permanent  garrison  of  their  own  L  the 
uiace. 

J,  ^2-  ^ikt  these  things  were  passing  in  Greece,  the  Athenians  were 
St.  1  actively  engaged  m  prosecuting  the  war  against  Pei^ia.  The  con- 
federate fleet  was  hovering  about  the  coasts  of  Cyprus  and  Phtcnicia ;  and 
the  revolt  of  Inaros  (b.  c.  4G0)  gave  them  an  opportunity  to  carry  the 
war  mto  Egypt.  L,aros,  a  Libyan  prince,  a^d  son  of  Psammetichus;  was 
ben  on  expelhng  the  Persians  from  Egypt  and  obtaining  the  sovereignty 
of  that  country ;  and  with  this  view  he  solicited  the  assistance  of  the 
Greeks.  The  Athenian  fleet  at  Cyprus,  amounting  to  two  hundred 
tnremes,  accordingly  sailed  to  the  Nile,  and  pi.>ceeded  up  that  river  as  far 
^Memphis.     From  this  city  they  succeeded  in  expelling  the  Persians. 

I^,  rr  w^""^"'^  ''""^^'^'^  '"  ^  '^"'l  °f  '^"^d^'  or  fortification 
adled"  the  White  Fortress."    The  siege  of  this  fortress  had  already 

lasted  four  or  five  years,  when  Artaxerxes  sent  a  Large  army,  together    ' 

with  a  Ph^nfcian  fleet,  into  Egypt,  under  the  command  of  Sle^abyzus. 

...  the  Nile  called  Prosop.tis,  as  the  Persians  had  prevented  their  further 
Tffr  ''^°''^*""=""f  *«  ^^^'  P»«  of  the  river.  Her*  the  Athenians 
offered  a  long  and  heroic  resistance,  tiU  at  length  Megabyzus,  having 
iZ-tf ,      *«  channels  which  formed  the  island,^a.'  enabled  t^ 

stt  wtr  ^  t  7''  ''*!''^"'^^'  "''*'  '"^  P--°-'y  •'-"t  their 
ship.,  were  now  obliged  to  capitulate.  The  barbarians  did  not,  how- 
ever, observe  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  but  perfidiously  massacred  the 
Athenians,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  body,  who  succeeded  in  cuttm» 
their  way  through  the  enemy,  and  escaping  to  Cyrene,  aiid  thence  t^ 

31 


242 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIH. 


Greece.  Inaros  himself  was  taken  and  crucified.  As  an  aggravation  of 
the  calamity,  a  reinforcement  of  fifty  Athenian  vessels,  whose  crews  were 
ignorant  of  the  defeat  of  their  countrymen,  fell  into  the  power  of  the 
enemy  and  were  almost  entirely  destroyed.  Thus  one  of  the  finest  arma- 
ments ever  sent  forth  from  Athens  was  all  but  annihilated,  and  the  Per- 
sians regained  possession  of  the  greater  part  of  Egypt  (b.  c.  455). 

§  13.  It  may  well  excite  our  astonishment  that,  while  Athens  was  em- 
ploying so  large  an  armament  against  the  Persians,  she  was  still  able  to 
maintain  and  extend  her  power  in  Greece  by  force  of  arms.  Corinth, 
Epidaurus,  and  iEgina  were  watching  her  progress  >vith  jealousy  and 
awe.  At  the  time  of  the  Megarian  alliance  no  actual  blow  had  yet  been 
struck ;  but  that  important  accession  to  the  Athenian  power  was  speedily 
foUowed  by  open  war.  The  yEginetans,  in  conjunction  with  the  Co- 
rinthians, Epidaurians,  and  other  Peloponnesians,  fitted  out  a  large  fleet 
A  battle  ensued  near  the  island  of  ^gina,  in  which  the  Athenians  gained 
a  decisive  victory,  and  entirely  ruined  the  naval  power  of  the  ^ginetans. 
Tlie  Athenians  captured  seventy  of  their  ships,  and,  landing  a  large  force 
upon  the  island,  laid  siege  to  the  capital. 

The  gi-owth  of  the  Athenian  power  was  greatly  promoted  by  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  revolt  of  the  Helots,  which  wa^  not  put  down  till  the  year 
B.C.  455.  This  circumstance  prevented  the  Lacedemonians  from  op- 
posing the  Athenians  as  they  would  otherwise  probably  have  done.  All 
the  assistance  afforded  by  the  alUes  to  the  iEginetans  consisted  of  a  miser- 
able detaclunent  of  three  hundred  men;  but  the  Corinthians  attempted  to 
divert  the  Athenians  by  making  an  attack  upon  Megara.  Hereupon 
Myronides  marched  from  Athens  at  the  head  of  the  boys  and  old  men, 
and  gave  battle  to  the  enemy  near  Megara.  The  affair  was  not  very 
decisive,  but  the  Corinthians  retired,  leaving  their  adversaries  masters  of 
the  field.  On  their  return  home,  however,  the  taunts  which  they  encoun- 
tered at  having  been  defeated  by  so  unwarlike  a  force  incited  them  to  try 
their  fortune  once  more.  The  Athenians  again  marched  out  to  the  attack, 
and  this  time  gained  a  decisive  victory,  rendered  still  more  disastrous  to 
the  Corinthians  by  a  large  body  of  their  troops  having  marched  by  mis- 
take into  an  inclosed  place,  where  they  were  all  cut  to  pieces  by  the 

Atlienians. 

§  14.  It  was  about  this  time  (b.c.  458-457)  that  the  Athenians, 
chiefly  through  the  advice  of  Pericles,  began  to  construct  the  long  walls 
which  connected  the  Peiraeus  and  Phalerum  with  Athens.  They  were 
doubtless  suggested  by  the  apprehension  that  the  Lacedaimonians,  though 
now  engaged  with  domestic  broils,  would  sooner  or  later  take  part  in  the 
confederacy  which  had  been  organized  against  Athens.  This  gigantic 
undertaking  was  in  conformity  with  the  policy  of  Themistocles  for  render- 
ing the  maritime  power  of  Athens  wholly  unassailable;  but  even  the 
magnificent  ideas  of  that  statesman  might  perhaps  have  deemed  the  work 


\ 


B.  C.  457.] 


BATTLE    OF   TANAGRA. 


249 


chunerical  and  extravagant.  The  wall  from  Phalerum  was  thirty-five 
stadia,  or  about  four  miles  long,  and  that  from  Peirseus  forty  stadia,  or 
about  four  miles  and  a  half,  in  length.  The  plan  of  these  walls  was 
probably  taken  from  those  already  erected  at  Megara,  which  had  been 
recently  tried,  and  perhaps  found  to  be  of  good  service  in  the  war  which 
had  taken  place  there.  The  measure  was  violently  opposed  by  the  aristo- 
cratic party,  but  without  success. 

§  15.  The  progress  of  Athens  had  now  awakened  the  serious  jealousy 
of  Sparta,  and  though  she  was  still  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Ithome, 
she  resolved  on  taking  some  steps  against  the  Athenians.     Under  the 
pretence  of  assisting  the  Dorians,  whose  territory  had  been  invaded  by 
the  Phocians,  fifteen  hundred  Spartan  hoplites,  supported  by  ten  thousand 
allies,  were  despatched  into  Doris.    The  mere  approach  of  so  large  a  force 
speedily  effected  the  ostensible  object  of  the  expedition,  and  compelled  the 
Phocians  to  retire.     The  Lacediemonians  now  proceeded  to  effect  their 
real  design,  which  was  to  prevent  the  Athenians  from  gaining  such  an 
ascendency  in  Boeotia  as  they  had  gained  in  other  places.     In  conse- 
quence of  the  part  she  had  played  during   the  Persian  wars,   Thebes 
had  lost  much  of  her  former  influence  and  power ;  and  the  conduct  of 
Sparta  herself  in  the  subsequent  settlement  of  Greece  had,  as  before 
related,  been  conducive  to  the  same  result.     The  Lacedemonians  seem  to 
have  now  become  sensible  of  the  mistake  which  they  had  committed ; 
and  though  their  genenil  policy  was  adverse  to  the  confederation  of  cities, 
yet  they  were  now  induced  to  adopt  a  different  course,  and  to  restore  the 
power  of  Thebes  by  way  of  counterpoise  to  that  of  Athens.     With  this 
view  the  Lacedaemonian  troops  were  marched  into  Boeotia,  where  they 
were  employed  in  restoring  the  fortifications  of  Thebes,  and  in  reducing 
the  Boeotian  cities  to  her  obedience.    The  designs  of  Sparta  were  assisted 
by  the  traitorous  co-operation  of  some  of  the  oligarchical  party  at  Athens. 
That  faction,  finding  itself  foiled  in  its  attempt  to  arrest  the  progress 
of  the  long  walls,  not  only  invited  the  Lacedaemonians  to  assist  them  in 
this  attempt,  but  also  to  overthrow  the  democracy  itself.     The  Lacedae- 
monians listened  to  these  proposals,  and  their  army  took  up  a  position  at 
Tanagra,  on  the  very  borders  of  Attica.     The  Athenians,  suspecting  that 
some  treason  was  in  progress,  now  considered  it  high  time  to  strike  a 
blow.     With  such  of  their  troops  as  were  not  engaged  at  ^gina,  together 
with  a  thousand  Argeians,  and  some  Thessalian  horse,  they  marched  out 
to  oppose  the  Lacedaemonians  at  Tanagra.     Here  a  bloody  battle  ensued 
(b.c.457),  in  which  the  Lacedfemonians  gained  the  advantage,  chiefly 
through  the  treacherous  desertion  of  the  Thessalians  in  the  very  heat  ot 
the  engagement.     The  victory  was  not  sufficiently  decisive  to  enable  the 
Lacedaemonians  to  invade  Attica;  but  it  served  to  sec^re  them  an  un- 
molested retreat,  after  partiaUy  ravaging  the  Megarid,  through  the  passes 
of  the  Geraneia. 


/ 1 


S44 


HISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXHI 


ill 


I 


: 


§  16.  Previously  to  the  engagement,  the  ostracized  Cimon,  who  was 
grievously  suspected  of  being  implicated  in  the  treacherous  correspond- 
ence of  some  of  his  party  with  the  Lacedsemonians,  presented  himself 
before  the  Athenian  anny  as  soon  as  it  had  crossed  the  border,  and 
earnestly  entreated  permission  to  place  himself  in  the  ranks  of  the 
hoplites.  His  request  being  refused,  he  left  his  armor  with  some  friends, 
conjuring  them  to  wipe  out,  by  their  conduct  in  the  field,  the  imputation 
under  which  they  labored.  Stung  by  the  unjust  suspicions  of  their 
countrymen,  and  incited  by  the  exhortations  of  their  beloved  and  banished 
leader,  a  large  band  of  his  most  devoted  followers,  setting  up  his  armor 
in  their  i-anks,  fought  side  by  side  with  desperate  valor,  as  if  he  still 
animated  them  by  his  presence.  A  hundred  of  them  fell  in  the  engage- 
ment, and  proved  by  their  conduct  that,  with  regard  at  least  to  the 
majority  of  Cimon's  party,  they  were  unjustly  suspected  of  collusion  with 
the  enemy.  Cimon's  request  had  also  stimulated  Pericles  to  deeds  of  extra- 
ordinary valor;  and  thus  both  parties  seemed  to  be  bidding  for  public 
favor  on  the  field  of  battle,  as  they  formerly  had  done  in  the  bloodless  con- 
tentions of  the  Athenian  assembly.  A  happy  result  of  this  generous 
emulation  was  that  it  produced  a  great  change  in  public  feeling.  Cimon's 
ostracism  was  revoked,  and  the  decree  for  that  purpose  was  proposed  by 

Pericles  himself. 

§  17.  The  healing  of  domestic  fiiction  gave  a  new  impulse  to  public 
spirit  at  Athens.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  b.  c.  456,  and  only  about 
two  months  after  their  defeat  at  Tanagra,  the  Athenians  again  marched 
into  Boeotia.  Tlie  Boeotians  went  out  to  meet  them  with  a  numerous 
army;  but  in  the  battle  of  CEnophyta,  which  ensued,  the  Athenians 
under  Myronides  gained  a  brilliant  and  decisive  victoiy,  by  which  Thebes 
itself,  and  consequently  the  other  Boeotian  towns,  fell  into  their  power. 
The  Athenians  now  proceeded  to  revei-se  all  the  arrangements  which  had 
been  made  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  banished  all  the  leaders  who  were 
favorable  to  Spartan  ascendency,  and  established  a  democratical  form 
of  government.     To  these  acquisitions   Phocis  and  Locris  were   soon 

afterwai'ds  added. 

From  the  Gulf  of  Corinth  to  the  Straits  of  Thermopylae  Athenian  in- 
fluence was  now  predominant.  In  the  year  after  the  battle  of  OEnophyta 
(b.  C.  455),  the  Athenians  finished  the  building  of  the  long  walls  and 
completed  the  reduction  of  iEgina,  wliich  became  a  subject  and  tributaiy 
ally.  Their  expedition  into  Egypt,  and  its  unfortunate  catastrophe  in  tliis 
year,  has  been  already  related.  But  notwithstanding  their  efforts  and 
reverses  in  that  quarter,  tliey  were  strong  enough  at  sea  to  scour  the 
coasts  of  Greece,  of  which  they  gave  a  convincing  proof.  An  Athenian 
fleet,  under  command  of  Tolmides,  sailed  round  Peloponnesus,  and  in- 
sulted the  Lacedemonians  by  burning  their  ports  of  Methone  and  Gy- 
thium.    Naupactus,  a  town  of  the  Ozolian  Locrians   near  the  mouth 


1 


B.  C.  452.1 


EXPEDITION   OF   CIMON   TO    CYPRUS. 


24^ 


of  the  Gulf  of  Corinth,  was  captured ;  and  in  the  latter  place  Tolmides 
estabHshed  the  Helots  and  Messenians,  who  in  the  course  of  this  year  had 
been  subdued  by  the  Lacedajmonians,  and  compelled  to  evacuate  Ithome. 
During  the  course  of  the  same  expedition  the  islands  of  Zacynthus  and 
Cephallenia  were  gained  over  to  the  Athenian  alliance,  and  probably  also 
some  towns  on  the  coast  of  Achaia. 

§  18.  After  the  battle  of  Tanagra  the  Lacedaemonians  made  for  a 
while  no  further  attempts  to  oppose  its  progress,  mid  quietly  beheld  the 
occupation  of  Boeotia  and  Phocis.  Even  after  the  surrender  of  Ithome 
they  still  remained  inactive ;  and  three  years  after  that  event  (b.  c.  452), 
concluded  a  five  years'  truce  with  the  Athenians.  This  truce  was  effected 
through  the  mediation  of  Cimon,  who  was  anxious  that  no  dread  of  hostil- 
ities at  home  should  divert  him  from  resuming  operations  against  the 
Persians ;  nor  perhaps  was  Pericles  un^villing  that  so  formidable  a  rival 
should  be  absent  on  foreign  service.  Cimon  sailed  to  Cyprus  with  a  fleet 
of  two  hundred  trii'cmes  belonging  to  the  confederacy;  whence  he  de- 
spatched sixty  vessels  to  Egypt,  to  assist  the  rebel  prince  Amyrtoeus,  who 
still  held  out  against  the  Persians  among  the  marshes  of  the  Delta.  But 
this  expedition  proved  fatal  to  the  great  Athenian  commander.  With  the 
remainder  of  the  fleet,  Cimon  undertook  the  siege  of  Citium  in  Cyprus ; 
but  died  during  the  progress  of  it,  either  from  disease  or  from  the  effects  of 
a  wound.  The  command  now  devolved  on  Anaxicrates ;  who,  being  strait- 
ened by  a  want  of  provisions,  raised  the  siege  of  Citium,  and  sailed  for 
Salamis,  a  town  in  the  same  island,  in  order  to  engage  the  Phoenician 
and  Cilician  fleet.  Here  he  gained  a  complete  victory  both  on  sea  and 
land,  but  was  deterred,  either  by  pestilence  or  famine,  from  the  further 
prosecution  of  the  war ;  and,  having  been  rejoined  by  the  sixty  ships  from 
Egypt,  sailed  home  to  Athens. 

§  19.  After  these  events  a  pacification  was  concluded  with  Persia, 
which  has  sometimes,  but  erroneously,  been  called  "  the  peace  of  Cimon." 
It  is  stated  that  by  this  compact  the  Persian  monarch  agreed  not  to  tax 
or  molest  the  Greek  colonies  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  nor  to  send  any 
vessels  of  war  westward  of  Phaselis  m  Lycia,  or  within  the  Cyanean 
rocks  at  the  junction  of  the  Euxine  with  the  Thracian  Bosporus ;  the 
Athenians  on  their  side  undertaking  to  leave  the  Pei*sians  in  undisturbed 
possession  of  Cyprus  and  Egypt.  Even  if  no  treaty  was  actually  con- 
cluded, the  existence  of  such  a  state  of  relations  between  Greece  and 
Persia  at  this  time  must  be  recognized  as  an  historical  fact,  and  the  war 
between  them  considered  as  now  brought  to  a  conclusion. 

§  20.  During  the  progress  of  these  events  the  states  which  formed  the 
Confederacy  of  Delos,  with  the  exception  of  Cliios,  Lesbos,  and  Samos, 
had  gradually  become,  instead  of  the  active  allies  of  Athens,  her  disarmed 
and  passive  tributaries.  Even  the  custody  of  the  fund  had  been  trans- 
ferred from  Delos  to  Athens,  but  we  are  unable  to  specify  the  precise 


246 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXm. 


time  at  which  this  change  took  place.  This  transfer  marked  the  subjec- 
tion of  the  confederates  as  complete:  yet  it  is  said  to  have  been  made 
with  the  concurrence  of  the  Samians  ;  and  it  is  probable  that  Delos  would 
have  been  an  unsafe  place  for  the  deposit  of  so  large  a  treasure.  The 
puii>ose  for  which  the  confederacy  had  been  originally  organized  disap- 
peared  with  the  Persian  peace ;  yet  what  may  now  be  called  Imperial 
Athens  continued,  for  her  own  ends,  to  exercise  her  prerogatives  as  head 
of  the  league.  Her  alliances,  as  we  have  seen,  had  likewise  been  ex- 
tended in  Continental  Greece,  where  tliey  embraced  Megara,  Boiotia,  Pho- 
ci^  Locris  ;  together  with  Troczen  and  Achaia  in  Peloponnesus.  Of  these 
aUies  some  were  merely  bound  to  miUtary  service  and  a  conformity  of 
forei-n  policy,  whilst  others  were  dependent  tributaries.  Of  the  fornier 
kuid^'were  the  states  just  mentioned,  together  with  Chios,  Lesbos,  and  Sa- 
moa ;  whilst  in  the  latter  were  comprehended  all  the  remaining  members 
of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  as  well  as  the  recently  conquered  ^Egina. 
Such  was  the  position  of  Athens  in  the  year  448  b.  c,  the  period  ot  her 
greatest  power  and  prosperity.  From  this  time  her  empire  began  to  de- 
chne ;  whilst  Sparta,  and  other  watchful  and  jealous  enemies,  stood  ever 

ready  to  strike  a  blow.  .     i      .    j 

I  21.  In  the  following  year  (b.  c.  447)  a  revolution  in  Bojotia  deprived 
Athens*  of  her  ascendency  in  that  country.     This,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
aho-ether  i,olitical,  being  founded  in  the  democracies  which  she  had 
estabUshed  in  the  Boeotian  towns  after  the  battle  of  (Enophyta.     These 
measures  had  not  been  efft-cted  without  producing  a  numerous  and  i>ower- 
ful  class  of  discontented  exiles,  who,  being  joined  by  other  malecontents 
from  Phocis,  Locris,  and  other  places,  succeeded  in  seizing  Orchomenus, 
Chseronea,  and  a  few  more  unimportant  towns  of  Bceotia.     With  an  over- 
weening- contempt  of  their  enemies,  a  small  band  of  one  thousand  Athe- 
nian hopUtes,  chiefly  comi^^sed  of  youthful  volunteers  belonging  to  the 
best  Athenian  families,  together  with  a  few  auxiliaries,  marched  under 
the  command  of  Tolmides  to  put  down  the  revolt,  in  direct  opposition  to 
the  advice  of  Pericles,  who  adjured  them  to  wait  and  collect  a  more  nu- 
merous force.    The  enterprise  proved  disastrous  in  the  extreme.    Tolmides 
succeeded,  indeed,  in  retaking  Chaironea  and  garrisoning  it  with  an  Athe- 
nian force ;  but  whilst  his  small  army  was  retiring  from  the  place,  it  was 
suiprised  by  the  enemy  and  totaUy  defeated.    Tolmides  himself  fell  m 
the  encragement,  together  with  many  of  the  hoplites,  whilst  a  still  larger 
number  were  taken  prisoners.    This  last  circumstance  proved  fatal  to  the 
interests  of  Athens  in  Bceotia.    In  order  to  recover  these  prisoners,  she 
agreed  to  evacuate  Bceotia,  to  restore  the  exiles,  and  to  permit  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  aristocracies  which  she  had  formerly  overthrown. 
Thus  all  Bceotia,  with  the  exception  of  Plataea,  once  more  stood  opposed, 
and  indeed  doubly  hostile,  to  Athens. 
But  the  Athenian  reverses  did  not  end  here.    The  expulsion  of  the 


B.  C.  445.] 


DECLINE    OF   THE   ATHENIAN   POWER. 


247 


partisans  of  Athens  from  the  government  of  Phocis  and  Locris,  and  the 
revolt  of  Euboea  and  Megara,  were  announced  in  quick  succession  ;  whilst 
to  crown  all,  the  Spartans,  who  Avere  now  set  free  to  act  by  the  termina- 
tion of  the  five  years'  truce,  were  preparing  to  invade  Attica  itself.     The 
youthful  Pleistoanax,  king  of  Sparta,  actually  penetrated,  with  an  army 
of  Lacediemonians  and  Peloponnesian  allies,  as  far  as  the  neigliboriiood 
of  Eleusis  ;  and  the  capital  itself,  it  is  said,  was  saved  only  by  Pericles 
having  bribed  the  Spartan  monarch,  as  well  as  Cleandrides,  his  adjutant 
and  counsellor,  to  evacuate  the  country.     The  story  was  at  least  believed 
at  Sparta ;  for  both  Pleistoanax  and  Cleandrides  were  found  guilty  of 
corruption  and  sent  into  banishment. 

§  22.  Pericles  had  been  recalled  by  the  Spartan  invasion  from  an  ex- 
pedition which  he  had  undertaken  for  the  reconquest  of  Euboea,  and  which 
he  resumed  as  soon  as  the  Spartans  had  departed  from  Attica.  With  an 
overwhelming  force  of  fifty  triremes  and  five  thousand  hoplites  he  soon 
succeeded  in  reducing  the  island  to  obedience,  in  some  parts  of  which  the 
land-owners  were  expelled  and  their  properties  given  to  Athenian  cleruchs 
or  colonists.  But  this  was  the  only  possession  which  Athens  succeeded 
in  recovering.  Her  empire  on  land  had  vanished  more  speedily  than  it 
had  been  acquired  ;  whilst  in  the  distance  loomed  the  danger  of  an  exten- 
sive and  formidable  confederacy  against  her,  realized  some  years  after- 
wards by  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and  not  undeservedly  provoked  by  her 
aggressive  schemes  of  conquest  and  empire.  Thus  both  her  present  posi- 
tion and  her  future  prospects  were  well  calculated  to  fill  the  Athenians, 
and  their  leader  Pericles,  with  apprehension  and  alann ;  and  under  these 
feelings  of  despondency  they  were  induced  to  conclude,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  b.  c.  445,  a  thirty  years'  truce  with  Sparta  and  her  allies,  by 
which  they  consented  to  abandon  all  the  acquisitions  which  they  had  made 
in  Peloix)nnesus,  and  to  leave  Megara  to  be  included  among  the  Pelopon- 
nesian allies  of  Sparta. 


i48 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIV. 


B.  C.  445.] 


STATE    OF   PARTIES   AT   ATHENS. 


249^ 


The  Acropolis  restored. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

« 

FROM  THE  THIRTY  YEARS*  TRUCE  TO  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  CORINTH 

AND  CORCYRA. 

1 1.  State  of  Parties  at  Athens.    Thucydides.    §  2.  Opposite  Political  Views.    §  3.  Ostra 
cism  of  Thucydides.    Administration  of  Pericles.     He  adorns  Athens.    His  Foreign 
Policy.    §  4.  Athenian  Colonization.    Cleruchiae.    Thurii  and  Amphipolis.    §  5.  Nature 
of  the  Athenian  Maritime  Empire.    Amount  of  Tribute.    Oppressions.    §  6.  Revolt  o£ 
Samos.    Reduction  of  the  Island  by  Pericles. 

§  1.  The  aristocratical  party  at  Athens  had  been  nearly  annihilated 
by  the  measures  of  Pericles  recorded  in  the  preceding  chapter.  In  order 
to  make  the  final  effort  against  the  policy  of  that  statesman,  the  rem- 
nant of  this  party  had  united  themselves  under  Thucydides,  the  son  of 
Melesiiis.  Tluicydides  —  who  must  not  be  confounded  with  his  name- 
sake, the  great  historian  —  was  a  relative  of  Cimon's,  to  whose  political 
principles  he  succeeded.  In  ability  and  character  he  differed  considerably 
from  Cimon.  He  was  not  much  distinguished  as  a  military  man  ;  but  as 
a  statesman  and  orator  he  might  even  bear  some  comparison  with  his 
gi-eat  opponent,  Pericles.  Tliucydides,  however,  had  not  the  advantage  of 
being  on  the  popular  side ;  and  his  manner  of  leading  the  opposition  soon 
proved  the  ruin  both  of  himself  and  of  his  party.  The  high  character  and 
great  services  of  Aristeides  and  Cimon,  the  conciliatory  manners  of  both, 
and  especially  the  affiible  and  generous  temper  of  Cimon,  had,  in  spite  of 
their  unpopular  views,  secured  them  considerable  influence.  Thucydides, 
on  the  contrary,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  distinguished  by  any  of 


these  qualities ;  and  though  the  steps  which  he  took  to  give  his  party  a 
stronger  organization  in  the  assembly  at  first  enabled  him  to  make  head 
against  Pericles,  yet  they  ultimately  proved  the  cause  of  his  overthrow. 
Not  only  were  his  adherents  urged  to  a  more  regular  attendance  in  the 
assembly,  but  they  were  also  instructed  to  take  up  a  separate  and  distinct 
position  on  the  benches  ;  and  thus,  instead  of  being  mixed  as  before  with 
the  general  mass  of  citizens,  they  became  a  regularly  organized  party. 
This  arrangement  seemed  at  first  to  lend  them  strength.  Their  applause 
or  dissent,  being  more  concentrated,  produced  a  greater  effect.  At  any 
sudden  turn  in  a  debate  they  were  in  a  better  position  to  concert  their 
measures,  and  could  more  readily  put  forward  their  best  speakers  accord- 
ing to  emergencies.  But  these  advantages  were  counterbalanced  by  still 
greater  drawbacks.  A  little  knot  of  men,  who  from  a  particular  corner 
of  the  ecclesia  were  constantly  opposing  the  most  popular  measures,  natu- 
rally incurred  a  great  share  of  odium  and  suspicion ;  but  what  was  still 
worse,  the  paucity  of  their  numbers  —  and  from  their  position  they  could 
easily  be  counted  —  was  soon  remarked  ;  and  they  then  began  to  fall  into 
contempt,  and  were  designated  as  The  Few. 

§  2.  The  points  of  dispute  between  the  two  parties  were  much  the  same 
as  they  had  been  in  the  time  of  Cimon.  Thucydides  and  his  followers 
were  for  maintaining  amicable  relations  with  the  rest  of  Greece,  and  were 
opposed  to  the  more  popular  notion  of  extending  the  Athenian  dominion 
even  at  the  risk  of  incurring  the  hostility  of  the  other  Grecian  states.  They 
were  of  opinion  that  all  their  efforts  should  be  directed  against  the  com- 
mon enemy,  the  Persians ;  and  that  the  advantages  which  Athens  derived 
from  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  should  be  strictly  and  honestly  applied  to 
the  purposes  for  which  that  confederacy  had  been  formed.  With  regard 
to  tliis  subject  the  administration  of  Pericles  had  produced  a  fresh  point 
of  contention.  The  vast  amount  of  treasure  accumulated  at  Athens  from 
the  tribute  paid  by  the  allies  was  more  than  sufficient  for  any  apprehended 
necessities  of  defence,  and  Pericles  applied  the  surplus  to  strengthening 
and  beautifying  the  city.  Thucydides  complained  that,  by  this  misappli- 
cation of  the  common  fupd,  Athens  was  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  Greece. 
Pericles,  on  the  other  hand,  contended  that,  so  long  as  he  reserved  suffi- 
cient to  guarantee  security  against  the  Persians,  he  was  perfectly  at  lib- 
erty to  apply  the  surplus  to  Athenian  purposes.  This  argument  is  the 
argument  of  the  strongest,  and,  if  valid  in  this  case,  might  at  any  tune  be 
applied  to  justify  the  grossest  abuses  of  power.  The  best  that  we  can  say 
in  favor  of  the  Athenians  is,  that,  if  they  were  strong  enough  to  commit 
this  injustice,  they  were  also  enlightened  enough  to  apply  the  proceeds 
in  producing  works  of  art  that  have  excited  the  wonder  and  admu-ation  of 
the  world.  Other  conquerors  have  often  contented  themselves  with  carry- 
ing off  the  works  of  others  ;  the  Athenians  had  genius  enough  to  produce 
their  own.     But  we  can  hardly  justify  the  means  by  pointing  to  the  result. 

32 


248 


HISTORT   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIV. 


B.  C.  445.] 


STATE    OF    FARTIES    AT    ATHENS. 


249 


1 
I 


The  Acropolis  restored. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

FROM  TDE  THIRTY  YEARS'  TRUCE  TO  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  CORINTH 

AND  CORCYRA. 

1 1.  State  of  Parties  at  Athens.    Thncydides.    ^  2.  Opposite  Political  Views.    §  3.  Ostra 
cism  of  Thucydides.    Administration  of  Pericles.     He  adorns  Athens.    His   Foreign 
Policy.    §  4,  Athenian  Colonization.     Clernchije.    Thurii  and  Aniphipolis.    §  5.  Nature 
of  the  Athenian  ilaritinie  Empire.    Amount  of  Tribute.     Oppressions.     ■§  6.  Ilevolt  of 
Samos.    Ileduction  of  the  Island  bv  Pericles. 

§  1.  The  ai-istoeratiral  party  at  Athens  liad  been  nearly  anniliihited 
by  the  niea^ures  of  Perk-les  recorded  in  the  prec<Hluig  eliapter.  In  order 
to  make  the  final  effort  against  the  policy  of  that  statesman,  the  rem- 
nant of  tliis  party  had  nnited  themselves  under  Tliucydidcs,  the  son  of 
Melesias.  Tlnicydides  —  who  must  not  be  confounded  with  liis  name- 
sake, tlie  «ireat  historian  —  was  a  relative  of  Cimon's,  to  whose  j)<)litical 
principles  he  succeeded.  In  ability  and  character  he  differed  considerably 
from  Cimon.  He  was  not  much  di.stinguished  as  a  military  man  ;  but  as 
a  statesman  and  orator  he  might  even  bear  some  comparison  with  his 
great  opponent,  Pericles.  Thucydides,  however,  had  not  the  advantage  of 
being  on  tlie  popidar  side;  and  his  manner  of  leading  the  oi)j)osition  soon 
proved  tlie  ruin  both  of  liinisidf  and  of  his  party.  The  high  character  and 
great  services  of  Aristeides  and  Cimon,  the  conciliatory  manners  of  both, 
and  esjiecially  the  affable  and  generous  temper  of  Cimon,  had,  in  spite  of 
their  unpopular  views,  secured  them  considerable  influence.  Thucydides, 
on  the  contrary,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  distinguished  by  any  of 


these  qualities ;  and  though  the  steps  which  he  took  to  give  his  [larty  a 
stronger  organization  in  tlie  assembly  at  first  ennbb'd  him  to  make  head 
against  Pericles,  yet  they  ultimately  pi-oved  the  cause  of  bis  overthrow. 
Not  only  were  his  adherents  urged  to  a  more  regular  attendsuice  in  the 
assembly,  but  they  were  also  instructed  to  take  u\)  a  se])arate  and  distinct 
position  on  the  benches  ;  and  thus,  instead  of  being  mixed  as  before  with 
the  general  mass  of  citizens,  they  became  a  regularly  organized  party. 
This  arrangement  seemed  at  first  to  lend  them  strength.  Their  ai)plause 
or  dissent,  being  more  concentrated,  produced  a  greater  efiect.  At  any 
sudden  turn  in  a  del)ate  tliey  were  in  a  better  position  to  concert  their 
measures,  and  could  more  readily  put  forward  their  best  speakers  accord- 
ing to  emergencies.  Ihit  these  advantages  were  counterbahuiced  by  still 
greater  drawbacks.  A  little  knot  of  men,  who  from  a  particuhir  corner 
of  the  ecclesia  were  constantly  oi)j)osing  tlic  most  popular  measures,  natu- 
rally incurred  a  great  share  of  odium  and  suspicion ;  but  what  was  still 
worse,  the  paucity  of  their  numbers  —  and  from  their  position  they  could 
easily  l)e  counted  —  was  soon  remarked  ;  and  they  then  began  to  full  into 
contemi)t,  and  were  designated  as  77ie  Few, 

§  2.  The  points  of  dispute  between  the  two  parties  were  much  tlie  same 
as  they  had  been  in  the  time  of  Cimon.  Thucydides  and  liis  followers 
were  for  maintaining  amicable  relations  with  tlie  rest  of  Greece,  and  were 
opposed  to  the  more  popular  notion  of  extending  the  Athenian  dominion 
even  at  the  risk  of  incurring  tlie  hostility  of  the  other  Grecian  states.  They 
were  of  oi>inion  that  all  their  efforts  should  be  directed  against  the  com- 
mon enemy,  tlie  Persians ;  and  that  the  advantages  which  Athens  derived 
from  the  Confederacy  of  Delos  should  be  strictly  and  honestly  ai)plied  to 
the  iHirposes  for  which  that  confederacy  had  been  formed.  With  regard 
to  this  sidyect  tlie  administration  of  Pericles  had  produced  a  fresh  point 
of  contention.  The  vast  amount  of  treasure  accumulated  at  Athens  from 
the  tribute  paid  by  the  allies  was  more  than  sullicient  for  any  api)rehended 
necessities  of  defence,  and  Pericles  applied  the  surplus  to  strengthenuig 
and  beautifying  the  city.  Thucydides  comphiined  that,  by  this  misappli- 
cation of  the  common  fund,  Athens  was  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  Greece. 
Pericles,  on  the  other  hand,  contended  that,  so  long  as  he  reserved  sulH- 
cient  to  guarantee  security  against  the  Persians,  he  was  perfectly  at  lib- 
erty to  apply  the  surplus  to  Athenian  purposes.  This  argument  is  the 
argument  of  the  strongest,  and,  if  valid  in  this  case,  might  at  any  time  be 
api>lied  to  justify  the  grossest  abuses  of  power.  The  best  that  we  can  say 
in  favor  of  the  Athenians  is,  that,  if  they  were  strong  enough  to  commit 
this  injustice,  they  were  also  enlightened  enough  to  apply  the  proceeds 
in  producing  works  of  art  that  have  excited  the  wonder  and  admiration  of 
the  world.  Other  conquerors  have  often  contented  themselves  with  cariy- 
ing  off  the  works  of  others  ;  the  Athenians  had  genius  enough  to  produce 
their  own.     But  we  can  hardly  justify  the  means  by  pointing  to  the  result. 

32 


250 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIV 


B.  C.  443.] 


ATHENIAN    COLONIES. 


251 


§3.  From  the  opposition  of  Thucydides,  Pericles  was  released  by 
oetracism ;  though  by  which  party  such  a  step  was  proposed  cannot  be 
determined.  Thucydides  went  into  banishment.  This  event,  which  prob- 
ably took  place  about  two  years  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Thirty  Years' 
Truce,  completely  broke  up  the  aristocratical  party ;  and  for  the  remainder 
of  his  life  Pericles  enjoyed  the  sole  direction  of  affairs.  His  views  were 
of  the  most  lofty  kind.  Athens  was  to  become  the  capital  of  Greece,  the 
centre  of  art  and  refinement,  and  at  the  same  time  of  those  democratical 
theories  which  formed  the  beau  ideal  of  the  Athenian  notions  of  govern- 
ment. In  her  external  appearance  the  city  was  to  be  rendered  worthy  of 
the  high  position  to  which  she  aspired,  by  the  beauty  and  splendor  of  her 
public  buildings,  by  her  works  of  art  in  sculpture,  architecture,  and  paint- 
ing, and  by  the  pomp  and  magnificence  of  her  religious  festivals.  All 
these  objects  Athens  was  enabled  to  attain  in  an  incredibly  short  space  of 
time,  through  the  genius  and  energy  of  her  citizens  and  the  vast  resources 
at  her  command.  No  state  has  ever  exhibited  so  much  intellectual  ac- 
tivity and  so  great  a  progress  in  art  as  was  displayed  by  Athens  in  the 
period  which  elapsed  between  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce  and  the  breaking 
out  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  But  of  the  literature  of  this  period,  as  well 
as  of  the  great  works  of  art  produced  in  it,  an  account  is  given  in  another 
place,*  and  it  will  suffice  to  mention  briefly  here  the  more  important 
structures  with  which  Athens  was  adorned,  during  the  administration  of 
Pericles.  On  the  Acropolis  rose  the  magnificent  temple  of  Atliena,  called 
the  Parthenon,  built  from  the  plans  of  Ictinus  and  Callicrates,  but  under 
the  direction  of  Pheidias,  who  adorned  it  with  the  most  beautiful  sculp- 
tures, and  especially  with  a  colossal  statue  of  Athena  in  ivory,  forty-seven 
feet  in  height.  At  the  same  time  a  theatre  designed  for  musical  perform- 
ances, called  the  Odeum,  was  erected  at  the  southeastern  foot  of  the 
Acroix)lis.  Both  these  structures  appear  to  have  been  finished  by  437  b.  c. 
Somewhat  later  were  erected  the  Propylaea,  or  magnificent  entrance  to 
the  Acropolis,  at  the  western  end.  Besides  these  vast  works,  others  were 
commenced  which  were  interrupted  by  the  breaking  out  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian war,  as  the  reconstruction  of  the  Erechtheum,  or  ancient  temple  of 
Athena  Polias ;  the  building  of  a  great  temple  of  Demeter,  at  Eleusis,  for 
the  celebration  of  the  Eleusinian  mysteries ;  another  of  Athena  at  Sunium, 
and  one  of  Nemesis  at  Rhamnus.  Besides  these  ornamental  works, 
Pericles  undertook  others  of  a  more  useful  kind.  In  order  to  render  the 
communication  between  Athens  and  Peiraeus  still  more  secure,  he  con- 
structed a  third  long  wall,  between  the  two  already  built,  running  parallel 
to,  and  at  a  short  distance  from,  the  one  which  united  the  city  to  Peineus. 
At  the  same  time  Peineus  itself  was  improved  and  beautified,  and  a  new 
dock  and  arsenal  constructed,  said  to  have  cost  one  thousand  talents.     The 

»  See  below,  Chap.  XXXIV.,  XXXV. 


whole  cost  of  these  improvements  was  estimated  at  three  thousand  talents, 
or  about  £  732,000  (nearly  $3,170,000). 

In  this  part  of  his  plans  Pericles  may  be  said  to  have  been  entirely 
successful.  The  beautiful  works  which  arose  under  his  superintendence 
established  the  empire  of  Athenian  taste,  not  only  for  his  o^m  time  but  for 
all  succeeding  ages.  But  the  other  and  more  substantial  part  of  his  proj- 
ects —  the  establishment  of  the  material  empire  of  Athens,  of  which  these 
works  were  to  be  but  the  type  and  ornament  —  was  founded  on  a  miscal- 
culation of  the  physical  strength  and  resources  of  his  country ;  and  after 
involving  Athens,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  ui  a  long  series  of  suffer- 
ing and  misfortune,  ended  at  last  in  her  degradation  and  ruin. 

§  4.  Colonization,  for  which  the  genius  and  inclination  of  the  Athenians 
had  always  been  suited,  was  another  and  safer  method  adopted  by  Pericles 
for  extending  the  influence  and  empire  of  Athens.  The  settlements  made 
under  his  auspices  were  of  two  kinds,  Cleruchies,*  and  regular  colonies. 
The  former  mode  was  exclusively  Athenian.  It  consisted  in  the  allot- 
ment of  land  in  conquered  or  subject  countries  to  certain  bodies  of  Athe- 
nians, who  continued  to  retain  all  their  original  rights  of  citizenship.  This 
circumstance,  as  well  as  the  convenience  of  entering  upon  land  already  in  a 
state  of  cultivation,  instead  of  having  to  reclaim  it  from  the  rude  condition 
of  nature,  seems  to  have  rendered  such  a  mode  of  settlement  much  pre- 
ferred by  the  Athenians.  The  earliest  instance  which  we  find  of  it  is  in 
the  year  b.  c.  506,  when  four  thousand  Athenians  entered  upon  the 
domains  of  the  Chalcidian  knights.  But  it  was  under  Pericles  that  this 
system  was  most  extensively  adopted.  During  his  administration  one 
thousand  Athenian  citizens  were  settled  in  the  Thracian  Chersonese,  five 
hundred  in  Naxos,  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  Andros.  His  expeditions 
for  this  purpose  even  extended  into  the  Euxine.  From  Sinope,  on  the 
shores  of  that  sea,  he  expelled  the  despot  Timesilaus  and  his  party,  whose 
estates  were  confiscated,  and  assigned  for  the  maintenance  of  six  hundred 
Athenian  citizens.  The  islands  of  Lemnos,  Imbros,  and  Scyros,  as  well 
as  a  large  tract  in  the  North  of  Euboea,  were  also  completely  occupied  by 
Athenian  proprietors. 

The  most  important  colonies  settled  by  Pericles  were  those  of  Thurii  and 
Amphipolis.  Since  the  destruction  of  Sybaris  by  the  Cix)toniates,  in  b.  c. 
609,  the  former  inhabitants  had  lived  dispersed  in  the  adjoining  terri- 
tory along  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum.  They  had  in  vain  requested  Sparta  to 
recolonize  them,  and  now  applied  to  Pericles,  who  granted  their  request. 
In  B.  c.  443  he  sent  out  a  colony  to  found  Thurii,  near  the  site  of  the 
ancient  Sybaris.  But  though  established  under  the  auspices  of  Athens, 
Thurii  can  hardly  be  considered  an  Athenian  colony,  since  it  contained 
settlers  from  almost  all  parts  of  Greece.    Among  those  who  joined  this 


*  ¥Xripov\iai. 


252 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[ClIAP.  XXIV. 


colony  were  the  historian  Hei-odotus  and  the  orator  Lysias.  The  colony 
of  Amphii>olis  was  founded  some  yeai*8  later  (b.  c.  437),  under  the  conduct 
of  Agnon.  But  here  also  the  proportion  of  Athenian  settlers  was  small. 
Amphi{)olis  was  in  flict  only  a  new  name  for  Ennea  Ilodoi,  to  colonize 
which  place  the  Athenians,  as  before  related,  had  already  made  some 
unsuccessful  attempts.  They  now  succeeded  in  maintaining  their  ground 
against  the  £donians,  and  Amphipolis  became  an  important  Athenian 
dependency  with  reference  to  Thrace  and  Macedoniju 

§  5.  Such  were  the  schemes  of  Pericles  for  promoting  the  empire  of 
Athens.  That  empire,  since  the  conclusion  of  the  Thirty  Years*  Truce, 
had  again  l)ecome  exclusively  maritime.  Yet  even  among  the  subjects 
and  allies  united  with  Athens  by  the  Confedemcy  of  Delos,  her  sway  was 
borne  vnih  growing  discontent.  One  of  the  chief  causes  of  this  dissatisfac- 
tion was  th^  amount  of  the  tribute  exacted  by  the  Athenians,  as  well  as 
their  misapplication  of  the  funds.  During  the  administration  of  Pericles, 
the  rate  of  contribution  was  raised  upwards  of  thirty  per  cent.,  although 
the  purpose  for  which  the  tribute  was  originally  levied  luul  almost  entirely 
ceased.  In  the  time  of  Aristeides  and  Cimon,  when  an  active  war  was  car- 
lying  on  against  the  Persians,  tlie  sum  annually  collected  amounted  to  four 
hundred  and  sixty  talents.  In  the  time  of  Pericles,  although  that  war  had 
been  brought  to  a  close  by  what  has  been  called  the  peace  of  Cimon,  and 
though  the  only  annament  still  maintained  for  the  ostensible  purposes  of 
the  confederacy  was  a  fleet  of  sixty  triremes,  which  ciiiised  in  the  ^^ga3an, 
the  tribute  had  nevertheless  increased  to  the  annual  sum  of  six  hundred 
talents.  The  imjwrtance  of  tliis  tribute  to  the  Athenians  may  be  esti- 
mated from  the  fiict  that  it  formed  considerably  more  than  half  of  their 
whole  revenue ;  for  their  income  from  other  sources  amounted  only  to  four 
hundred  talents.  It  may  be  said,  indeed,  that  Greece  was  not  even  yet 
wholly  secure  from  another  Persian  invasion ;  and  that  Athens  was  there- 
fore justified  in  continuing  to  collect  the  tribute,  out  of  which,  it  must  in 
justice  to  Pericles  be  admitted,  a  large  sum  had  been  laid  by,  amounting, 
when  the  PeloiK)nnesian  war  broke  out,  to  six  thousand  talents.  But  that 
there  was  no  longer  much  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  Persians  is 
shown  by  subsequent  events ;  and  though  it  is  true  that  Pericles  saved  a 
large  sum,  yet  he  had  spent  much  in  decorating  Athens ;  and  the  surplus 
was  ultimately  applied,  not  for  the  puqwses  of  the  league,  but  in  defend- 
ing Athens  from  enemies  which  her  aggressive  policy  had  provoked. 

But  the  tribute  wjis  not  the  only  grievance  of  which  the  allies  had  to 
complain.  Of  all  the  membei's  of  the  Confederacy  of  Delos,  the  islands 
of  Chios,  Samos,  and  Lesbos  were  the  only  states  which  now  held  the 
footing  of  independent  allies ;  that  is,  they  alone  were  allowed  to  retain 
their  ships  and  fortifications,  and  were  only  called  upon  to  furnish  mili- 
tary and  naval  aid  when  required.  The  other  members  of  the  league, 
some  of  them  indeed  with  their  own  consent,  had  been  deprived  of  their 


B.  C.  440.] 


REDUCTION    OF    SAMOS. 


253 


navy  and  reduced  to  the  condition  of  tributaries.  The  deliberative  synod 
for  discussing  and  conducting  the  affairs  of  the  league  had  been  discon- 
tinued, probably  from  the  time  when  the  treasury  was  removed  from 
Delos  to  Athens;  whilst  the  Hellenotamiai  had  been  converted  into  a 
board  consisting  solely  of  Athenians.  Notwithstanding,  therofore,  the 
seeming  independence  of  the  three  islands  just  mentioned,  the  Athe- 
nians were  in  fact  the  sole  arbiters  of  the  affairs  of  the  league,  and 
the  sole  administrators  of  the  fund.  Another  grievance  was  the  trans- 
ference to  Athens  of  all  lawsuits,  at  least  of  all  public  suits;  for  on 
this  subject  we  are  unable  to  draw  the  line  distinctly.  In  criminal 
cases,  at  all  events,  the  allies  seem  to  have  been  deprived  of  the 
power  to  inflict  capital  punishment.  It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that 
even  private  suits  in  which  an  Athenian  was  concerned  were  referred 
to  Athens.  Li  some  cases,  it  is  true,  the  allies  may  have  derived 
benefit  from  a  trial  before  the  Athenian  people,  as  the  dicasteries  were 
then  constituted ;  but  on  the  whole,  the  practice  can  only  be  regarded  as 
a  means  and  a  badge  of  their  subjection.  Besides  all  these  causes  of 
complaint,  the  allies  had  oflen  to  endure  the  oppressions  and  exactions 
of  Athenian  officers  both  military  and  naval,  as  well  as  of  the  rich  and 
poweri'ul  Athenian  citizens  settled  among  them. 

Many  of  these  abuses  had  no  doubt  arisen  before  the  time  of  Pericles ; 
but  the  excuse  for  them  had  at  all  events  ceased  to  exist  with  the  death  of 
Cimon  and  the  extinction  of  the  Persian  war.  To  expect  that  the  Athe- 
nians should  have  voluntarily  relinquished  the  advantages  derived  from 
them  might  be  to  demand  too  much  of  human  nature,  especially  as  society 
was  then  constituted ;  and  the  Athenians  perhaps,  on  the  whole,  did  not 
abuse  their  power  to  a  greater  extent  than  many  other  nations  both  in 
ancient  and  modern  times.  AVith  this  argument  for  their  exculpation  we 
must  rest  content ;  for  it  is  the  only  one.  They  were  neither  better  nor 
worse  than  other  people.  The  allurement,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  a 
splendid  one.  By  means  of  the  league  Athens  had  become  the  mistress 
of  many  scattered  cities,  formerly  her  equals ;  and  the  term  of  despot  over 
them  was  applied  to  her  not  only  by  her  enemies,  but  adopted  in  her 
overweening  confidence  and  pride  by  herself. 

§  G.  The  principal  event  in  the  external  history  of  Athens  during  the 
period  comprised  in  the  present  chapter  was  the  subjugation  of  the  island 
of  Samos,  the  most  important  of  the  three  islands  which  still  retained  then- 
independence.  In  B.  c.  440,  the  Milesians,  who  had  been  defeated  by  the 
Samians  in  a  war  respecting  the  possession  of  Priene,  lodged  a  formal 
complaint  in  Athens  against  the  Samians ;  and  it  was  seconded  by  a  party 
in  Samos  itself,  who  were  adverse  to  the  oligarchical  form  of  govern- 
ment estiiblislied  there.  As  the  Samians  refused  to  submit  to  the  arbi- 
tration of  the  Athenians,  the  latter  resolved  to  reduce  them  to  obe- 
dience by  force ;  and  for  that  purpose  despatched  an  armament  of  forty 


254 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIV. 


B.  C.  435.]         QUARREL  BETWEEN  CORINTH  AND  CORCYRA. 


255 


ships  to  Samos,  under  the  command  of  Pericles,  who  established  a  demo- 
cratical  form  of  government  in  the  island,  and  carried  away  hostages 
belonging  to  the  first  Samian  families,  whom  he  deposited  in  the  isle  of 
Lemnos.  But  no  sooner  had  Pericles  departed  than  some  of  the  oligar- 
chical party,  supported  by  Pissuthnes,  satrap  of  Sardis,  passed  over  in  the 
night-time  to  Samos,  overpowered  the  small  Athenian  garrison  which  had 
been  left  by  Pericles,  and  abolished  the  democracy.  They  then  proceeded 
to  Lemnos,  and,  having  regained  possession  of  the  hostages,  proclaimed  an 
open  revolt  against  Athens,  in  which  they  were  joined  by  Byzantium. 

When  these  tidings  reached  Athens  a  fleet  of  sixty  triremes  imme- 
diately sailed  for  Samos.  Pericles  was  again  one  of  the  ten  strategi  or 
generals  in  command  of  the  expedition,  and  among  his  colleagues  was 
Sophocles,  the  tragic  poet.  After  several  engagements  between  the  hostile 
fleets,  the  Samians  were  obhged  to  abandon  the  sea  and  take  refuge  in 
their  city,  which,  after  enduring  a  siege  of  nine  months,  was  forced  to 

capitulate. 

The  Samians  were  compelled  to  raze  their  fortifications,  to  surrender 
their  fleet,  to  give  hostages  for  their  future  conduct,  and  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  war,  amounting  to  one  thousand  talents.  The  Byzantines 
submitted  at  the  same  time.  During  these  operations,  it  was  a  point  dis- 
puted among  the  states  opposed  to  Athens  whether  the  Samians  should  be 
assisted  in  their  revolt ;  a  question  decided  in  the  negative,  chiefly  through 
the  influence  of  the  Corinthians,  who  maintained  the  right  of  every  con- 
federacy to  punish  its  refractory  members. 

The  triumphs  and  the  power  of  Athens  were  no  doubt  regarded  with 
fear  and  jealousy  by  her  rivals ;  but  the  conquest  of  Samos  was  not  fol- 
lowed by  any  open  manifestation  of  hostihty.  A  general  impression  how- 
ever prevailed,  that  sooner  or  later  a  war  must  ensue ;  but  men  looked 
forwards  to  it  with  fear  and  trembling,  from  a  conviction  of  the  intemecme 
chanK'ter  which  it  must  necessarily  assume.  It  was  a  hollow  peace, 
which  the  most  trifling  events  might  disturb.  The  train  was  already  laid ; 
and  an  apparently  unimportant  event,  which  occured  in  b.  c.  435  in  a 
remote  comer  of  Greece,  kindled  the  spark  which  was  to  produce  the 
conflagration.  This  was  the  quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra,  which 
will  be  detailed  in  the  following  chapter. 


The  Propylaea  of  the  Acropolis,  restored. 


■B™^ 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

CAUSES   OF  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. 

1 1.  Quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra.  §  2.  Corcyraean  Embassy  to  Athens.  »e 
cision  of  the  Athenians.  §  3.  They  send  a  Fleet  to  Corcyra.  Naval  Engagements. 
Defeat  of  the  Corinthians.  §  4.  Revolt  of  Potidaja.  §  5.  Congress  of  the  Peloponnesian 
Allies  at  Sparta.  The  Spartans  decide  for  War.  §  6.  Second  Congress.  The  Allies 
resolve  upon  War.  §  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  require  the  Athenians  to  expel  Pericles. 
\  8.  Attacks  upon  Pericles,  Aspasia,  and  Anaxagoras.  Imprisonment  and  Death  of 
Pheidias.  §  9.  Further  Requisitions  of  the  Lacedaemonians.  Rejected  by  the  Athe- 
nians. §  10.  The  Thebans  surprise  Plataea.  §  11.  The  Athenians  prepare  for  War. 
Portents.  §  12.  Forces  of  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians.  §  13.  The  Pelopon 
nesian  Army  assembles  at  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth. 

§  1.  On  the  coast  of  Ulyria,  near  the  site  of  the  modern  Durazzo,  the 
Corcyraeans  haxl  founded  the  city  of  Epidamnus.  Corcyra  (now  Corfu) 
was  itself  a  colony  of  Corinth ;  and,  though  long  at  enmity  with  its  mother 
country,  was  forced,  according  to  the  time-hallowed  custom  of  the  Greeks 
in  such  matters,  to  select  the  founder  or  oekist  *  of  Epidamnus  from  the 
Corinthians.  Accordingly  Corinth  became  the  metropolis  of  Epidamnus 
also.  At  the  time  of  which  we  speak,  the  Epidamnians  were  hard  pressed 
by  the  Illyrians,  led  by  some  oligarcliical  exiles  of  their  own  city,  whom 
they  had  expelled  in  consequence  of  a  domestic  sedition.  In  their  distress 
they  applied  to  Corcyra  for  assistance ;  which  the  Corcyraeans,  being  prin- 
cipally connected  with  the  Epidamnian  oligarchy,  refused.  The  Epidam- 
nians, after  consulting  the  oracle  of  Delphi,  then  sought  help  from  the 
Corinthians,  who  undertook  to  assist  them,  and  organized  an  expedition 

*  OtICtOTI/S. 


1 


Bnst  of  the  poet  Sophocles. 


254 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIV. 


I 


sliips  to  Samos,  imdeF  the  command  of  Pericles,  who  established  a  demo- 
cratical  form  of  government  in  the  island,  and  carried  away  hostages 
belonging  to  the  fii*st  Samian  families,  whom  he  deposited  in  the  isle  of 
Lemnos.  Ihit  no  sooner  liad  rericles  dei)aited  than  some  of  tlie  oligar- 
chical party,  supposed  by  rissuthnes,  satrap  of  Sardis,  passed  over  in  the 
night-time  to  Samos,  oveqwwered  the  small  Athenian  garrison  Avhich  had 
been  left  by  Pericles,  and  aljolished  the  democracy.  They  then  ]»rocccded 
to  Lemnos,  and,  having  regained  possession  of  the  hostag(^s  proclaimed  an 
open  revolt  against  Athens,  in  which  they  were  joined  by  r>y/antium. 

When  these  tidings  reached  Athens  a  tleet  of  sixty  triremes  imme- 
diately sailed  for  Samos.  Pericles  was  again  one  of  the  ten  stmteyi  or 
genci-als  in  connnand  of  the  exi)edition,  and  among  his  colleagues  was 
Sophocles,  the  tragic  poet.  At\er  several  engagements  between  tlie  hostile 
fleets,  the  Samians  were  obliged  to  abandon  the  sea  and  take  refuge  in 
their  city,  which,  after  enduring  a  siege  of  nine  months,  was  forced  to 

capitulate. 

The  Samians  were  compelled  to  raze  their  fortifications,  to  surrender 
their  fleet,  to  give  hostages  for  their  future  conduct,  and  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  Avar,  amounting  to  one  thousand  talents.  The  Byzantines 
submitted  at  the  same  time.  During  these  o[)erations,  it  was  a  jwint  dis- 
puted among  the  states  opposed  to  Athens  whether  the  Samians  should  be 
assisted  in  their  revolt;  a  question  decided  in  the  negative,  chiefly  through 
the  influence  of  the  Corinthians,  who  maintained  the  right  of  every  con- 
federacy to  puuisli  its  refractory  membei-s. 

Tlie  "triumphs  and  the  [jower  of  Athens  were  no  doubt  regarded  with 
fear  and  jealousy  by  her  rivals ;  but  the  conquest  of  Samos  was  not  fol- 
lowed by  any  oi>en  manifestation  of  hostihty.  A  gener.d  impression  how^- 
ever  prevailed,  that  sooner  or  later  a  wjir  must  ensue ;  but  men  looked 
forwards  to  it  with  fear  and  treml>ling,  from  a  conviction  of  the  internecine 
cliaracter  which  it  must  necessaiily  assume.  It  was  a  hollow  peace, 
which  tlie  most  trifling  events  might  disturb.  The  train  was  already  laid  ; 
and  an  apparently  unimiK)rtant  event,  which  occured  in  B.  C.  43o  in  a 
remote  corner  of  Greece,  kindled  the  s[)ark  which  was  to  jn-oduce  the 
conflagration.  This  was  the  quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra,  which 
will  be  detailed  in  the  following  chapter. 


Bust  of  the  poet  Sophocles. 


B.  C.  435.]  QUARREL  BETWEEN  CORINTH  AND  CORCYRA. 


255 


The  Propylaea  of  the  Acropolis,  restored. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

CAUSES    OF   THE  PELOPONNESIAN   WAR. 

\  1.  Quarrel  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra.  §  2.  Corcyrsean  Embassy  to  Athens.  De 
cision  of  the  Athenians.  §  3.  They  send  a  Fleet  to  Corcyra.  Naval  Engagements. 
Defeat  of  the  Corinthians.  \  4.  Revolt  of  Poti(U\3a.  §  5.  Congress  of  the  Peloponnesiaii 
Allies  at  Sparta.  The  Spartans  decide  for  War.  §  6.  Second  Congress.  The  Allies 
resolve  upon  War.  §  7.  The  Laccdojmonians  require  the  Athenians  to  expel  Pericles. 
§  8.  Attacks  upon  Pericles,  Aspasia,  and  Anaxagoras.  Imprisonment  and  Death  of 
Pheidias.  §  9.  Further  Requisitions  of  the  Laceda?monians.  Rejected  by  the  Athe- 
nians. §  10.  The  Thebans  surprise  Plata\a.  §  11.  The  xVthenians  prepare  for  War. 
Portents.  §  12.  Forces  of  the  Lacedemonians  and  Athenians.  §  13.  The  Pelopon 
liesian  Army  assembles  at  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth. 

§  1.  Ox  the  coast  of  Illyria,  near  the  site  of  tlie  modern  Durazzo,  the 
Coreyra^aiis  had  founded  the  city  of  Epidamnus.  Corcyra  (now  Corfu) 
was  it.<elf  a  colony  of  Corinth ;  and,  though  long  at  enmity  with  its  mother 
country,  was  forced,  according  to  the  time-hallowed  custom  of  the  Greeks 
in  such  matters,  to  select  the  founder  or  oekist  *  of  Epidamnus  from  the 
Corinthians.  Accordingly  Corinth  became  the  metropolis  of  Epidamnus 
also.  At  the  time  of  which  we  speak,  the  Epidamniaiis  were  hard  pressed 
by  the  Illyrians,  led  by  some  oligarchical  exiles  of  their  own  city,  whom 
they  had  expelled  in  consequence  of  a  domestic  sedition.  In  their  distress 
they  applied  to  Corcyra  for  assistance ;  which  the  Corcyraans,  being  prin- 
cipally connected  with  the  Epidamnian  oligarchy,  refused.  The  Epidam- 
nians,  after  consulting  the  oracle  of  Delphi,  then  sought  help  from  the 
Cormthians,  who  undertook  to  assist  them,  and  organized  an  expedition 

*  OlKtarrjs. 


256 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXV. 


for  that  purpose,  consisting  partly  of  new  settlers,  and  partly  of  a  military 
ibrce.  The  Corcyraeans  highly  resented  this  interference,  proceeded  to 
restore  the  Epidamnian  oligarchs,  and  with  a  fleet  of  forty  ships  blockaded 
the  town  and  its  new  Corinthian  garrison.  Hereupon  the  Corinthians 
fitted  out  a  still  stronger  expedition,  for  which  they  collected  both  ships 
and  money  from  their  allies.  The  Corcyraeans,  having  made  a  fruitless 
attempt  to  persuade  the  Corinthians  to  refer  the  matter  to  arbitration, 
prepared  to  meet  the  blow.  Their  fleet,  the  best  in  Greece  after  that  of 
Athens,  completely  defeated  the  Corinthians  off  Cape  Actium ;  and  on 
the  same   day  Epidamnus   surrendered    to  their  blockading  squadron 

(b.  c.  435). 

§  2.  Deeply  humbled  by  this  defeat,  the  Corinthians  spent  the  two  fol- 
lowing years  in  active  preparations  for  retrieving  it.     They  got  ready 
ninety  weU-manned  ships  of  their  own ;  and  by  active  exertions  among 
their  allies,  they  were  in  a  condition,  in  the  third  year  after  their  disgrace, 
to  put  to  sea  with  a  fleet  of  one  huntlred  and  fifty  sail.     The  Corcyraeans, 
who  had  not  enrolled  themselves  either  in  the  Lacedaemonian  or  Athenian 
alliance,  and  therefore  stood  alone,  were  greatly  alarmed  at  tliese  prepara- 
tions.   They  now  resolved  to  remedy  this  deficiency;  and  as  Coiinth 
belonged  to  the  Lacedaemonian  alliance,  the  Corcyraeans  had  no  option, 
and  were  obliged  to  apply  to  Athens.    Ambassadors  were  accordingly 
despatched  to  that  city,  who,  being  introduced  into  the  assembly,  endeav- 
ored to  set  in  a  striking  light  the  great  accession  of  naval  power  which 
the  Athenians  would  derive  from  an  alliance  with  the  Corcyraeans.     The 
Corinthians,  who  had  also  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  replied  to  the  argu- 
ments of  the  Corcyraean  envoys,  appeaUng  to  the  terms  of  the  Thirty 
Years*  Trace,  and  reminding  the  Athenians  that  it  was  through  tlie  repre- 
sentations  of  the   Corinthians   that    the   Peloj^onnesian   allies   had   not 
assisted  the  Samians  in  their  late  revoU.     The  opinions  of  the  Athenian 
assembly  were  much  divided  on  the  subject ;  but  the  views  of  Pericles  and 
other  speakers  at  length  prevailed.    They  urged  tliat,  whatever  course 
might  now  be  taken,  war  could  not  ultimately  be  avoided ;  and  that  there- 
fore the  more  pradent  course  was  to  avail  themselves  of  the  increase  of 
strength  oflered  by  the  Corcyraean  alliance,  rather  tlian  to  be  at  last  driven 
to  undertake  the  war  at  a  comparative  disadvantage.     To  avoid,  however, 
an  open  infringement  of  the  Thirty  Years'  Trace,  a  middle  course  was 
adopted.    It  was  resolved  to  conclude  only  a  defensive  alliance  with  Cor- 
cyra;  that  is,  to  defend  the  Corcyraeans  in  case  their  territories  were 
actually  invaded  by  the  Corinthians,  but  beyond  that  not  to  lend  them  any 
active  assistance. 

§  3.  By  entering  upon  this  merely  defensive  alliance  the  Athenians 
also  hoped  to  stand  aloof  and  see  the  Corinthian  and  Corcynean  fleets 
mutually  destroy  one  another ;  and  it  was  probably  in  accordance  with 
this  policy  that  only  a  small  squadi'on  of  ten  triremes,  under  the  command 


B.  C.  433.]  QUARREL    BETWEEN    CORINTH   AND    CORCYRA. 


257 


of  Lacedfcmonius  the  son  of  Cimon,  was  despatched  to  the  assistance  of 
the  Corcyi-oeans.     The  Corinthian  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  sail  took 
up  its  station  at  Cape  Cheimerium  on  the  coast  of  Epeirus ;  where  the 
Corinthians  established  a  naval  camp,  and  summoned  to  their  assistance 
the  friendly  Epeirot  tribes.     The  Corcyraean  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  ten 
sail,  together  with  ten  Athenian  ships,  was  stationed  at  one  of  the  adjoin- 
ing islands  called  Sybota.     A  battle  speedily  ensued,  which,  for  the  num- 
ber of  ships  engaged,  was  the  greatest  yet  fought  between  fleets  entirely 
Grecian.     Neither  side,  however,  had  yet  adopted  the  Athenian  tactics. 
They  had  no  conception  of  that  mode  of  attack  in  which  the  ship  itself,  by 
the  method  of  handling  it,  became  a  more  important  instrument  than  the 
crew  by  which  it  was  manned.     Their  only  idea  of  a  naval  engagement 
was  to  lay  the  ships  alongside  one  another,  and  to  leave  the  hoplites  on 
deck  to  decide  the  combat  after  the  fashion  of  a  land  fight.     At  first  Lace- 
daemonius,  in  accordance  with  his  instructions,  took  no  part  in  the  battle, 
though  he  afforded  all  the  assistance  he  could  to  the  Corcyraeans  by  ma- 
noeuvring as  if  he  were  preparing  to  engage.     After  a  hard-fought  day, 
victory  finally  declared  in  favor  of  the  Corinthians.     The  Athenians  now 
abandoned  their  neutrality,  and  did  jiU  in  their  power  to  save  the  flying 
Corcyraeans  from  their  pursuers.     This  action  took  place  early  in  the 
morning ;  and  the  Corinthians,  after  returning  to  the  spot  where  it  had 
been  fought,  in  order  to  pick  up  their  own  dead  and  wounded,  prepared  to 
renew  the  attack  in  the  afternoon,  and  to  effect  a  landing  at  Corcyra. 
The  CV)rcyraeans  made  the  best  preparations  they  could  to  receive  them, 
and  the  Athenians,  who  were  now  within  the  strict  letter  of  their  instruc- 
tions, determined  to  give  their  new  allies  all  the  assistance  in  their  power. 
The  war  pa\an  had  been  sounded,  and  the  Corinthian  line  was  in  full  ad- 
vance, when  suddenly  it  tacked  and  stood  away  to  the  coast  of  Epeirus. 
This  unexpected  retreat  was  caused  by  the  appearance  of  twenty  Athe- 
nian vessels  in  the  distance,  which  the  Corinthians  believed  to  be  the 
advanced  guard  of  a  still  larger  fleet.     But  though  this  was  not  the  case, 
the  succor  proved  sufficient  to  deter  the   Corinthians  from  any  further 
hostilities.     Drawing  up  their  ships  along  the  coast  of  Epeirus,  they  sent 
a  few  men  in  a  small  boat  to  remonstrate  with  the  Athenians  for  liavin*^ 
violated  the  truce  ;  and  finding  from  the  parley  that  the  Athenians  did  not 
mean  to  undertake  offensive  operations  against  them,  they  sailed  home- 
wai-ds  with  their  whole  fleet,  after  erecting  a  trophy  at  Sybota.     On 
reaching  Corinth  eight  hundred  of  their  prisoners  Avere  sold  as  slaves ; 
but  the  remaining  two  hundred  and  fifty,  many  of  whom  belonged  to  the 
first  families  in  Corcyra,  though  detained  in  custody,  were  treated  with 
peculiar  kindness,  in  the  hope  that  they  would  eventually  establish  in 
that  island  a  party  favorable  to  Corinth.     These  events  took  place  in  the 
year  b.  c.  432. 

§  4.  The  Corinthians  were  naturally  incensed  at  the  conduct  of  Athens, 

33 


u 


258 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXV. 


B.  C.  432  ]  MEETING   OF   THE   PELOrONNESIAN  ALLIES. 


259 


^ 


and  it  is  not  surprising  tliat  they  should  have  watched  for  an  opportunity 
of  revenge.  This  was  soon  afforded  them  by  the  enmity  of  the  Macedo- 
nian prince  Perdiccas  towards  the  Athenians.  Offended  with  the  Athe- 
nians for  having  received  into  their  alliance  his  two  brothers  Phihp  and 
Derdas,  with  whom  he  was  at  open  variance,  Perdiccas  exerted  all  his 
efforts  to  injure  Athens.  He  incited  her  tributaries  among  the  Chalcidi- 
ans  and  Bottia-ans  to  revolt,  including  Potida\%  a  town  seated  on  the  isth- 
mus of  Palleiie.  Potidiea,  though  now  a  tributary  of  Athens,  was  origi- 
nally a  colony  of  the  Corinthians,  towards  whom  it  still  owed  a  sort  of 
metropolitan  allegiance,  and  received  from  them  certain  annual  magistrates 
called  Epidemiurgi.*  Aware  of  the  hostile  feeling  entertained  at  Corinth 
against  the  Athenians,  Pei-diccas  not  only  sent  envoys  to  that  city  to  con- 
cert mea^iures  for  a  revolt  of  Potidaa,  but  also  to  Sparta  to  induce  the 
Peloponnesian  league  to  declare  war  against  Atliens. 

The  Athenians  were  not  ignorant  of  these  proceedings.     They  were 
about  to  despatch  an  armament  in  the  Thermaic  Gulf,  designed  to  act 
against  Perdiccas  ;  and  they  now  directed  the  commander  of  this  arma- 
ment to  require  the  Potidff ans  to  level  their  walls  on  the  side  of  the  town 
towards  the  sea,  to  dismiss  their  Corinthian  magistrates,  and  to  give  hos- 
tages, as  a  pledge  of  their  future  fidelity.     Thereupon  the  Potidaeans 
openly  raised  the  standard  of  revolt,  in  the  summer  apparently  of  B.  C. 
432.     Instead  of  immediately  blockading  Potidiea,  the  Athenian   fleet 
wasted  six  weeks  in  the  siege  of  Therma,  during  which  interval  the 
Corinthians  were  enabled  to  throw  a  reinforcement  of  two  thousand  troops 
into  Potidaja.     Thereupon   a   second   armament   was   despatched   from 
Athens,  and  joined  the  former  one,  which  was  now  engaged  in  the  siege 
of  Pydna  on  the  Macedonian  coast.     But  as  the  town  promised  to  hold 
out  for  some  time,  and  as  the  necessity  for  attacking  Potida^a  seemed 
pressing,   an  accommodation  was  patched  up  with  Perdiccas,  and  the 
whole  Athenian  force  marched  over-land  against  Potidiea.     Aristeus,  the 
Corinthian  general,  was  waiting  to  receive  them  near  Olynthus,  and  a 
battle  ensued  in  which  the  Athenians  were  victorious.     The  Corinthians 
ultimately  succeeded  in  effecting  their  retreat  to  Potidiea ;  and  the  Athe- 
nians, after  receiving  a  further  reinforcement,  completely  blockaded  the 

town,  both  by  sea  and  land. 

§  5.  Meanwhile  the  Lacedtemonians,  urged  on  all  sides  by  the  com- 
plaints of  their  allies,  summoned  a  general  meeting  of  the  Peloponnesian 
confederacy  at  Sparta.  Besides  the  Corinthians  other  members  of  it  had 
heavy  grievances  to  allege  against  Athens.  Foremost  among  these  were 
the  Me*^rians,  who  complained  that  their  commerce  had  been  i-uined  by 


♦  111  some  of  the  Grecian  states,  the  executive  magistrates  bore  the  title  of  Demiurgl 
^(bf|^^ovf^oi.)  The  Epideniiurgi  were  governoi-s  sent  by  the  metropohs  to  manage  the 
affairs  of  the  colony.  —  Ed. 


. 


p 


a  recent  decree  of  the  Athenians,  which  excluded  them  from  every  port 
within  the  Athenian  jurisdiction.  The  pretexts  for  this  severe  measure 
were,  that  the  Megarians  had  harbored  runaway  Athenian  slaves,  and  had 
cultivated  pieces  of  unappropriated  and  consecrated  land  upon  the  borders. 
These  reasons  seem  frivolous  ;  and  the  real  cause  of  the  decree  must  no 
doubt  be  ascribed  to  the  hatred  which  the  Athenians  entertained  towards 
Megara,  since  her  revolt  from  them  fourteen  years  before,  ^gina  was 
another,  though  not  an  open,  accuser.  No  deputy  from  that  island  actually 
appeared  at  the  congress  ;  but  the  iEginetans  loudly  complained,  through 
the  mouths  of  others,  that  Athens  withheld  from  them  the  independence 
to  which  they  were  entitled. 

The  assembly  having  been  convened,  the  deputies  from  the  various 
allied  cities  addressed  it  in  turn,  the  Corinthian  envoy  reserving  himself 
for  the  last.  He  depicted  in  glowing  language  the  ambition,  the  enter- 
prise, and  the  perseverance  of  Athens,  which  he  contrasted  with  the  over- 
cautious and  inactive  policy  of  Sparta.  Addressing  himself  to  the  Spar- 
tans, he  exclaimed :  "  The  Athenians  are  naturally  innovators,  prompt 
both  in  decidmg  and  in  acting ;  whilst  you  only  thmk  of  keeping  what 
you  have  got,  and  do  even  less  than  what  positive  necessity  requires. 
They  are  bold  beyond  their  means,  venturesome  beyond  their  judgment, 
sanguine  even  in  desperate  reverses  ;  you  do  even  less  than  you  are  able 
to  perform,  distrust  your  own  conclusions,  and  when  in  dithculties  fall  into 
utter  despair.  They  never  hang  back,  you  never  advance  ;  they  love  to 
serve  abroad,  you  seem  chained  at  home ;  they  believe  that  every  new 
movement  will  procure  them  fresh  advantage,  you  fancy  that  every  new 
step  will  endanger  what  you  already  possess."  And  after  telling  them 
some  more  home-truths,  he  concluded  with  a  threat,  that,  if  they  still  de- 
layed to  perform  their  duty  towards  their  confederates,  the  Corinthians 
would  forthwith  seek  some  other  alliance. 

An  Athenian  ambassador,  charged  with  some  other  business,  was  then 
residing  at  Sparta;  and  when  the  Corinthian  envoy  had  concluded  his 
address,  he  rose  to  reply  to  it.  After  denying  the  right  of  Sparta  to  in- 
terfere in  a  dispute  between  Corinth  and  Athens,  he  entered  into  a  gen- 
eral vindication  of  the  Athenian  policy.  He  contended  that  empire  had 
not  been  sought  by  Athens,  but  thrust  upon  her,  and  that  she  could  not 
abdicate  it  without  endangering  her  very  existence.  He  alluded  to  the 
eminent  services  rendered  by  Athens  to  all  Greece  during  the  Persian 
war ;  maintained  that  her  empire  was  the  natural  result  of  her  conduct  in 
that  conjuncture,  and  denied  that  it  had  been  exercised  with  more  severity 
than  was  necessary,  or  than  would  have  been  used  by  any  other  Grecian 
power,  including  Sparta  herself.  He  concluded  by  calling  uix)n  the  Lace- 
daemonians to  pause  before  taking  a  step  which  would  be  irretrievable, 
and  to  compose  all  present  differences  by  an  amicable  arbitration ;  declar- 
ing that,  should  Sparta  begin  tlie  war,  Athens  was  prepared  to  resist  her, 


2G0 


HISTOBY  OP  GBEECB. 


[Chap.  XXV 


as  he  now  called  those  gods  to  witness  who  had  been  invoked  to  sanc- 
tify the  truce. 

After  these  speeches  had  been  delivered,  all  strangers,  including  the 
Peloponnesian  allies,  were  ordered  to  withdraw  from  the  assembly,  and 
the  Lacedaemonians  then  proceeded  to  decide  among  themselves  the  ques- 
tion of  peace  or  war.  In  tliis  debate  the  Spartan  king  Archidamus  spoke 
strongly  in  favor  of  peace ;  but  the  ephor  SthenelaVdas,  who  presided 
upon  this  occasion  in  the  assembly,  called  upon  his  countrymen,  in  a  short 
and  vigorous  speech,  to  declare  immediate  war  against  Athens.  The  Spar- 
tan assembly  was  accustomed  to  vote  by  acclamation,  and,  on  the  question 
being  put,  the  vote  for  war  decidedly  predominated.  But  in  order  to 
remove  all  doubts  upon  so  important  a  subject,  SthenelaVdas,  contrary  to 
the  usual  practice,  ordered  the  assembly  to  divide,  when  a  vast  majority 
declared  themselves  for  wai*. 

§  6.  Before  their  resolution  was  publicly  announced,  the  Laced£emoni- 
ans,  with  their  chai*acteristic  caution,  sent  to  consult  the  oracle  of  Delphi 
upon  the  subject.  The  god  having  promised  them  his  aid,  and  assured 
them  of  success,  provided  they  exerted  themselves  to  obtain  it,  another 
congress  of  the  allies  was  summoned  at  Sparta.  In  this,  as  in  the  former 
one,  the  Corinthians  took  the  most  prominent  part  in  the  debate.  The 
majority  of  the  congress  decided  for  war,  thus  binding  the  whole  Pelopon- 
nesian confederacy  to  the  same  policy.  This  important  resolution  was 
adopted  towards  tlie  close  of  b.  c.  432,  or  early  in  the  following  year. 

§  7.  Pi-eviously  to  an  open  declaration  of  war,  the  Lacedaemonians  sent 
several  requisitions  to  Athens,  intended  apparently  to  justify  the  step  they 
were  about  to  take  against  her,  in  case  she  refused  to  comply  with  their 
demands.     The  first  of  these  requisitions  seems  to  have  been  a  political 
manoeuvre,   aimed  against  Pericles,   their  most  constant  and   powerful 
enemy  in  the  Athenian  assembly.     Pericles,  as  we  have  said,  belonged  to 
the  Alcma?onidie ;  a  family  regarded  as  having  incun-ed  an  inexpiable 
taint  through  the  sacrilege  committed  nearly  two  centuries  before  by  their 
ancestor  Megacles,  in  causing  the  adherents  of  Cylon  to  be  slaughtered  at 
the  altar  of  the  Eumenides,  whither  they  had  fled  for  refuge.*     The 
Lacedaemonians,  in  now  demanding  that  Athens  should  expel  from  her 
borders  this  "abomination,"!  hardly  expected  that  she  would  consent  to 
the  banishment  of  her  great  statesman ;  but  they  at  all  events  '"ave  his 
opponents  in  the  assembly  an  opportunity  to  declaim  against  him,  and  to 
fix  upon  him  the  odium  of  being,  in  part  at  least,  the  cause  of  the  im- 
pending war. 

§  8.  For  Pericles,  despite  his  influence  and  power,  had  still  many  bitter 
and  active  enemies,   who   not  long  before  had  indirectly  assailed  him 


B.  C.  432.] 


ATTACKS   UPON  PERICLES. 


261 


♦  See  above,  p.  88. 

*  To  ayos  eXavptiv,  to  expd  the  accursed  thing.    Thucyd.  —  Ed. 


through  his  private  connections,  and  even  endeavored  to  wound  his  honor 
by  a  charge  of  peculation.     His  mistress  Aspasia  belonged  to  that  class  of 
women  whom  the  Greeks  called  JfeteErcB^lherally  "female  companions,"  or, 
as  w6  should  designate  them,  courtesans.*     Many  of  these  women  were' 
distinguished,  not  only  for  their  beauty,  but  also  for  their  wit  and  accom- 
plishments, and  in  this  respect  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  generality 
of  Athenian  ladies ;  who,  being  destined  to  a  life  of  privacy  and  seclusion, 
did  not  receive  the  benefit  of  much  mental  culture.     Pericles,  after  divor- 
cmg  a  wife  with  whom  he  had  lived  unhappily,  took  Aspasia  to  his  house, 
and  dwelt  with  her  till  his  death  on  terms  of  the  greatest  affection.     Their 
intimacy  with  Anaxagoras,  the  celebrated  Ionic  philosopher,  was  made  a 
handle  for  wounding  Pericles  in  his  tenderest  relations.     Paganism,  not- 
withstanding its  license,  was,  with  surprising  inconsistency,  capable  of  pro- 
ducing bigots :  and  even  at  Athens  the  man  who  ventured  to  dispute  the 
existence  of  a  hundred  gods  with  morals  and  passions  somewhat  worse 
than  those   of  ordinary  human   nature,  did  so  at  the  risk  of  his  life. 
Anaxagoras  was  indicted  for  impiety.     Aspasia  was  included  in  the  same 
charge,  and  dragged  before  the  dicastery  by  the  comic  poet  Hermippus. 
Anaxagoras  prudently  fled  from  Athens,  and  thus  probably  avoided  a  fate 
which  in  consequence  of  a  similar  accusation  afterwards  overtook  Socrates. 
Pericles  himself  pleaded  the  cause  of  Aspasia.     He  was  indeed  indirectly 
implicated  in  the   indictment;  but   he  felt  no   concern   except   for   his 
beloved  Aspasia,  and  on  this  occasion  the  cold  and  somewhat  haughty 
statesman,  whom   the   most   violent   stonns  of  the   assembly  could  not 
deprive  of  his  self-possession,  was  for  once  seen  to  weep.     His  appeal  to 
the  dicastery  was  successful,  but  another  trial  still  awaited  him.     An 
indictment  was  preferred  against  his  friend,  the  great  sculptor  Pheidias,  for 
embezzlement  of  the  gold  inten<led  to  adorn  the  celebrated  ivoiy  statue  of 
Athena;  and,  according  to  some,  Pericles  himself  was  included  in  the 
charge  of  peculation.     Whether  Pericles  was  ever  actually  tried  on  this 
accusation  is  uncertain ;  but  at  all  events,  if  he  was,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
tliat  he  was  honorably  acquitted.     The  gold  employed  in  the  statue  had 
been  fixed  in  such  a  manner  that  it  could  be  detached  and  weighed,  and 
Pericles  challenged  his  accusers  to   the   proof.     But  Pheidias  did  not 
escape  so  fortunately.     There  were  other  circumstances  which  rendered 
him  unpopular,  and  amongst  them  the  fact  that  lie  had  introduced  por- 

*  It  is  not  easy  to  define  precisely  the  position  of  Aspasia.  She  did  not  belong  to  the 
common  class  of  //ete/w,  since  she  lived,  in  all  respects,  as  the  wife  of  Pericles.  As  the 
laws  at  that  time  severely  prohibited  the  intermarriage  of  a  citizen  with  a  foreign  woman, 
the  offspring  of  such  a  union  were,  of  course,  in  some  sense  illegitimate.  In  the  case  of 
Pencles  and  Aspasia,  the  relation  was  analogous  to  the  left-handed  marriages  of  modern 
pnnces.  The  fact  that  Aspasia  stood  at  the  head  of  Athenian  society,  and  that  her  house 
was  resorted  to  by  not  only  the  most  eminent  men  of  her  times,  but  by  many  of  the  most 
respectable  Athenian  ladies,  shows  that  she  was  not  regarded  by  her  contemporaries  as  th« 
mistress  of  Pericles.  —  Ed. 


262 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXV. 


B.  C.  431.] 


THE   THEBANS    SURPRISE   PLATiEA. 


263 


I 


traits  both  of  himself  and  Pericles  in  the  sculptures  which  adorned  the 
frieze  of  the  Parthenon.  Pheidias  died  in  prison  before  the  day  of  trial ; 
and  some  even  whispered  that  he  had  been  poisoned  by  the  enemies  of 
Pericles,  in  order  to  increase  the  suspicions  which  attached  to  the  latter. 
Another  report,  equally  absurd  and  unlbundcd,  was  that  Pericles,  m  order 
to  avoid  the  impending  accusation,  kindled  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

But  although  these  proceedings  proved  that  Pericles  had  many  bitter 
enemies  at  Athens,  still  the  majority  of  the  Athenians  were  in  his  favor, 
and  were  not  prepared  to  sacrifice  him  on  account  of  the  absurd  and 
obsolete  charge  which  the  Lacedaemonians  now  thought  fit  to  bring  against 
him.  They  retorted  that  the  Spartans  themselves  had  some  accounts  to 
settle  on  the  score  of  sacrilege,  and  required  them  to  clear  themselves 
from  having  violated  the  sanctuary  of  Poseidon  at  Cape  Taniarus  by 
dragging  away  and  slaying  the  Helots  who  had  taken  refuge  there,  as 
well  as  from  their  impiety  in  starving  to  death  the  regent  Pausanias  in 
the  temple  of  Athena  Chalcioecus. 

§  9.  Having  failed  in  this  requisition,  the  Lacedaemonians  brought 
forward  others  more  pertinent  to  the  matter  in  hand.  They  demanded 
that  the  Athenians  should  withdraw  their  tiX)ops  from  Potidira,  restore 
the  independence  of  iEgina,  and  repeal  their  decree  against  the  Megarians. 
On  the  last  of  these  demands  they  laid  particular  stress,  and  intimated  that 
war  might  be  avoided  by  a  compliance  witli  it.  But  tliis  was  rejected,  as 
well  as  the  others.  The  Lacedaemonians  then  sent  their  ultimatum. 
They  declared  that  they  wished  for  peace,  and  that  it  would  not  be  inter- 
rupted if  the  Athenians  consented  to  recognize  the  uidependence  of  the 
other  Grecian  states. 

This  requisition,  so  different  from  and  so  much  more  general  than  the 
preceding  demands,  showed  clearly  enough  that  the  Laced unionians  were 
resolved  upon  war.  The  character  of  tliis  requisition  seems  to  indicate 
that  it  had  been  adopted  as  a  sort  of  manifesto  in  order  to  enlist  the  sym- 
pathy of  all  Greece  in  favor  of  the  Peloponnesian  league,  which  now  pro- 
fessed to  stand  forwards  as  the  champion  of  its  liberties.  That  this  was 
the  view  taken  of  it  by  the  Athenian  assembly  may  be  inferred  from  the 
debate  that  ensued,  in  which  the  principal  topic  was  the  JMegarian  decree, 
and  the  possibility  of  still  avoiding  a  war  by  its  repeal.  On  this  point  a 
warm  discussion  took  place.  A  majority  of  the  assembly  seemed  still 
inclined  for  peace.  But  Pericles,  in  a  speech  of  surpassing  eloquence  and 
power,  again  contended  that  no  concessions  could  ultimately  avert  a  war, 
and,  after  passing  in  review  the  comparative  forces  of  Athens  and  her 
opponents,  concluded  by  persuading  the  Athenians  to  return  for  answer, 
that  they  were  ready  to  give  satisfaction  respecting  any  matter  which 
properly  concerned  the  Thirty  Years'  Truce,  and  that  they  Mould  forbear 
from  commencing  hostilities ;  but  that  at  the  same  time  they  were  pre- 
pared to  repel  force  by  force.    This  answer  was  accordingly  adopted, 


though  not  without  much  reluctance,  and  communicated  to  the  Spartan 
envoys. 

§  10.  Before  any  actual  declaration  of  war,  and  whilst  both  parties 
stood  in  suspense,  hostilities  were  begun  in  the  spring  of  b.  c.  431  by  a 
treacherous  attack  of  the  Thebans  upon  Platoea.     Though  Bceotians  by 
descent,  the  Plata^ans  did  not  belong  to  the  Baotian  league ;  but,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  long  been  in  alliance  with  the  Athenians,  and  enjoyed 
in  some  degree  a  comnumion  of  their  civil  rights.     Hence  they  were 
regarded  with  hatred  and  jealousy  by  tlie  Thebans,  which  sentiments  were 
also  shared  by  a  small  oligarchical  faction  in  Plata^a  itself.     The  state  of 
affairs  in  Greece  seemed  favorable  for  striking  a  secret  and  unexpected 
blow.     Naucleides,  the  head  of  the  oligarchical  faction  at  Platica,  entered 
into  a  correspondence  Avith  the  Thebans,  and  it  was  agreed  to  surprise 
the  town  at  a  time  when  the  citizens  were  off  their  guard.     Durin'^  a 
religious  festival,  and  in  a  rainy  night,  a  body  of  more  than  three  hun- 
dred Thebans  presented  themselves  before  one  of  the  gates  of  Platfea, 
and  were  admitted  by  Naucleides  and  his  partisans.     The  latter  wished 
to  conduct  the  Thebans  at  once  to  the  houses  of  their  chief  political 
opponents,  in   order   that  they  might  be  secured  or  made  away  with. 
The  Thebans,   however,  hesitated  to  commit  so  gross  a   piece   of  vio- 
lence.    Tliey   expected   to  be   reinforced   the   next  day   by   the   larger 
part  of  the  Theban  army,  when  they  should  be  able  to  dictate  their 
own  terms  without  having  recourse  to  the  invidious  act  which  had  been 
proposed  to  them.     They  accordingly  took  up  a  position  in  the  agora,  or 
market-place,  and  directed  their  herald  to  summon  all  the  uihabitants 
whose  political  views  coincided  with  their  own,  to  come  and  join  then- 
ranks.     The  first  feeling  of  the  Plataeans  was  one  of  surprise  and  alarm 
on  being  roused  from  their  sleep  with  the  astounding  intelligence  that 
their  ancient  enemies  were  in  possession  of  their  town.     But  when  the 
small  number  of  the  Thebans  began  to  be  Jiscertained,  they  took  heart, 
established  comnmnications  with  one  another  by  breaking  through  the 
walls  of  their  houses,  and,  having  barricaded  the  streets  with  wagons,  fell 
uj)on  the  enemy  a  little  before  daybreak.     The  Thebans  formed  in  close 
order,  and  defended  themselves  as  well  as  they  could.     But  they  were 
exhausted  by  their  midnight  march  through  a  soaking  rain ;  they  were 
unacquainted  with  the  narrow,  crooked  streets  of  the  town,  now  choked 
with  mud  and  obstructed  by  barricades;  whilst  the  women  hurling  the 
tiles  from  the  housetops,  with  loud  yells  and  execrations,  completed  their 
confusion  and  dismay.     A  very  few  succeeded  in  escaping  over  the  walls. 
The  great  majority,  mistaking  the  folding-doors  of  a  large  granary  for  the 
city  gates,  rushed  in  and  were  made  prisoners.     The  march  of  the  rein- 
forcement had  been  delayed  by  the  rain,  which  had  rendered  the  river 
Asopus  scarcely  fordable ;  and  when  they  at  last  arrived,  they  found  all 
their  countrymen  either  slain  or  captured. 
The  Thebans  without  the  walls  now  proceeded  to  lay  hands  on  all  the 


264 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXV. 


B.C.  431.J 


FORCES    OF   SPARTA  AND   ATHENS. 


265 


I* 


persons  and  property  they  could  find,  as  pledges  for  the  restoration  of  the 
prisoners.  Hereupon  the  Platajans  despatched  a  herald  to  remonstrate 
against  this  flagi*ant  breach  of  the  existing  peace,  promising  at  the  same 
time,  that,  if  they  retii-ed,  the  prisoners  should  be  given  up,  but  if  not,  that 
they  would  be  immediately  put  to  death.  The  Thebans  withdrew  on  this 
understanding.  But  no  sooner  were  they  gone  than  the  Plata3ans,  instead 
of  observing  the  conditions,  removed  all  their  movable  property  from  the 
country  into  the  town,  and  then  massacred  all  the  prisoners,  to  the  number 
of  one  hundred  and  eigf ity. 

§  11.  At  the  first  entrance  of  the  Thebans  into  Plataa  a  messenger  had 
been  despatched  to  Athens  with  the  news,  and  a  second  one  after  their 
capture.  The  Athenians  innnediately  sent  a  herald  to  enjoin  the  Plata?ans 
to  take  no  steps  without  their  concurrence ;  but  he  arrived  too  late,  and 
the  prisoners  were  already  slain.  So  striking  an  incident  as  this  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  Thebans  could  not  fail  to  produce  an  immediate  war, 
and  the  Athenians  concerted  their  measures  accordingly.  They  imme- 
diately issued  orders  for  seizing  all  Boeotians  who  might  happen  to  be  in 
Attica,  placed  an  Athenian  garrison  in  Platiea,  and  removed  thence  all 
the  women  and  other  inhabitants  incajmble  of  taking  a  part  in  its  defence. 
War  was  now  fairly  kindled.  All  Greece  looked  on  in  suspense  as  its  two 
leading  cities  were  about  to  engage  in  a  strife  of  which  no  man  could  fore- 
see the  end  ;  but  the  youtli,  with  whicli  both  Athens  and  Peloponnesus  then 
abounded,  having  had  no  experience  in  the  bitter  calamities  of  war,  rushed 
into  it  with  ardor.  Every  city,  nay,  almost  every  individual,  seemed 
desirous  of  taking  a  part  in  it ;  most  of  them,  however,  from  a  feeling 
of  hatred  against  Athens,  and  with  a  desire  cither  of  avoiding  or 
of  being  relieved  from  her  }  oke.  The  predictions  of  soothsayers  and 
oracles  were  heaixl  on  all  sides,  whilst  natural  portents  were  eagerly 
inquire*!  after  and  interpi-eted.  A  recent  earthquake  in  Delos,  which  had 
never  before  ex|)erienced  such  a  calamity,  seemed  to  foreshadow  the 
approacliing  stniggle,  and  to  fonn  a  fitting  inti-oduction  to  a  period  which 
was  to  be  marked,  not  only  by  the  usual  horrors  of  wai-,  but  by  the  calami- 
ties of  earthquakes,  drought,  famine,  and  pestilence. 

§  1 2.  The  nature  of  the  preparations  and  the  amount  of  forces  on  both 
^des  were  well  calculated  to  excite  these  apprehensions.  On  the  side 
of  Sparta  was  ranged  the  whole  of  Peloponnesus,  —  except  Argos  and 
Achaia, —  together  with  the  Megarians,  Boeotians,  Phocians,  Opuntian  Lo- 
crians,  Ambraciots,  Leucadians,  and  Anactorians.  The  force  collected  from 
these  triljes  consisted  chiefly  of  hoplites,  or  heavy-armed  foot-soldiers ;  but 
Bceotia,  Phocis,  and  Locris  also  supplied  some  excellent  cavalry.  A  good 
navy  was  the  great  deficiency  on  the  side  of  the  Peloponnesians,  though 
Corinth  and  several  other  cities  furnished  ships.  Yet,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  Dorian  cities  in  Italy  and  Sicily,  they  hoped  to  collect  a  fleet  of 
five  hundred  triremes ;  and  they  even  designed  to  apply  to  the  Persian 
king,  and  thus  bring  a  Phanician  fleet  agsiin  to  act  against  Athens. 


The  allies  of  Athens,  with  the  exception  of  the  Thessalians,  Acarna- 
nians,  Messenians  at  Naupactus,  and  Platteans,  were  all  msular,  and  con- 
sisted of  the  Chians,  Lesbians,  Corcyroeans,  and  Zacynthians,  and  shortly 
afterwards  of  the  Cephallenians.  To  these  must  be  added  her  tributary 
towns  on  the  coast  of  Thrace  and  Asia  Minor,  together  with  all  the  isl- 
ands north  of  Crete,  except  Melos  and  Thera.  The  resources  at  Athens 
immediately  available  were  very  great.  They  consisted  of  300  triremes 
ready  for  active  service,  1,200  cavalry,  1,G00  bowmen,  mid  29,000  hopUtes, 
for  the  most  part  Athenian  citizens.  Of  these,  13,000  formed  the  flower 
of  the  army,  whilst  the  rest  were  employed  in  garrison  duty  in  Athens 
and  the  ports,  and  in  the  defence  of  the  long  walls.  In  the  treasury  of 
the  Acropolis  was  the  large  sum  of  6,000  talents,  or  about  £  1,400,000 
sterling,  in  coined  silver.  This  reserve  had  at  one  time  amounted  to 
9,700  talents,  but  had  been  reduced  to  the  sum  stated  by  the  architectural 
improvements  in  Athens,  and  by  the  siege  of  Potida^a.  The  plate  and 
votive  offerings  in  the  temples,  available  in  case  of  urgent  need,  were 
estimated  at  nearly  1,000  talents  of  silver.  Besides  these  resources, 
Athens  had  also  the  annual  tribute  of  her  subjects. 

§  13.  Such  were  the  forces  of  the  two  contending  cities.  Immediately 
after  the  attempted  surprise  of  Plata^a,  the  Lacedtcmonians  issued  orders 
to  their  alhes  to  send  two  thirds  of  tlieir  disposable  troops  at  once  to  the 
isthmus  of  Corinth,  where  they  were  to  assemble  by  a  day  named,  for  the 
purpose  of  hivading  Attica.  At  the  appointed  time,  the  Spartan  king 
Archidaraus,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  expedition,  reviewed  the  assem- 
bled host,  and  addressed  a  few  words  of  advice  and  exhortation  to  the 
principal  officers.  Archidamus  still  cherished  hopes  that  the  Athenians 
would  yield,  when  they  saw  the  hostile  army  ready  to  enter  Attica,  and 
accordingly  he  sent  forwards  Melesippus  to  announce  the  impending 
invasion.  But,  at  the  instance  of  Pericles,  the  assembly  had  adopted  a 
resolution  to  receive  neither  envoy  nor  herald;  and  Melesippus  was 
escorted  back  without  having  been  permitted  to  enter  the  city.  As  he 
parted  from  his  escort  at  the  Attic  border,  he  could  not  help  exclaiming, 
"  This  day  will  be  the  beginning  of  many  calamities  to  the  Greeks." 


Bnst  of  the  historian  Thucydides. 
34 


266 


HISTOBT  OF  GEEEGE. 


[Chap.  XXVI 


B.C.  431.] 


INVASION   OF  ATTICA. 


267 


The  Parthenon,  restored. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. FROM  THE  COMMENCEMENT   OF  THE   WAR  TO 

THE   CAPTURE  AND   DESTRUCTION   OF   FLAT^A. 

t 

\  1.  The  Peloponnesians  invade  Attica.  §  2.  Athenian  naval  Expeditions  to  Peloponnesus 
aad  Locris.  §  3.  The  Athenians  invade  the  Megarid.  §  4.  Second  Invasion  of  Attica. 
Plague  at  Athens.  §  5.  Unpopularity  of  Pericles.  He  is  accused  of  Malversation.  §  6. 
His  domestic  Misfortunes.  Death.  Character.  §  7.  The  Laceda;raonians  ravage  Attica. 
Their  naval  Operations.  §  8.  Surrender  of  Potidasa.  §  9.  The  Lacedaemonians  besiege 
Plataea.  §10.  Part  of  the  Garrison  escape.  §11.  Surrender  of  the  Town.  Trial  and 
Execution  of  the  Garrison. 

§  1.  Archidamus  had  entered  upon  the  war  with  reluctance,  and  he 
now  prosecuted  it  without  vigor.  He  still  clung  to  the  idea  tliat  the 
Athenians  would  ultimately  mcline  to  peace,  and  he  did  all  he  could  to 
promote  so  desirable  a  result.  The  enormous  force  wliich  he  was  leadui"- 
against  them  was,  indeed,  well  calculated  to  test  their  firmness.  It  con- 
sisted, according  to  the  lowest  estimate,  of  00,000  men,  whilst  some 
writers  raise  the  number  to  100,000 ;  and  the  greater  part  of  tlioni  were 
animated  with  a  bitter  hatred  of  Athens,  and  with  a  lively  desire  of 
revenge.  Archidamus,  having  lingered  as  long  as  he  could  at  the  isthmus, 
marched  slowly  forwards  after  the  return  of  IMelesippus,  and,  taking  a 
circuitous  road,  crossed  the  Attic  border.  Having  wasted  several  days  in 
an  unsuccessful  attack  upon  the  frontier  fortress  of  (Enoe,  and  not  having 
received,  as  he  expected,  any  message  from  the  Athenians,  he  proceeded 
towards  Eleusis  and  the  Thriasian  pkin,  where  he  arrived  about  the 
middle  of  June  in  b.  c.  431. 


Meanwhile,  Pericles  had  instructed  the  inhabitants  of  Attica  to  secure 
themselves  and  their  property  within  the  walls  of  Athens.  They  obeyed 
his  injunctions  with  reluctance,  for  the  Attic  population  had  from  the 
earliest  times  been  strongly  attached  to  a  rural  life.  But  the  circum-timces 
admitted  of  no  alternative.  From  all  quarters  they  miglit  be  seen  Iiurry- 
ing  towards  the  capital  with  their  families  and  goods;  wliilst  the  cattle 
were  for  the  most  part  conveyed  to  Eubcca,  or  some  other  of  the  adjoining 
islands.  Every  vacant  spot  in  the  city  or  in  Peiraius,  even  those  which 
belonged  to  the  temples,  were  occupied  by  the  encampments  of  the  fugi- 
tives. The  Acropolis,  indeed,  was  preserved  from  this  profane  invasion ; 
but  the  ground  immediately  under  it,  called  the  Pelasglcon,  which,  in  obe- 
dience to  an  ancient  oracle,  had  hitherto  been  suffered  to  remain  un- 
occupied, was  now  brought  into  use.  The  towers  and  recesses  of  the  city 
walls  were  converted  into  dwellings,  wliilst  huts,  tents,  and  even  casks 
were  placed  under  the  long  walls  to  answer  the  same  purpose. 

Archidamus,  after  ravaging  the  fertile  Thriasian  plain,  in  which  he 
was  but  feebly  opposed  by  a  body  of  Athenian  cavalry,  proceeded  to 
Acharnaj,  one  of  the  largest  and  most  flourishing  of  tlie  Attic  boroughs, 
situated  only  about  seven  miles  from  Athens.  Here  he  encamped  on  a 
rising  ground  Avithin  sight  of  the  metropolis,  and  began  to  lay  waste  the 
country  around,  expecting  probably  by  that  means  to  provoke  the  Athe- 
nians to  battle.  But  in  this  he  was  disappointed.  The  Athenians,  indeed, 
and  especially  the  Acharnians  now  within  the  walls,  who  had  contributed 
no  fewer  than  three  thousand  hoplites  to  the  army,  were  excited  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  exasperation  at  beholding  their  houses,  their  ripening 
crops,  their  fruitful  vineyai-ds  and  orchards,  destroyed  before  their  very 
eyes.  Little  groups  miglit  be  seen  gathered  together  in  the  streets  angrily 
discussing  the  question  of  an  attack,  quoting  oracles  and  j)rophecies  which 
assured  them  of  success,  and  indignantly  denouncing  Pericles  as  a  traitor 
and  a  coward  for  not  leading  them  out  to  battle.  Among  the  leaders  of 
these  attacks  upon  Pericles,  Cleon,  the  future  demagogue,  now  lirst  rising 
into  public  notice,  was  consi)icuous.  It  required  all  the  finnness  of 
Pericles  to  stem  the  torrent  of  public  indignation.  He  had  resolved  not 
to  venture  an  engagement  in  the  open  field,  and  steadily  refused,  in 
the  present  excited  state  of  the  public  mind,  to  call  an  assembly  of 
the  people,  in  which,  no  doubt,  some  desperate  resolution  would  ha\'e 
been  adopted.  In  order,  however,  to  divert  in  some  degree  the 
popular  clamor,  he  permitted  the  Athenian  and  Thessalian  cavalry  to 
make  sallies  for  the  purpose  of  harassing  the  plundering  parties  of  the 
enemy,  and  of  protecting  as  much  as  possible  the  lands  adjacent  to  the 
city. 

§  2.  But  whilst  Pericles  thus  abandoned  the  Attic  territory  to  the  ene- 
my, he  was  taking  active  measures  to  retaliate  on  the  Peloponnesus  itself 
the  sufferings  inflicted  on  the  Athenians.     For  this  purpose  an  Athenian 


168 


HISTORY  OP   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVI. 


ieet  of  one  hundred  triremes,  strengthened  by  fifty  Corcyitcan  ships,  as 
well  as  by  some  fi-om  the  other  allies,  sailed  round  Peloponnesus,  and, 
disembarking  ti-oojxs  at  various  points,  caused  considerable  damage.  This 
expedition  penetnited  as  far  northwards  as  the  coast  of  Acarnania,  where 
the  Girinthian  settlement  of  Sollium  and  the  town  of  Astacus  w^ere  taken, 
whilst  the  island  of  Cephallenia,  wiiich  voluntarily  submitted,  was  enrolled 
among  the  allies  of  Athens. 

Meanwhile  a  smaller  fleet  of  thirty  triremes  had  been  despatched  to  the 
coast  of  Locris,  where  the  towns  of  Thronium  and  Alope  w  ere  taken  and 
sacked,  and  a  naval  station  established  at  the  small  uninhabited  island  of 
Atalanta,  in  oitler  to  coerce  the  Locrian  privateei-s  who  infested  Euboea. 
The  naval  operations  of  the  year  w^ere  concluded  by  the  total  expulsion  of 
the  iEginetans  from  their  island.  The  situation  of  ^gina  rendered  it  of 
the  highest  importance  as  a  maritime  station;  and  the  Athenians  w-ere, 
moreover,  incensed  against  the  inhabitants  for  the  part  they  had  taken  in 
exciting  the  war.  The  whole  of  the  population  was  transported  to  the 
coast  of  Peloponnesus,  where  the  Spartans  allowed  them  to  occupy  the 
town  and  district  of  Thyrea;  and  their  island  was  portioned  out  among  a 
body  of  Atlienian  cleruchs. 

§  3.  Archidamus  evacuated  Attica  towards  the  end  of  July,  by  the  route 
of  Oropus  and  Ba3otia ;  after  wiiicli  his  army  was  disbanded.  The  Athe- 
nians availed  themselves  of  his  departure  to  wreak  their  vengeance  on  the 
Megarians.  Towards  the  end  of  September,  Pericles,  at  the  head  of 
thirteen  thousand  hoplites,  and  a  large  force  of  light-armed  troops,  marched 
into  the  Megarid,  which  he  ravaged  up  to  the  veiy  gates  of  the  city. 
The  Athenians  re[)eated  the  same  ravages  once,  and  sometimes  twice, 
every  year  whilst  the  war  lasted.  In  the  course  of  this  year  the  Athenians 
also  formed  an  alliance  with  Sitalces,  king  of  the  Odrysian  Thracians, 
whose  assistance  promised  to  be  of  use  to  them  in  reducing  Potidaea 
and  the  revolted  Chalcidian  towns. 

Such  were  the  results  of  the  fii*st  campaign.  From  the  method  in  which 
the  war  wixs  conducted  it  had  become  pretty  evident  that  it  would  prove 
of  long  duration ;  and  the  Athenians  now  proceeded  to  provide  for  this 
contingency.  It  was  agreed  that  a  reserved  fund  of  one  thousand  talents 
should  be  set  apart,  wliich  was  not  to  be  touched  in  any  other  case  than  an 
attack  upon  Athens  by  sea.  Any  citizen  who  proposed  to  make  a  dif- 
ferent use  of  the  fund  incurred  thereby  the  punishment  of  death.  "With 
the  same  view,  it  was  resolved  to  reserv^e  every  year  one  hundred  of  their 
best  triremes,  fully  manned  and  equipped. 

ToA\  ards  the  winter  Pericles  deUvered,  from  a  lofty  platfonn  erected  ia 
the  Cerameicus,  the  funeral  oration  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  the  war. 
Tliis  sj>eech,  or  at  all  events  the  substance  of  it,  has  been  preserved  by 
Thucydides,  who  may  possibly  have  heard  it  pronounced.  It  is  a  valuable 
monument  of  eloquence  and  patriotism,  and  particularly  interesting  for  the 


> 


B.  C.  430.] 


PLAGUE    OP  ATHENS. 


2m 


sketch  which  it  contiiins  of  Athenian  manners,  as  well  as  of  the  Athenian 
constitution.* 

§  4.  Another  year  had  elapsed,  and  in  the  spring  of  b.  c.  430  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians,  under  Archidamus,  again  invaded  Attica.     At  the  same  time 
the  Athenians  were  attacked  by  a  more  insidious  and  more  formidable 
enemy.     The  plague  broke  out  in  the  crowded  city.     This  terrible  disorder, 
which  was  supposed  to  have  originated  in  ^Ethiopia,  had  aheady  desolated 
Asia  and  many  of  the  countries  around  the  Mediterranean.     At  Athens  it 
first  appeared  in  the  Peiraus ;  and  the  numbers  of  people  now  congregated 
in  a  narrow  space  caused  it  to  spread  with  fearful  rapidity.     A  great 
proportion  of  those  who  were  seized  perished  in  from  seven  to  nine  days. 
Even  in  those  who  recovered,  it  generaUy  left  behind  some  dreadful  and 
incurable  distemper.     It  frequently  attacked  the  mental  faculties,  and  left 
those  who  recovered  from  it  so  entirely  deprived  of  memory,  that  they 
could  neither  recognize  themselves  nor  others.     The  disorder  being  new, 
the  physicians  could  find  no  remedy  in  the  resources  of  their  art,  nor,  as 
may  be  well  supposed,  did  the  charms  and  incantations  to  which  the'su- 
perstitious  resorted  prove  more  effectual.     Despau-  now  began  to  take 
possession  of  the  Athenians.     Some  suspected  that  the  Peloponnesians 
had  poisoned  the  wells ;  others  attributed  the  pestilence  to  the  anger  of 
Apollo.     A  dreadful  state  of  moral  dissolution  foUowed.     The  sick^w^ere 
seized  with  unconquerable  despondency ;  whilst  a  great  part  of  tlie  popu- 
lation who  had  hitherto  escaped  the  disorder,  expecting  soon  to  be  attacked 
in  turn,  abandoned  themselves  to  all  manner  of  excess,  debauchery,  and 
crime.     The  dread  of  contagion   produced  an  all-pervading  selfishness. 
Men  abstained  from  tending  and  alleviating  the  sufferinn-s  even  of  their 


*  A  sliglit  sketch  of  this  masterly  discourse  will  not  be  out  of  place  here.    It  is  not  only  a 
eulogy  on  the  dead,  hut  an  elaborate  and  very  able  exhibition  of  the  merits  of  the  Athenian 
constitution,  and  the  social  life  and  genius  of  Athens  for  the  civilizing  arts.     Such  a  coun- 
try, he  argues,  is  entitled  to  the  love  of  her  citizens,  and  must  be  defended  at  the  hazard  oflhfe 
Itself.    "  We  enjoy,"  said  he,  "  a  form  of  government,  not  emulating  the  laws  of  neicrhborin*' 
states,  being  ourselves  rather  a  model  to  others  than  copying  from  them.    It  has  been 
called  by  the  name  of  Democracy,  because  the  power  resides  not  with  the  few,  but  with  the 
majority."    He  then  shows  in  what  manner  the  Athenian  institutions  secured  not  only  equal- 
ity of  rights  before  the  law,  but  a  liberal  and  generous  confidence  in  private  life:  how  they 
chenshed  obedience  to  the  magistrate,  and  a  fine  sense  of  honor,  wliich  submitted  to  the 
unwritten  laws  of  noble  conduct,  both  from  the  self-respect  of  gentlemen  and  from  a  sensi- 
bility to  the  shame  attached  to  their  violation  by  pubUc  opinion.    He  appeals  to  their  patriotic 
pride  m  the  great  achievements  of  their  ancestors,  and  their  own.    "  Havincr  displayed  our 
power  in  noble  manifestations,  and  most  assuredly  not  without  A\ntnesses,  welhall  be  the  ad- 
miration of  the  present  age,  and  of  those  who  are  to  come  after  us.     We  have  forced  every 
sea  and  every  lan<l  to  be  accessible  to  our  enterprise :- for  such  a  country,  the  heroes  of 
past  ages  laid  down  their  lives,  receiving  a  most  distinguished  sepulchre,  nJt  so  much  that 
m  Y^Hch  their  bodies  he  buried  as  that  in  which  their  glory,  on  eveiy  occ:x.ion  of  word 
or  deed,  shall  be  held  in  everiasting  remembrance.     For  of  illustrious  men  the  whole  earth 
18  .he  sepulchre,  signalized  not  alone  by  the  inscription  of  the  column  in  their  native  land, 
but,  in  lands  not  their  own,  by  the  unwritten  memory  wliich  dwells  with  even-  man,  of  the 
spirit  more  than  the  deed."  —  Ed.  ' 


270 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVI. 


nearest  relatives  and  friends  during  their  sickness,  as  well  as  from  admin- 
istering the  sacred  rites  of  sepulture  to  their  remains  after  death.  These 
pious  otfiees  of  duty  and  friendship  either  remained  unperformed,  or  were 
left  to  be  discharged  by  stmngers,  who,  having  recovered  from  the  disease, 
enjoyed  an  immunity  from  its  further  attacks.  Often  would  a  struggle 
arise  for  tlie  jwssession  of  a  ftmeral  pile,  and  many  a  body  was  bunit  on 
the  pile  destined  for  another.  But  for  the  most  part  the  dead  and  the 
dying  lay  unheeded  in  the  streets  and  temples,  but  more  particularly  around 
the  wells,  whither  they  had  crowded  to  quench  the  burning  and  insatiable 
tliii-st  excited  by  the  disorder.  Tlie  very  dogs  died  that  preyed  upon  the 
corpses,  whilst  by  a  peculiar  instinct  the  vultures  and  other  birds  of  prey 
abstained  from  feeding  on  them.* 

The  numl>ei-s  carrie<l  oif  by  the  pestilence  can  liardly  be  estimated  at 
less  than  a  fourtli  of  the  whole  population.  Such  at  least  was  about  the 
ascertained  proiwrtion  among  tlie  knights  and  hoplites  forming  the  upper 
classes.  The  number  of  victims  among  the  i)Oorer  part  of  the  population 
was  never  ascertained,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  ratio  among 
these  was  much  higher. 

§  5.  Oppressed  at  once  by  war  and  pestilence,  their  lands  desolated, 
their  homes  filled  with  mourning,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Athenians 
were  seized  with  rage  and  despair,  or  that  they  vented  their  anger  on  Peri- 
cles, whom  they  deemed  the  author  of  their  misfortunes.  But  that  statesman 
still  adhei-ed  to  his  phuis  with  unsliaken  finnness.  Though  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians were  in  Attica,  tliough  tlie  })lague  had  already  seized  on  Athens,  he 
was  vigorously  pushing  his  plans  of  offensive  operations.  A  foreign  expe- 
dition might  not  only  divert  the  popular  mind,  but  would  prove  beneficial 
by  relieving  the  crowded  city  of  part  of  its  population ;  and  accordingly  a 
fleet  was  fitted  out,  of  which  Pericles  himself  took  the  command,  and  which 
committed  devastations  upon  various  parts  of  the  Peloponnesian  coast 
But,  u|>on  returning  from  this  expedition,  Pericles  found  tlie  public  feeling 
more  exasiierated  than  before.  Envoys  had  even  Iwen  despatched  to 
Sparta  to  sue  for  peace,  but  had  been  dismissed  without  a  hearing;  a 
disappointment  which  had  rendered  the  populace  still  more  furious.  Peri- 
cles now  found  it  necessary  to  call  a  public  assembly  in  order  to  vindicate 
his  conduct,  and  to  encourage  the  desjwnding  citizens  to  persevere.  But 
though  he  succeeded  in  persuading  them  to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigor, 
they  still  continued  to  nourish  their  feelings  of  hatred  against  the  great 
statesman.  His  jwlitical  enemies,  of  whom  Cleon  was  the  chief,  took 
advantage  of  this  state  of  the  public  mind  to  bring  against  him  a  charge  of 
peculation.  The  main  object  of  this  accusation  was  to  incapacitate  him 
jbr  the  office  of  strategus,  or  genenil.     He  was  brought  before  the  dicastery 


*  The  description  of  the  plague  of  Athens  (Thncyd.  B.  II.  cc.  4T-64)  Is  one  of  the  moat 
master  V  ielineations  in  historical  literature.  —  Ed. 


*) 


B.  C.  430]  DEATH   AND    CHABACTEE   OP  PEUICLES.  271 

on  this  charge,  and  sentenced  to  pay  a  considerable  fine;  but  eventually  a 
strong  reaction  occurred  in  lus  favor.  He  was  re-elected  general  and 
apparently  regained  all  the  influence  he  ha<l  ever  possessed 

§  ^  But  he  was  not  destined  long  to  enjoy  this  return  of  ix,pularity. 
His  hfe  was  now  closing  in,  and  its  end  was  clouded  by  a  Ion"  train  of 
domestic  misfortunes.     The  epidemic  deprived  him  not  only  of  many  per- 
sonal and  Hitical  friends,  but  also  of  several  near  relations,  amon<rst  whom 
were  his  sister  and  his  two  legitimate  sons,  Xanthippus  and^Paralus. 
Ihe  death  of  the  latter  was  a  severe  blow  to  him.     Burin"  the  funeral 
ceremonies,  as  he  placed  a  garland  on  the  body  of  this  liis^favorite  son 
he  was  completely  overpowered  by  his  feelings,  and  wept  aloud.     His' 
ancient  house  was  now  left  without  an  heir.     By  Aspasia,  however,  he 
had  an  illegitimate  son  who  bore  his  own  name,  and  whom  the  Athenians 
now  legitimiiced,  and  thus  alleviated,  as  far  as  lay  in  their  ,K)wer,  the  mis- 
fortunes of  their  great  leiuler:   a  proceeding  all  the  more  striking,  since 
Pericles  himself  had  proposed  the  law  which  deprived  of  citizenship  aU 
those  who  were  not  Athenians  on  the  mother's  side,  as  weU  as  on  the 
fathers. 

After  this  period  it  was  with  difficulty  that  Pericles  was  pereuaded  by 
his  friends  to  take  any  active  part  in  public  affairs ;  nor  did  he  survive 
mote  than  a  twelvemonth.  An  attack  of  the  prevailing  epidemic  was 
succeeded  by  a  low  and  lingering  fever,  which  undermined  both  his  strength 
of  bo,ly  and  vigor  of  intellect.  As  he  lay  apparently  unconscious  on  his 
death-bed,  the  friends  who  stood  around  it  were  engaged  in  recalling  his 
exploits.  The  dying  man  interrupted  them  by  remarking,  "  What  you 
praise  in  me  is  partly  the  result  of  good  fortune,  and  at  all  events  common 
to  me  with  many  other  commandei-s.  What  I  chiefly  pride  myself  upon 
you  have  not  noticed,  — no  Athenian  ever  wore  mourning  through  me"  ' 

The  character  of  Pericles  has  been  very  variously  estimated!     Those 
who  reflect  upon  the  enormous  influence  which,  for  so  long  a  period,  and 
especmlly  during  the  last  fifteen  years  of  his  life,  he  exereised  over  an 
mgemous  but  fickle  people  like  the  Athenians,  will  liai-dly  be  disposed  to 
question  his  inlellectual  superiority.     This  hold  on  the  public  affection 
was  not,  as  n  the  case  of  Cimon,  the  result  of  any  popularity  of  manner, 
tor,  as  we  have  said,  the  demeanor  of  Pericles  was  characterized  by  a 
reserve  bordering  upon  haughtiness.     To  what  then  are  we  to  attribute  it  ? 
Doubtless,  in  the  fii^t  place,  to  his  cxtraoniinary  eloquence.     Cicero  rel 
gards  him  as  the  Srst  example  of  an  almost  perfect  orator,  at  once  delight- 
>ng  the  Athenians  with  his  copiousness  and  grace,  and  overawing  them°by 
he  foree  and  cogency  of  his  diction  and  arguments.     He  seems,  indeed,  on 
the  testimony  of  two  comic  poets  who  will  not  be  suspected  of  exaggeration 
m  his  favor,  to  have  singularly  combined,  the  ix>wer  of  persuasion  with 
that  more  rapid  and  abrupt  style  of  oratory  which  takes  an  audience  by 
storm  and  defies  all  resistance.    According  to  Eupolis,  persuasion  itself 


872 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXYL 


sat  upon  his  lips,  and  lie  was  the  only  orator  who  left  a  sting  behind ;  whilst 
Aristophanes  characterizes  his  eloquence  as  producing  the  same  eflfects 
upon  the  social  elements  as  a  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning  exerts  upon 
the  natural  atmosphere.  His  reserved  manners  may  have  contributed, 
and  were  perhaps  designed,  to  preserve  his  authority  from  falling  into  that 
contempt  which  proverbially  springs  from  familiiu-ity ;  whilst  the  popularity 
which  he  enjoyed  in  spite  of  them  may  probably  be  traced  to  the  equivocal 
benefits  which  he  had  conferred  on  the  Athenians,  by  not  only  making  the 
humblest  citizen  a  partaker  in  all  the  judicial  and  legislative  functions  of 
the  state,  but  even  paying  liim  for  the  performance  of  them.  These  inno- 
vations are  condemned  by  the  two  greatest  philosophers,  though  of  opposite 
schools,  that  Greece  ever  saw,  by  Plato  and  Ai*istotle,  and  not  only  by 
them,  but  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  antiquity.  Pericles,  indeed,  by  the 
unlunited  authority  which  he  possessed  over  the  people,  was  able  to  coun- 
teract the  evil  effects  of  these  changes,  which,  however,  soon  became 
apparent  after  his  death,  and  made  the  city  a  prey  to  the  artifices  of 
dema*^ojmes  and  rhetors.  But  if  Pericles  as  a  politician  may  not  be 
deserving  of  unqualified  praise,  Pericles  as  the  accomplished  man  of  genius 
and  the  libeml  patron  of  literature  and  art  is  worthy  of  the  highest  admi- 
ration. By  these  qualities  he  has  justly  given  name  to  the  most  brilhant 
intellectual  epoch  that  the  world  has  ever  seen.  But  we  have  already 
touched  on  this  point,  and  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  to  the  subject  here- 
after.* 

§  7.  Whilst  the  Athenians  were  suffering  from  the  pestilence,  the  Lace- 
djemonians  were  prosecuting  their  second  invasion  even  more  extensively 
than  in  the  previous  year.  Instead  of  confining  their  ravages  to  the  Thria- 
sian  plain,  and  the  country  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Athens,  they 
now  extended  them  to  the  more  southern  portions  of  Attica,  and  even  as 
far  as  the  mines  of  Laurium.  The  Athenians  still  kept  within  their  walls ; 
and  the  Lacedaemonians,  after  remaining  forty  days  in  their  temtory, 
again  evacuated  it  as  before.  This  year,  however,  the  operations  of  the 
latter  by  sea  formed  a  new  feature  in  the  war.     Their  fleet  of  a  hundred 


♦  The  cliaracter  of  Pericles  is  thus  summed  up  by  Thucydides :  —  '•  Bnrins  the  Avhole  time 
that  he  stood  at  the  head  of  the  state  in  peace,  he  governed  it  with  modenition,  and  watched 
over  its  safety,  and  under  him  it  rose  to  the  highest  pitch  of  greatjioj^s.  After  the  war 
broke  out  it  was  seen  that  he  had  a  true  conception  of  its  jwwer:  and  after  his  death,  liis 
foresit'ht  in  relation  to  the  war  was  still  more  clearly  recognized.  The  cause  of  his  influence 
was,  that,  powerful  in  dignity  of  character  and  wisdom,  and  having  coTispicuously  shown 
himself  the  most  incorruptible  of  men,  he  curbed  the  people  freely,  and  led  them  instead  of 
bein<^  led  by  them.  For  he  did  not  speak  to  their  present  favor,  endeavoring  to  gain  power 
by  unbecom'uig  means,  but  dared  to  br.ive  their  anger  while  hoMing  fitft  to  his  own  digjiity 
and  honor.  The  constitution  was  a  democracy  in  word;  but  m  fact,  it  was  the  government 
of  the  most  distinguished  citizen.  Those,  however,  who  came  after  him,  being  more  on  an 
equality  with  one  another,  and  each  eager  to  stand  foremost,  made  the  gratification  of  the 
people  their  aim,  and  sacrificed  to  tliis  the  pubUc  interest."  —  Ed. 


I 


B.  C.  429-1 


SURRENDER    OF   POTID^A. 


273 


triremes,  under  the  command  of  Cnemus,  attacked  and  devastated  the  isl- 
and of  Zacynthus,  but  did  not  succeed  in  effecting  a  permanent  conquest. 
They  were  too  inferior  in  naval  strength  to  cope  with  the  Athenians  on 
the  open  sea;  but  the  Peloponnesian  privateers,  especially  those  from  the 
Megarian  port  of  Nisa^a,  inflicted  considerable  loss  on  the  Athenian  fish- 
eries and  commerce.     Some  of  these  privateers  even  ventured  as  far  as 
the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor,  and  molested  the  Athenian  trade,  for  the  protec^ 
tion  of  which  the  Athenians  were  obliged  to  despatch  a  squadron  of  six 
triremes,  under  Melesander.     A  revolting  feature  in  tliis  predatory  warfare 
was  the  cruelty  with  which  the  Lacedaemonians  treated  their  prisoners, 
who  were  mercilessly  slain,  and  their  bodies  cast  into  clefts  and  ravines! 
This  produced  retaliation  on  the  part  of  the  Athenians.     Some  Pelopon- 
nesian envoys,  on  their  way  to  the  court  of  Persia  to  solicit  aid  against 
Athens,  were  joined  by  the  Corinthian  general  Aristeus,  who  persuaded 
them  to  visit  the  court  of  the  Thracian  king,  Sitalces,  in  order  if  possible  to 
detach  him  from  the  Athenian  alliance.     But  this  was  a  fatal  miscalcula- 
tion.    Not  only  was  Sitalces  firmly  attached  to  the  Athenians,  but  his  son 
Sadocus  had  been  admitted  as  a  citizen  of  Athens ;  and  the  Athenian  resi- 
dents at  the  court  of  Sitalces  induced  him,  in  testimony  of  zeal  and  gratitude 
for  his  newly  conferred  rights,  to  procure  the  arrest  of  the  Peloponnesian 
envoys.     The  whole  party  were  accordingly  seized  and  conducted  to  Ath- 
ens, where  they  were  put  to  death  without  even  the  form  of  a  trial,  and 
their  bodies  cast  out  among  the  rocks,  by  way  of  reprisal  for  the  murdei-s 
committed  by  the  Lacedaemonians. 

§  8.  By  this  act  the  Athenians  got  rid  of  Aristeus,  who  had  proved 
himself  an  active  and  able  commander,  and  who  was  the  chief  instigator 
of  the  revolt  of  Potidaea,  as  well  as  the  principal  cause  of  its  successful 
resistance.     In  the  following  winter  that  town  capitulated,  after  a  blockade 
of  two  years,  during  which  it  suffered  such  extremity  of  famine,  that  even 
the  bodies  of  the  dead  were  converted  into  food.     Although  the  garrison 
was  reduced  to  such  distress,  and  though  the  siege  had  cost  Athens  two 
thousand  talents,  the  Athenian  generals,  Xenophon,  the  son  of  Euripides, 
and  his  two  coUeagues,  granted  the  Potidaeans  favorable  terms.     For  this 
they  were  reprimanded  by  the  Athenians,  who  had  expected  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  the  siege  by  selling  the  prisoners  as  slaves,  and  perhaps  also  to 
gratify  their  vengeance  by  putting  the  intrepid  garrison  to  death.     Potidaea 
and  its  territory  was  now  occupied  by  a  body  of  a  thousand  colonists 
from  Athens. 

§  9.  The  third  year  of  the  war  (b.  c.  429)  was  now  opening,  and  nothing 
decisive  had  been  performed  on  either  side.  After  two  invasions,  but  lit^ 
tie  mischief,  probably,  was  capable  of  being  uiflicted  on  the  Attic  territory, 
or  at  all  events  not  sufficient  to  induce  the  Peloponnesians  to  incur  the 
risk  of  infection  from  the  plague.  Archidamus,  therefore,  now  directed 
his  whole  force  against  the  ill-fated  town  of  Plataja.     As  he  approached 

35 


1 

I 


274 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVL 


B.  C.  427.] 


SIEGE    OF   PLATJEA. 


275 


their  city,  the  Platseans  despatched  a  herald  to  Archidamus  to  remonstrate 
against  tMs  invasion,  and  to  remind  him  of  the  solemn  oath  which  Pausa- 
nias  had  sworn,  when,  after  the  defeat  of  the  Persians,  he  offered  sacrifice 
to  Zeus  Eleuthei-ios  in  the  great  square  of  Plataea,  and  there,  m  the  pres- 
ence of  the  assemhled  alhes,  hound  himself  and  them  to  respect  and  guar- 
antee  their  independence      Aixihidamus  replied,  that  hy  their  oaths  they 
were  hound  to  assist  him  in  the  liberation  of  the  rest  of  Greece  ;  hut,  if 
they  would  not  agree  to  do  this,  their  independence  should  he  respected  if 
they  only  consented  to  remain  neutral.     After  this  summons  had  been 
twice  repeated,  the  Plata-ans  returned  for  answer,  that  they  could  do  noth- 
ing without  the  consent  of  the  Athenians,  in  whose  custody  their  wives 
and  families  now  were;  adding,  that  a  profession  of  neutrality  might  again 
induce  the  Thebans  to  surprise  their  city.     Hereupon  Archidamus  proposed 
to  them  to  hand  over  their  town  and  territory  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  to- 
gether with  a  schedule  of  all  the  property  which  they  contained,  engaging 
to  hold  them  in  trust  and  to  cultivate  the  land  till  tlie  war  was  terminated, 
when  everything  should  be  safely  restored.     In  the  mean  time,  the  Platoeans 
might  retire  whithersoever  they  chose,  and  receive  an  allowance  sufficient 

for  their  support. 

The  offer  seemed  fliir  and  tempting,  and  the  majority  of  the  Plataeans 
were  for  accepting  it,  but  it  was  resolved  first  of  all  to  obtain  the  sanction 
of  the  Athenians:  who,  however,  exhorted  them  to  hold  out,  and  promised 
to  assist  them  to  the  last.  The  Platseans,  afhiid  to  send  a  herald  to  the 
Spartan  camp,  now  proclaimed  from  the  walls  their  refusal  of  the  proffered 
terms ;  when  Archidamus  invoked  the  gmls  and  heroes  of  the  soil  to  wit- 
ness, that  it  was  not  until  the  Plata^ans  had  renounced  the  oaths  which 
bound  them,  that  he  had  invaded  their  territory.  The  Peloponne^ans, 
indeed,  seem  to  have  been  really  unwilling  to  undertake  the  siege.  They 
were  driven  into  it  by  the  ancient  grudge  of  the  Thebans  against  Platoea. 

The  siege  that  ensued  is  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the  annals  ot 
Grecian  warfare.     Platiea  was  but  a  small  city,  and  its  garrison  consisted 
of  only  400  citizens  and  80  Athenians,  together  with  110  women  to 
manacre  their  household  affairs.    Yet  this  small  force  set  at  defiance  the 
whole"  army  of  the  Peloponnesians.     The  first  operation  of  Archidamus 
was  to  suiTound  the  town  with  a  strong  pahsade  foi-med  of  the  fi-uit-trees 
which  had  been  cut  down,  and  thus  to  deprive  the  Plataeans  of  all  egi-ess. 
He  then  began  to  erect  a  mound  of  timber,  earth,  and  stones  against  the 
waU,  forming  an  inclined  plane  up  which  his  troops  might  march,  and  thus 
take  the  place  by  escalade.     The  whole  army  labored  at  this  mound 
seventy  days  and  nights ;  but  whilst  it  was  gradually  attaining  the  reqmsite 
height,  the  Plata^ans  on  their  side  were  engaged  in  raising  their  walls  with 
a  superstructure  of  wood  and  brickwork,  protected  in  front  with  hides. 
They  also  formed  a  subterranean  passage  under  their  walls,  and  under- 
mined the  mound,  which  thus  fell  in  and  required  constant  additions.    And 


as  even  these  precautions  seemed  in  danger  of  being  ultimately  defeated, 
they  built  a  new  interior  wall,  in  the  shape  of  a  crescent,  whose  two  horns 
joined  the  old  one  at  pomts  beyond  the  extent  of  the  mound ;  so  that  if 
the  besiegers  succeeded  in  carrying  the  first  rampart,  they  would  be  in  no 
better  jwsition  than  before.  So  energetic  was  the  defence,  that  the  Lace 
daemonians,  after  spending  three  months  in  these  fruitless  attempts,  resolved 
to  turn  the  siege  into  a  blockade,  and  reduce  the  place  by  famine. 

§  10.  They  now  proceeded  to  surround  the  city  with  a  double  wall  of 
circumvallation,  the  interior  space  between  the  two  of  sixteen  feet  in  breadth 
being  roofed  in,  and  the  whole  structure  protected  by  a  ditch  on  each  side, 
one  towards  the  town  and  the  other  towards  the  country.     The  interior 
was  occupied  by  the  troops  left  on  guard,  half  of  which  consisted  of  Boeo- 
tians and  the  other  half  of  Peloi^onnesians.     In  tliis  manner  the  Plateaus 
endured  a  blockade  of  two  years,  during  which  the  Athenians  attempted 
nothing  for  their  relief.     In  the  second  year,  however,  about  half  the  gar 
risen  effected  them  escape  in  the  following  bold  and  successful  manner 
Provisions  were  beginning  to  run  short,  and  the  Plata?an  commander  ex- 
horted the  garrison  to  scale  the  wall  by  which  they  were  blockaded.     Only 
212  men,  however,  were  found  bold  enough  to  attempt  this  hazardous  feat 
Choosing  a  wet  and  stormy  December  night,  they  issued  from  their  gates 
lightly  armed  and  canying  with  them  ladders  accurately  adapted  to  the 
height  of  the  wall.     These  were  fixed  against  it  in  the  space  between  two 
towers  occupied  by  the  guard,  and  the  first  company,  having  mounted,  slew, 
without  creatmg  alarm,  the  sentinels  on  duty.     Already  a  great  part  of 
the  Plata3ans  had  gained  the  summit,  when  the  noise  of  a  tile  loosened  by 
one  of  the  party,  and  falling  down,  betrayed  what  was  passing.     The  whole 
guard  immediately  turned  out,  but  in  the  darkness  and  confusion  knew  not 
whither  to  direct  their  blows,  whilst  the  lighted  torches  which  they  carried 
rendered  them  a  conspicuous  aim  for  the  arrows  and  javelins  of  those  Pla- 
taeans  who  had  gained  the  other  side  of  the  walls.     In  this  manner  the 
little  band  succeeded  in  effecting  then-  escape,  with  the  exception  of  one 
man  who  was  captured,  and  of  a  few  who  lost  their  courage  and  returned 
to  Plata?a. 

§  11.  But  though  the  provisions  of  the  garrison  were  husbanded  by 
this  diminution  in  their  number,  all  the  means  of  subsistence  were  at 
length  exhausted,  and  starvation  began  to  stare  them  in  the  fiice.  The 
LacedaBmonian  commander  had  long  been  in  a  condition  to  take  the  town 
hy  storm,  but  he  had  been  directed  by  express  orders  from  home  to  reduce 
it  to  a  voluntary  capitulation,  in  order  that,  at  the  conclusion  of  a  peace, 
Sparta  might  not  be  forced  to  give  it  up,  as  she  would  be  in  case  of  a  for- 
cible capture.  Knowing  the  distressed  state  of  the  garrison,  the  Lacedai- 
monians  sent  in  a  herald  with  a  summons  to  sun*ender  and  submit  them- 
selves to  their  disposal,  at  the  same  time  promising  that  only  the  guilty 
should  be  punished.  The  besieged  had  no  alternative,  and  submitted.  This 
took  place  in  b.  c.  427,  after  the  blockade  had  lasted  two  years. 


I 


J 


f 


in 


hi 


T 


276 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVL 


The  whole  garrison,  consisting  of  200  PlatgBans  and  25  Athenians,  were 
now  arraigned  before  five  judges  sent  from  Sparta.     Their  indictment  was 
framed  in  a  way  which  prechidcd  the  i)Ossibility  of  escape.     They  were 
simply  asked,  "  Wiether  during  the  present  war  they  had  rendered  any 
assistance  to  the  Lacedaemonians  or  their  allies?"     So  preposterous  a 
question  at  once  revealed  to  the  prisoners  that  they  could  expect  neither 
justice  nor  mercy.     Nevertheless,  they  asked  and  obtained  permission  to 
plead  their  cause.    Tlieir  orators,  by  recalling  the  services  which  Platiea 
had  rendered  to  Greece  in  geneml  in  the  Persian  war,  and  to  Sparta  in 
particular,  by  aiding  to  suppress  the  revolt  of  the  Helots,  seemed  to  have 
produced  such  an  impression  on  their  judges  that  the  Thebans  present 
found  it  necessary  to  reply.    Their  speech  does  not  appear  to  have  con- 
tained  any  very  cogent  arguments,  but  it  was  successful.    The  Platseans 
were  mercilessly  sacrificed  for  reiisons  of  state  policy.    Each  man,  includ- 
ing the  twenty-five  Athenians,  was  called  up  separately  before  the  judgmen^ 
seat,  and  the  same  question  having  been  put  to  him,  ami  of  course  answered 
in  the  negative,  he  was  immediately  led  away  to  execution.    The  town  ot 
Platjea,  together  with  its  territory,  was  transferred  to  the  Thebans,  who,  a 
few  months  aften^ards,  levelled  all  the  private  houses  to  the  ground,  and 
with  the  materials  erected  a  sort  of  vast  barrack  around  the  Ileroium,  or 
temple  of  Hera,  both  for  the  accommodation  of  visitors,  and  to  serve  as  an 
abode  for  those  to  whom  they  let  out  the  land.    Thus  was  Plata^a  blotted 
out  from  the  map  of  Greece. 


B'  C.  429.] 


FELOPONNESIAN  WAR   CONTINUED. 


277 


Statue  of  Theseus,  from  the  Pediment  of  the  Parthenon,  in  the  British  Museum. 


CHAPTER  XXVn. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR   CONTINUED. FROM   THE    SIEGE    OF  PLAT^A  TO 

THE   SEDITION  AT    CORCYRA. 

1 1.  General  Character  of  the  War.  §  2.  Military  and  Naval  Operations  of  the  Third  Year. 
Attempt  of  Peloponnesians  to  surprise  Peiraeus.  ^  3.  Fourth  Year.  Revolt  of  Mytilen^. 
4  4.  Fifth  Year.  Surrender  of  Mytilen^.  §  5.  Debates  of  the  Athenian  Assembly  re- 
specting the  MytilenjEans.  Cleon  and  the  Athenian  Demagogues.  §  6.  Bloody  Decree 
against  the  Mytilenaians.  §  7.  Second  Debate.  Reversal  of  the  Decree.  Lesbos  colo- 
nized by  Athenians.  §  8.  Civil  Dissensions  at  Corcyra.  §  9.  Picture  of  the  Times  by 
Thucydides, 

§  1.  In  recording  the  fall  of  Plataea,  we  have  anticipated  the  order  of 
chronology.  The  investment  of  that  town-  formed,  as  we  have  related,  the 
first  incident  in  the  third  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  The  subsequent 
operations  of  that  war  down  to  the  eleventh  year  of  if,  or  the  year  b.  c. 
421,  —  when  a  short  and  hollow  peace,  or  rather  truce,  called  the  peace  of 
Nicias,  was  patched  up  between  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians,  —  were 
not  of  a  decisive  character.  There  was,  indeed,  much  mutual  injury  in- 
flicted, but  none  of  those  great  events  which  bring  a  war  to  a  close  by  dis- 
abling either  one  or  both  parties  from  continuing  it.  The  towns  captured 
were,  moreover,  restored  at  the  peace ;  by  which,  consequently,  Athens  and 
Sparta  were  placed  much  in  the  same  state  as  when  the  war  broke  out.  It 
would  be  tedious  to  detail  at  length  all  the  little  engagements  which  occurred, 


i 


11 1 


HISTORY  «  GREECE. 


[ClIAP.  XXVI. 


Tlie  wlole  gsimson,  consisting  of  200  Platwans  and  25  Athenians,  were 
BOW  amiigned  befoix*  five  judges  sent  from  Spaita-     Their  indictment  was 
fi-amed  in  a  way  which  prechuled  the  iK)ssibility  of  escape.     Ihey  were 
simply  a^ked,  "  Wiether  during  tlie  present  war  they  had  rendered  any 
a-i<tance  to  the  Lacedaemonians  or  their  allies?"     So  preposterous  a 
cuK-tion  at  once  revi^ded  to  the  prisoners  that  tliey  could  expect  neither 
jastiee  nor  mercy.     Neverth(0<ss  they  asked  and  obtained  pernns^^on  to 
plead  their  cause.     Their  orators,  by  recalling  the  >ervices  which  1  lata^a 
Md  rendered  to  Greece  in  general  in  the  Persian  war,  and  to  Si)arta  m 
particular,  l>y  aiding  to  suppress  the  revolt  of  the  Helots    seemed  to  have 
produced  such  an  hnpression  on  their  judges  that  the   llubans  present 
found  it  necessary  to  reply.     Their  speech  does  not  appear  to  Imye  con- 
tained  any  verv  cogent  arguments,  but  it  was  successtul.     ihe  1  hita^ans 
were  mercilessly  sacriHced  for  reasons  of  state  policy.     Each  man,  includ- 
m-  the  t wenty-fiVe  Athenians,  was  called  up  separately  before  the  judgment- 
seat,  and  the  same  question  having  been  put  to  liim,  and  of  course  answered 
in  the  ne-ative,  he  was  inim.'diately  led  away  to  execution.     The  town  of 
Platani,  together  with  its  territory,  was  traii>ierred  to  the  Thebnns,  who,  a 
few  months  aft(M-wai-ds,  leveUed  all  the  private  houses  to  the  ground,  and 
with  the  materials  erecte.1  a  sort  of  vast  barrack  around  the  lI.Ta-um,  or 
temple  of  Ibra,  l>oth  for  the  accommodation  of  visitors,  and  to  serve  as  an 
al>ode  for  tliose  to  whom  they  let  out  the  land.    Thus  was  Pktani  blotted 
out  from  the  map  of  Greece, 


B<  C.  429.J 


PELOFONNESIAN   WAR   CONTINUED. 


277 


Statue  of  Theseus,  from  the  Pediment  of  the  Parthenon,  in  the  British  Museum. 


CHAPTER  XX\^I. 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR   CONTINUED. FROM   THE    SIEGE   OF   PLAT^EA  TO 

THE    SEDITION  AT    CORCYRA. 

^1.  General  Character  of  the  War.  §  2.  Military  and  Naval  Operations  of  the  Third  Year. 
Attemptof  Peloponnesians  tosurprij^e  Peirajus.  ^  3.  Fourth  Year.  Kevolt  of  Mytilen^. 
fj  4.  Fifth  Year.  Surrender  of  Mytilem'.  §  5.  I)el)ates  of  the  Athenian  Assembly  re- 
specting the  Mytilena^ans.  Cleon  and  tlie  Athenian  Deniaf^o.cruos.  §  6.  Bloody  Decree 
against  the  Mytiienieans.  §  7.  Second  Debate.  IJoversal  of  the  Decree.  Lesbos  colo- 
nized by  Athenians.  §  8.  Civil  Dissensions  at  Corcyra.  §  9.  Picture  of  the  Times  by 
Thucydides. 


i 


I: 


; 


y;  . 


(H 


§  1.  In  recording  the  fall  of  Platjva,  we  have  anticipated  the  order  of 
chronolojry.  The  investment  of  that  town-  formed,  as  we  liave  related,  the 
first  incident  in  the  third  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  The  subsequent 
operations  of  tliat  war  down  to  the  eleventh  year  of  it,  or  the  yeai-  u.  c. 
421,  —  when  a  sliort  and  hollow  peace,  or  ratlier  truce,  called  the  peace  of 
Nicias,  was  patched  up  between  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians,  —  Avere 
not  of  a  decisive  character.  There  Avas,  indeed,  mucli  mutual  injury  in- 
flicted, but  none  of  those  n^reat  events  wliich  hnng  a  war  to  a  close  by  dis- 
abling either  one  or  both  parties  from  continuing  it.  The  towns  captured 
were,  moreover,  restored  at  the  peace  ;  by  which,  consequently,  Athens  and 
Sparta  were  placed  much  in  the  same  state  as  when  the  war  broke  out.  It 
would  be  tedious  to  detail  at  length  all  the  little  engagements  whicli  occurred, 


878 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XX  Vn. 


B.  C.  428.J 


REVOLT    OF   MYTILENE. 


279 


and  which  the  reader  could  with  difficulty  remember;  and  we  shall  there- 
fore content  ourselves  ^vith  a  sketch  of  the  more  important  events,  espe- 
cially those  which  display  the  general  character  of  the  period,  the  actions 
of  the  more  remarkable  men  who  flourished  in  it,  and  the  motives,  views, 
and  dispositions  of  the  contending  parties. 

§  2.  Except  the  siege  of  Plataja,  the  operations  by  land  in  the  third 
year  of  the  war  were  unimportant.  The  Athenians  failed  in  an  attempt  to 
reduce  the  town  of  Spartolus  in  Chalcidice  ;  nor  were  the  efforts  of  then- 
new  ally,  Sitalces,  more  successful  in  that  quarter.  According  to  the  ancient 
myth  of  Tereus,  Sitalces  considered  himself  a  kinsman  of  the  Athenians; 
but  some  well-applied  bribes  were  probably  a  more  effticious  inducement 
for  him  to  undertake  the  reduction  of  Chalcidice,  and  the  dethronement  of 
Perdiccas,  kuig  of  Macedonia.  The  sway  of  Sitalces  over  the  barbarous 
tribes  of  Thrace  was  very  extensive.  He  was  able  to  collect  an  army  es- 
timated at  150,000  men,  one  third  of  which  was  cavalry.  With  this  mul- 
titudinous, but  wild  and  disorderly  host,  he  penetrated  for  into  the  dominions 
of  Perdiccas,  and  compelled  the  IMacedonians,  who  did  not  venture  to  meet 
him  in  the  open  field,  to  shut  themselves  up  in  their  fortresses.  He  also 
detached  a  force  to  reduce  the  Chalcidians  and  Bottia?ans.  But  his  expe- 
dition was  undertaken  at  too  late  a  period  of  the  year,  seemingly  about 
the  end  of  November,  or  beginning  of  December ;  and  as  the  winter  proved 
very  severe,  and  the  Athenians  neglected  to  send  any  armament  to  his 
assistance,  Sitalces  was  compelled  to  rehnquish  his  conquests  after  a  cam- 
paign, or  rather  foray,  of  thirty  days. 

In  the  same  year  the  naval  superiority  of  the  Athenians  was  strikingly 
exhibited  by  the  victories  of  Phormio  in  the  Corinthian  Gulf.  The  Lace- 
dajmonians  had  planned  an  expedition  against  Acamania,  and  had  sent  a 
fleet  of  forty-seven  sail,  under  the  command  of  Cnemus,  to  carry  this 
project  into  effect.  Phormio  was  stationed  at  Naupactus  with  only  twenty 
Athenian  ships;  but  notwithstanding  his  numerical  inferiority,  he  gained  a 
brilliant  victory  over  the  Peloponnesian  fleet.  But  this  was  not  all.  The 
Spartans  lost  no  time  in  collecting  another  fleet,  amounting  to  seventy- 
seven  sail.  Meantime  Phormio  had  received  no  reinforcements;  but  such 
was  his  confidence  in  the  skill  of  his  seamen,  that  he  ventured  to  meet  even 
these  overpowering  numbers,  and  though  this  victory  was  not  so  decisive 
as  the  previous  one,  the  Peloponnesians  relinquished  all  further  operations 
and  sailed  back  to  Corinth.  The  Peloponnesian  commanders  tried  to 
compensate  for  these  losses  by  surprising  the  harlwr  of  Peineus,  which 
was  unprotected  by  a  guard,  or  even  by  a  chain.  Having  marched  over- 
land from  Corinth  to  the  Megarian  port  of  Nisa»a,  they  embarked  theu* 
men  in  forty  old  triremes,  which,  however,  were  in  a  sufficient  state  of  re- 
pair for  so  short  an  expedition.  But  either  their  courage  failed  them  at 
the  very  moment  of  executing  their  project,  or  else,  as  they  gave  out,  the 
wind  proved  adverse.    Instead  of  attempting  Pemeus,  they  proceeded  to 


the  opposite  island  of  Salamis.  Here  they  landed  in  the  night,  captured 
three  guard-ships,  ravaged  the  island,  and  succeeded  in  retreating  with 
their  booty  before  the  alarmed  and  enraged  Athenians  could  come  up  with 
them.  The  Athenians,  however,  took  warning  from  this  insult,  and  were 
more  careful  in  future  in  guarding  their  harbors. 

§  3.  The  fourth  year  of  the  war  (b.  c.  428)  was  marked  by  the  usual 
invasion  of  Attica  on  the  part  of  the  Peloponnesians.  It  was  accompanied 
by  the  alarming  news  of  the  revolt  of  Mytilene,  the  capital  of  Lesbos,  and 
of  the  greater  part  of  that  island.  This  revolt  had  been  long  meditated ; 
but  though  the  Athenians  had  before  received  some  intimation  of  it,  their 
reduced  condition  from  the  war  and  from  the  plague  had  prevented  them 
from  taking  any  measures  to  arrest  it.  An  embassy  which  they  now  sent 
to  the  Mytilena^ans,  to  persuade  tliem  to  remain  in  their  duty,  having  fjuled, 
the  Athenian  commander,  Cleippides,  wlio  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  to 
the  Peloponnesus  with  a  fleet  of  forty  triremes,  was  ordered  to  proc'eed 
directly  to  Mytilene. 

It  was  one  of  the  disadvantages  of  the  Athenian  constitution,  so  far  at 
least  as  the  foreign  relations  of  Athens  were  concerned,  that  the  executive 
power  lay  with  the  people,  and  that  thus,  all  their  debates  and  resolutions 
being  pubUc,  it  was  impossible  to  keep  them  concealed  from  those  who 
were  the  subjects  of  them.     The  Mytilena^ans,  having  received  infoi-mation 
of  the  intended  expedition  through  a  spy,  postponed  the  festival  of  Apollo, 
during  which  the  Athenians  had  expected  to  surprise  tliem,  and  made 
every  preparation  to  receive  the  hostile  fleet.     But  being  still  inferior  in 
strength,  they  pretended  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  Cleippides,  who 
fell  into  the  snare ;  and  in  the  mean  time  secretly  despatclied  envoys  to 
Sparta  to  implore  immediate  assistance.     The  embassy  which  the  Myti- 
lenoeans  had  sent  to  Athens  with  the  ostensible  purpose  of  negotiatmg, 
having,  as  might  be  expected,  failed,  Cleippides,  who  had  been  reinforced 
by  several  vessels  from  the  allied  islands,  as  well  as  by  one  thousand 
Athenian  hoplites  under  Paches,  commenced  hostilities,  and  by  the  begin- 
ning of  October  succeeded  in  blockading  Mytilene  both  by  sea  and  land. 

The  ]Mytilenaian  envoys  despatched  to  Sparta  arrived  during  the  cele- 
bration of  tlie  Olympic  festival,  where  most  of  the  members  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian alliance  were  present.  After  the  festival  was  concluded  they 
set  fortli  the  grounds  of  their  complaints  against  Athens,  which  were  chiefly 
two ;  namely,  their  fear  of  being  reduced  to  the  condition  of  the  other 
subject  allies  of  Athens,  and  their  repugnance  to  assist  that  state  in  her 
ambitious  policy,  which  was  generally  offensive  to  the  states  of  Greece. 
Their  application  was  of  course  favorably  received  by  their  Peloponnesian 
auditors.  They  were  promised  assistance,  and  were  formally  received  into 
the  Peloponnesian  alliance.  Not  only  was  a  second  invasion  of  Attica 
ordered,  but  it  was  also  proix)sed  to  transport  on  trucks,  across  the  istlmius, 
from  the  harbor  of  Lechaeum  into  the  Saronic  Gulf,  the  ships  which  had 
fought  against  Phormio,  and  to  emptor  them  against  Athens. 


X 

I «   J 

I 


y 

It 


^t 


280 


HISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVIL 


I  ! 


j^^^^  general  impression  seems  at  this  time  to  have  prevdled  among 
the  aUies,  that  the  plague  and  war  combined  had  nearly  exhausted  the 
resources  of  the  Athenians.  Nor  was  this  opinion  altogether  without 
foundation.  The  fund  wliich  they  possessed  at  the  beginning  of  the  war 
was  now  exhausted,  with  the  exception  of  the  reserve  of  one  thousand 
talents  put  by  to  meet  a  naval  invasion.  The  numbers  of  their  soldiers, 
and  especially  of  their  able  seamen,  had  also  no  doubt  been  considerably 
reduced  by  the  war  and  pestilence.  But  there  were  stiU  ample  means, 
and  above  all  an  indomitable  spirit,  among  the  Athenians,  to  supply  the 
deficiencies  thus  created.  A  higher  class  both  of  citizens  and  metics » 
than  those  who  had  hithei-to  engaged  in  the  naval  service  was  ordered  on 
board  the  fleet,  from  which  duty  only  the  two  highest  classes,  namely,  the 
Pentacosiomedimni,  and  the  Hippeis,  or  Knights,  were  now  exempted. 
And  in  order  to  replenish  the  public  treasury  the  Athenians  were  for  the 
first  time  subjected  to  a  direct  contribution  or  income  tax,  by  which  a  sum 
of  two  hundred  talents  was  raised. 

By  these  efforts  the  Athenians  manned  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  triremes, 
which  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  appeared  off  the  isthmus,  and  made 
descents  at  various  points.  At  the  same  time  the  LacedoBmonians  assem- 
bled there  were  sun>rised  by  the  news  that  another  Athenian  fleet  of 
thirty  triremes,  which  had  been  previously  despatched  under  Asopius,  the 
son  of  Phormio,  was  committing  devastations  on  the  coast  of  Laconia. 
These  energetic  proceedings  arrested  the  projected  enterprise  of  the 
LacedsKmonians,  especially  as  their  allies  were  engaged  in  gathering  the 
harvest,  and  had  therefore  assembled  only  in  small  numbers.  Accord- 
uigly  they  returned  home,  and  contented  themselves  with  preparing  a  fleet 
of  forty  triremes  for  the  relief  of  Mytilene. 

§  4.  This  ai-mament,  however,  could  not  be  got  ready  till  the  spnng  of 
the  following  year  (b.  c.  427).  Meanwhile  Saliethus,  a  Lacedjemonian 
envoy,  proceeded  to  Lesbos,  and,  having  contrived  to  enter  Mytilene, 
encouraged  the  citizens  to  hold  out  till  the  arrival  of  the  promised  suc- 
cors. In  the  course  of  April  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  consisting  of  forty- 
two  triremes  under  Alcidas,  actually  sailed,  and  at  the  same  time,  in  order 
to  create  a  diversion,  the  allied  army  again  invaded  Attica. 

But  week  after  week  passed  away,  and  Alcidas  did  not  appear  before 
Mytilene.  The  provisions  of  the  town  were  exhausted,  the  populace  was 
growing  impatient,  and  even  Salaethus  himself  began  to  despair  of  the 
arrival^'of  the  fleet.  It  was  therefore  resolved,  as  a  last  desperate  ex- 
pedient, to  make  a  sally,  and  endeavor  to  raise  the  blockade.  With  this 
view  even  the  men  of  the  lower  classes  were  armed  with  the  full  annor  of 
the  hoplites.    But  this  step  produced  a  very  different  result  from  what 


♦  The  fieroiKoi,  meh>«,  were  resident  aliens,  of  whom  a  large  number  were  found  at 
Athens,  on  account  of  tlie  liberal  treatment  extended  to  strangers  in  that  city. -Ed. 


B.  C.  427.] 


CLEON. 


281 


Salffithus  had  expected  or  intended.     The  great  mass  of  the  Mytilenaians 

were  not  adverse  to  the  Athenian  dominion ;  but  they  regarded  their  own 

oligarchical  government  with  suspicion,  accused  it  of  starving  the  citizens 

whilst  it  possessed  stores  of  concealed  provisions  for  the  use  of  the  hi<rlier 

classes ;  and  being  now  strengthened  by  the  arms  which  had  been^'dis- 

tributed  to  them,  threatened  that,  unless  their  demands  were  complied 

with,  they  would  surrender  the  city  to  the  Athenians.     In  this  desperate 

emergency  the  Mytilenajan  government  perceived  that  their  only  cliance 

of  safety  lay  in  anticipating  the  people  in  this  step.     They  accordingly 

opened  a  negotiation  with  Paches,  and  a  capitulation  was  agreed  upon  by 

which  the  city  was  to  be  surrendered,  and  the  fate  of  its  inhabitants  to  be 

decided  by  the  Athenian  Assembly.     It  was  stipulated,  however,  that  they 

were  to  be  permitted  to  send  envoys  to  Athens  to  plead  their  cause ;  and 

Paches  engaged  that  meanwhile  nobody  should  be  imprisoned  or  sold  into 

slavery.      When  Paches  entered  the  city,  those  Mytileiiieans  who  had 

been  the  chief  instigators  of  the  revolt  took  refuge  at  the  altars ;  but  he 

induced  them  by  his  assurances  to  quit  their  places  of  refuge,  and  placed 

them  in  Tenedos. 

Scarcely  had  this  capitulation  been  concluded,  when,  to  the  surprise  of 
the  Mytilemeans,  the  Peloponnesian  fleet  appeared  off  the  coast  of  Ionia. 
Alcidas,  overawed  by  the  maritime  reputation  of  Athens,  had  neglected 
to  discharge  his  duty  with  the  energy  required  by  the  crisis ;  and,  finding 
that  he  had  arrived  too  late  to  save  Mytilene,  he  sailed  back  to  Pelopont 
nesus,  without  attempting  anything  further. 

§  5.  Paches,  being  now  undisputed  master  of  Lesbos,  despatched  to 
Athens  those  Mytilena^ans  who  had  been  deposited  at  Tenedos,  together 
with  others  implicated  in  the  late  revolt,  and  likewise  Saliethus,  the  Lace- 
demonian envoy,  who  had  been  detected  in  a  place  of  conceahnent  in  the 
city.     The  Athenians  assembled  to  decide  on  the  fate  of  these  prisoners, 
amounting  in  number  to  more  than  a  thousand.     Salsethus  was  at  once 
put  to  death.     The  disposal  of  the  other  prisoners  caused  some  debate. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  demagogue  Cleon,  whom  we  have  already 
noticed  as  an  opponent  of  Pericles,  first  comes  prominently  forwards  in 
Athenian  affairs.     The  effects  of  the  extensive  conunerce  of  Athens,  and 
more  particularly  of  the  political  changes  introduced  by  Pericles,  were 
now  beginning  to  show  themselves.     Down  to  the  time  of  that  statesman, 
the  democracy  of  Athens  had  been  governed  by  aristocratic  leaders  alone. 
The  persoiiiil  qualities  of  Pericles,  in  spite  of  the  growing  feeling  of 
democracy,  secured  his  ascendency  in  the  assembly ;  but  even  during  his 
lifetime  men  of  a  much  lower  rank  than  those  who  had  formerly  pretended 
to  govern  the  people  were  beginning  to  step  forward,  and  to  claim  a  share 
of  power.     Such  were  Eucrates,  the  rope-maker,  Lysicles,  the  sheep- 
dealer,  and  Hyperbolus,  the  lamp-maker.     The  humblest  mechanic,  if  an 
Athenian  citizen,  was  at  liberty  to  address  the  assembly;    there   was 

36 


» 


it 


282 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVIL 


i 


nothing  to  prevent  him  but  disfranchisement  for  debt  or  crime.    If  he  suc- 
ceeded, his  fortune  was  made ;  for  the  influence  thus  acquired  might  be 
converted,  in  various,  but  not  over-reputable  ways,  into  a  source  of  profit 
Success,  however,  demanded  some  peculiar  qualifications.     An  Athenian 
audience  was  somewhat  fastidious;  but  more  especially  the  vastness  of 
their  assemblies,  and  the  noise  and  clamor  with  which  they  frequently 
abounded,  demanded  not  only  a  considerable  share  of  ner\'e,  but  also 
physical  powers,  especially  a  loud  voice,  which  are  not  always  found  com- 
bined with  the  higher  mental  requisites  of  an  orator.     Hence  those  who 
possessed  even  a  moderate  share  of  ability,  if  endowed  with  audacity  and 
a  stentorian  voice,  stood  a  much  better  chance  in  the  assembly  than  men 
of  far  higher  talent,  but  deficient  in  those  indispensable  qualifications.     If 
we  may  trust  the  picture  drawn  by  Aristophanes,  Cleon,  the  leather- 
seller,  was  a  perfect  model  of  that  new  class  of  low-bom  orators  just 
alluded  to ;  a  noisy  brawler,  loud  in  his  criminations,  insolent  in  his  ges- 
tures, corrupt  and  venal  in  his  principles ;  extorting  money  by  threats  of 
accusations,  a  persecutor  of  rank  and  merit,  a  base  flatterer  and  sycophant 
of  the  [X)pulace.     In  this  portrait  much  allowance  must  no  doubt  be  made, 
not  only  for  comic  license  and  exaggeration,  but  also  for  party  feeling  and 
personal  pique.     Aristophanes  was  on  the  aristocratic  side  in  politics,  and 
was  moreover  engaged  in  a  private  quarrel  with  Cleon,  caused  by  the 
latter  having  complained  to  the  Senate  of  his  comedy  of  the  Bahyloniam, 
Thucydides,  indeed,  in  his  account  of  Cleon,  goes  very  far  to  confirm  the 
description  of  Aristophanes.     But  here  too  we  must  be  somewhat  on  our 
guard  respecting  the  testimony  of  an  historian  otherwise  remarkable  for  his 
impartiality ;  for  it  was  to  Cleon  that  Thucydides  owed  his  banishment. 
Still,  after  making  all  due  allowance  for  the  operation  of  these  causes,  we 
cannot  refrain  from  thinking  that  the  character  of  Cleon  conveyed  to  us 
by  these  two  writers  is,  in  its  main  features,  correct.     Even  a  caricature 
must  have  some  grounds  of  truth  for  its  basis  ;  nor  would  Aristophanes, 
out  of  mere  regard  for  his  poetical  reputation,  have  ventured  to  produce 
before  an  Athenian  audience  a  character  of  their  well-known  demagogue 
80  unlike  the  truth  as  not  to  be  easily  recognized.     The  actions  of  Cleon, 
which  are  undisputed,  show  him  cruel  and  cowardly ;  characteristics  wliich 
may  lead  us  to  infer  any  degree  of  baseness  in  a  man.     Along  with  his 
impudence  and  other  bad  qualities  he  must,  however,  no  doubt  have  pos- 
sessed a  certain  share  of  ability,  since,  at  the  period  of  which  we  are  now 
Bpeakmg,  he  possessed  more  influence  than  any  other  orator  in  the  Athe- 
nian Assembly.     It  was  he  who  took  the  lead  in  the  debate  respecting  the 
disposal  of  the  Mytilenaeans,  and  made  the  savage  and  horrible  proposal 
to  put  to  death  not  only  the  prisoners  who  had  been  sent  to  Athens,  but 
the  whole  male  population  of  Mytilene  of  military  age,  —  including  there- 
fore those  who  had  not  participated  in,  or  were  even  opposed  to,  the 
f^volt,  —  and  to  sell  the  women  and  children  into  slavery.     This  motion 


B.  C.  427 


DECREE   AGAINST   THE   MYTILENEANS, 


283 


he  succeeded  in  carrying,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  Diodotus  and 
others ;  and  in  order  seemingly  that  no  room  might  be  left  for  cooler 
reflection,  a  trireme  wa^  immediately  despatched  to  Mytilene,  conveying 
orders  to  Paches  to  put  the  bloody  decree  ipto  execution. 

§  6.  The  barbarous  laws  of  ancient  warfiire  justified  atrocities  which  in 
modem  times  would  be  regarded  Avith  horror  and  detestation ;  and  we 
have  ah-eady  described  the  Lacedtemonians  as  exercising  those  laws  with 
the  most  revoking  severity  in  the  case  of  the  garrison  of  Plata?a;— an 
event,  however,  which  took  place  a  little  after  the  time  of  which  we  are 
now  speaking.     The   conduct  of  the  Laceda3monians  on  that  occasion 
admits  of  no  excuse.     But  this  decree  of  tlie  Athenians  was  infinitely 
worse,  not  only  on  account  of  the  much  greater  number  of  persons  whom 
it  devoted  to  death,  but  also  and  principally  because  it  made  no  discrimi- 
nation between  the  innocent  and  the  guilty.     One  night's  reflection  con- 
vinced the  better  part  of  the  Athenians  of  the  enormity  which  they  had 
sanctioned.     Ordinary  experience  shows  that  bodies  of  men  will  perpetrate 
acts  which  the  individuals  composing  them  would  shrink  from  with  hor- 
ror: and  this  tendency  was  one  of  the  worst  evils  springing  from  the 
multitudinous  and  purely  democratical  composition  of  the  Athenian  assem- 
bhes.     On  the  morrow  so  general  a  feeling  prevailed  of  the  horrible 
injustice  that  had  been  committed,  that  the  Strategi  acceded  to  the  prayer 
of  the  Mytilenasan  envoys,  and  called  a  fresh  assembly ;  though  by  so 
doing  they  committed  an  illegal  s^t  and  exposed  themselves  to  impeach- 
ment. 

§  7.  Cleon,   however,  had  not  changed  his  opinion.     In  the   second 
assembly  he   repeated   his    arguments    against    the    Mytilenjeans,   and 
clamored  for  what  he  called  "justice  "  against  them.     He  denounced  the 
folly  and  mischief  of  reversing  on  one  day  what  had  been  done  on  the 
preceding;  and,  though  himself  the  very  type  and  motlel  of  a  demagogue, 
had  the  impudence  to  chanwiterize  his  opponents  as  guilty  and  ambitious 
orators,  who  sacrified  the  good  of  the  republic  either  to  their  interests  or 
their  vanity !     His  opponent,  Diodotus,  very  wisely  abstained  from  appeal- 
ing to  the  humanity  of  an  assembly  which  had  passed  the  decree  of  the 
previous  day.     He  confined  himself  entirely  to  the  policy  of  the  question, 
and  concluded  by  recommending  that  the  Mytilenaeans  already  in  custody 
should  be  put  upon  their  trial,  but  that  the  remainder  of  the  population 
should  be  spared.     This  amendment  having  been  carried  by  a  small  ma- 
jority, a  second  trireme  was  immediately  despatched  to  Mytilene,  with 
orders  to  Paches  to  arrest  the  execution.     The  utmost  diligence  was  need- 
ful.    The  former  trireme  had  a  start  of  four-and-twenty  hours,  and  nothing 
but  exertions  almost  superhuman  would  enable  the  second  to  reach  Myti- 
lene early  enough  to  avert  the  tragical  catastrophe.     The  oarsmen  were 
allowed  by  turns  only  short  mtervals  of  rest,  and  took  their  food,  consist- 
ing of  barley-meal  steeped  in  wine  and  oil,  as  they  sat  at  the  oar.    Happily 


I 


I'l 


n 


284 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVn. 


» 


l! 


the  weather  proved  favorable;  and  the  crew,  who  had  been  promised 
large  rewards  in  case  they  arrived  in  time,  exerted  themselves  to  deliver 
the  reprieve,  whilst  the  crew  of  the  preceding  vessel  had  conveyed  the 
order  for  execution  with  slowness  and  reluctance.  Yet  even  so  the 
countermand  came  only  just  in  time.  The  mandate  was  already  in  the 
hands  of  Paches,  who  was  taking  measures  for  its  execution.  With 
regard  to  the  prisoners  at  Athens,  the  motion  of  Cleon  to  put  them  to 
death  was  carried,  and  they  were  slain  to  the  number  of  more  than  a 
thousand.  The  fortifications  of  Mytilene  were  razed,  and  her  fleet 
delivered  up  to  the  Athenians.  The  whole  island,  with  the  exception  of 
Methymna,  which  had  remained  faithful,  was  divided  into  three  thousand 
lots,  three  hundred  of  which  were  set  apart  for  the  gods,  and  the  remain- 
der assigned  to  Athenian  cleruchs. 

The  fate  of  Paches,  the  Athenian  commander  at  Mytilene,  must  not  be 
passed  over  in  silence.  On  his  return  to  Athens,  he  was  arraigned  before 
the  dicastery  for  the  dishonor  of  two  Mytileniean  women,  whose  husbands 
he  had  slain ;  and  such  was  the  feeling  of  invlignation  excited  by  this  case 
among  the  susceptible  Athenians,  that  Paches,  without  waiting  for  his 
sentence,  killed  himself  with  his  swoi-d  in  open  court. 

§  8.  The  fate  of  the  Platieans  and  Mytilenwans  affords  a  fearful  illus- 
tration of  the  manners  of  the  age;  but  these  horrors  soon  found  a  parallel 
in  Corcyra.  It  has  been  already  related,  that,  after  tlie  sea-fight  off  that 
island,  the  Corinthians  carried  home  many  of  the  principal  Corcyra^ans  as 
prisoners.  These  men  were  treated  with  the  greatest  indulgence;  and 
while  Mytilene  was  under  blockade,  were  sent  back  to  Coi-cyra,  nominally 
tinder  the  heavy  ransom  of  eight  hundred  talents,  but  in  reality  Avith  the 
view  of  withdrawing  the  island  from  the  Athenian  alliance.  Being  joined 
by  the  rest  of  the  oligarchicid  citizens  on  their  return,  they  assassinated 
the  leaders  of  the  democratical  party  in  the  senate-house,  and  then  carried 
a  resolution  in  the  assembly  of  the  people,  that  the  Corcyneans  should  for 
the  future  observe  a  strict  neutrality  between  the  contending  parties.  But 
they  did  not  stop  here.  Tliey  detennined  on  putting  down  the  democrati- 
cal party  by  force,  and  with  this  view  seized  the  principal  harbor,  together 
with  the  arsenal  and  market-place.  The  pcoi)le,  however,  got  possession 
of  the  higher  parts  of  the  town,  together  with  the  Acropolis;  and  having 
been  reinforced  by  slaves  from  the  interior,  whom  they  promised  to  eman- 
cipate, they  renewed  the  combat  on  the  following  day.  Tlie  oligarchs, 
driven  to  extremity,  adopted  the  desperate  expedient  of  setting  fire  to  the 
town,  and  thus  destroyed  a  great  deal  of  property  near  the  docks ;  but  an 
adverse  wind  fortunately  prevented  it  from  extending  to  the  remainder  of 
the  city. 

The  Athenians  had  been  informed  of  the  state  of  things  at  Corcyra,  and 
at  this  juncture  an  Athenian  squadron  of  twelve  triremes,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Nicostratus,  arrived  from  Naupactus.    Nicostratus  behaved  with 


B.  C.  427.] 


REVOLUTIONS   AT    CORCYRA. 


285 


great  modemtion,  and  did  his  best  to  restore  peace  between  the  parties. 
He  had  apparently  succeeded  in  this  object,  when  the  position  of  affairs 
was  suddenly  changed  by  the  arrival  of  a  Peloiwnnesian  fleet  of  fifty-three 
galleys  under  the  command  of  Alcidas.  Nicostratus  succeeded,  by  skilful 
manoeuvres,  in  keeping  the  enemy  at  bay  with  his  small  fleet,  but  was 
obliged  at  last  to  retreat,  which  he  did  in  good  order,  and  mthout  losing 
any  of  his  vessels.  Alcidas,  however,  with  li?s  usual  slowness,  neglected 
to  make  use  of  the  opportunity,  and  attack  the  capital  at  once,  though 
Brasidas  strongly  advised  him  to  do  so.  He  lost  a  day  in  ravaging  the 
country,  and  in  the  following  night  fire-signals  upon  the  island  of  Leucas 
telegraphed  the  approach  of  an  Athenian  fleet  of  sixty  triremes  under 
Eurymedon.  Alcidas  now  only  thought  of  making  his  escape,  which  he 
effected  before  daybreak,  leaving  the  Corcyraean  oligarchs  to  their  fate. 

Another  vicissitude  thus  rendered  the  popular  party  in  Corcyra  again 
triumphant.     The  vengeance  which  they  took  on  their  opponents  was  fear- 
ful.    The  most  sacred  sanctuaries  afforded  no  protection ;  the  nearest  ties 
of  blood  and  kindred  were  sacrificed  to  civil  hatred.     In  one  case  a  father 
slew  even  his  oAvn  son.     These  scenes  of  horror  lasted  for  seven  days,  dur- 
ing which  death  in  every  conceivable  form  was  busily  at  work.     Yet  the 
Athenian  admiral  did  not  once  interpose  to  put  a  stop  to  these  atrocities. 
About  five  hundred  of  the  oligarchical   party,  however,  effected  their 
escape,  and  fortified  thejnsclves  on  Mount  Istone,  not  far  from  the  capital. 
§  9.  Thucydides,  in  drawing  this  bloody  picture  of  domestic  dissensions, 
traces  the  causes  of  it  to  the  war.     In  peace  and  prosperity,  when  men  are 
not  overmastered  by  an  irresistible  necessity,  the  feelings  both  of  states 
and  individuals  are  mild  and  humane.     But  a  war  under  the  auspices  of 
Sparta  and  Athens  —  one  the  representative  of  the  aristocratic,  the  other 
of  the  demoenitic  principle — became  a  war  of  opinion,  and  embittered 
the  fe(»lings  of  political  parties,  by  offering  to  each  the  means  and  opi^or- 
tunity  of  enforcing  its  views  through  an  alliance  with  one  or  the  other  of 
the  two  leading  cities.     The  example  of  Corcyra  was  soon  followed  in 
other  Hellenic  states.     Not  only  were  the  dispositions  of  men  altered  by 
these  causes,  but  even  the  very  names  of  things  were  changed.     Daring 
rashness  was  honored  with  the  name  of  bravery,  whilst  considerate  delay 
was  denounced  as  the  mere  pretext  of  timidity.     Wisdom  was  regarded  as 
equivalent  to  cowardice,  and  the  weighing  of  everything  as  a  pretence  for 
attempting  nothing.     The  simplicity  which  generally  characterizes  virtue 
was  ridiculed  as  dulness  and  stupidity;  whilst  he  was  regarded  as  the 
cleverest  who  excelled  in  cunning  and  treachery,  and  especially  if  he 
employed  his  arts  to  the  destruction  of  his  nearest,  and  therefore  unsus- 
pecting, friends  and  relatives.* 


III 


I' 


il 


*  It  will  be  worth  while  to  give  the  substance  of  this  remarkable  description,  in  a  literal 
translation  of  the  words  of  Thucydides.    The  profound  wisdom  of  the  passage  is  of  univer 


286 


HISTOST  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVUL 


i> 


<(i 


I  ^ 


sal  application;  but  nowhere  so  directly  applicable  as  to  a  confederated  rapnblic,  like  the 
United  States  of  America. 

"Afterwards  the  whole  Hellenic  world  was  thrown  into  commotion.    The  leaders  of  the 
popular  party  called  in  the  Athenians,  the  oligarchical  party,  the  Lacedsemoniaus,  feuds  ex- 
isting everywhere.    In  peace  1  hey  would  have  had  no  pretext  or  preparation  for  summoning 
them ;  but  being  at  war,  and  each  party  forming  an  alliance  for  the  damage  of  their 
antagonists,  and  their  own  security,  occasions  of  invoking  foreign  aid  were  easily  furnished 
to  those  who  aimed  to  effect  political  changes.    And  many  heavy  calamities  befell  the 
states  through  these  feuds,  which  happen  and  always  will  happen  so  long  as  the  nature  of 
man  remains  the  same:  greater,  or  milder,  and  varying  in  their  aspects,  as  variations 
of  condition  in  eacli  case  arise.    For  in  peace  and  prosperity  both  communities  and 
individuals  are  better  disposed,  because  they  are  not  driven  to  intolerable  necessities. 
But  war,  withdrawing  the  supplies  of  daily  life,  is  a  hard  teacher,  atid  subdues  the  passions 
of  the  many  to  the  quality  of  present  circumstances.    Discord  then  reigned  throughout 
the  states.  .....  And  they  changed  the  customary  meaning  of  words  applied  to  things, 

according  to  the  caprices  of  the  moment;  for  reckless  audacity  was  considered  manly 
fidelity  to  party;  prudent  delay,  fair-seeming  cowardice;  moderation,  the  screen  for  feeble- 
ness. Headlong  frensy  was  set  down  on  the  side  of  manhood.  The  unrelenting  was 
trusted;  whoever  argued  against  him  was  suspected.  He  who  plottetl,  if  successful,  was 
thought  sagacious;  who  counterplotted,  still  abler.  He  who  forecasted  the  means,  whereby 
he  should  not  need  these  resorts,  was  charged  with  ruining  the  party  and  fearing  their 
opponents.  In  a  word,  he  was  applauded  who  got  the  start  of  another  when  intending  to  do 
an  injurj',  and  who  induced  one  to  do  a  wrong,  that  had  no  thought  of  doing  it  himself. 
And  what  was  worse,  kin  became  more  alien  than  party,  because  party  was  prompter  for 
unscrupulous  daring.  For  such  combinations  aim  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  established 
institutions,  but  in  their  grasping  spirit  run  counter  to  the  lawful  authorities.  Their  pledges 
to  one  another  were  sanctioned,  not  by  divine  law,  but  by  their  having  together  violated 
law.  The  cause  of  this  state  of  things  was  the  lust  of  power,  for  purposes  of  rapacity  and 
ambition,  and  the  hot  temper  of  those  who  were  engaged  in  the  conflict.  Thus  neither 
party  held  to  sacred  honor;  but  those  were  more  highly  spoken  of  who,  under  cover  of 
plausible  pretences,  succeeded  in  effecting  some  purpose  of  hatred.  The  citizens  who  stood 
between  the  extremes,  and  belonged  to  neither,  both  parties  endeavored  to  destroy.  So 
every  species  of  wickedness  became  established  by  these  feuds  over  the  Hellenic  world. 
Simplicity  of  character,  wherein  nobleness  of  nature  most  largely  shares,  being  scofied  at, 
disappeared;  and  mutual  opposition  of  feeling,  with  universal  distrust,  prevailed.  For  there 
▼as  neither  binding  word  nor  fearful  oath  to  comijose  the  strife.  And  for  the  most  part, 
those  who  were  meaner  in  understanding  were  the  more  successful ;  for  fearing  their  own 
deficiency,  and  the  abihty  of  their  adversaries,  apprehensive  that  they  should  be  worsted  in 
argument  and  eloquence,  and  outwitted  by  the  intellectual  adroitness  on  the  other  side, 
they  went  audaciously  on  to  deeds  of  violence ;  but  their  opponents,  contemptuous  in  the 
presumption  of  foreknowledge,  and  not  feeling  the  need  of  securing  by  action  what  could 
be  compassed  by  genius,  the  more  easily  perished  undefended."  —  Ed. 


I*: 


I 


B.C.  426.] 


SIXTH   TEAK   OF  THE   WAR. 


287 


I; 


From  the  Frieze  of  the  Parthenon.    Panathenaic  Procession. 


I 


CHAPTER  XXVm. 


i 


PELOPONNESIAN   WAR  CONTINUED. FROM  THE   SEDITION  AT  CORCYRA 

TO   THE   PEACE   OF   NICIAS. 

f  1.  Sixth  Year  of  the  War.  Return  of  the  Plague.  Purification  of  Delos.  §  2.  Seventh 
Year.  Fortification  of  Pylos.  4  3.  Attempts  of  the  Lacedajmonians  to  recover  Pylos. 
§  4.  Arrival  and  Victory  of  the  Athenian  Fleet.  Blockade  of  Sphacteria.  §  5.  The 
Lacedemonians  sue  for  Peace  at  Athens.  Extravagant  Demands  of  Cleon.  §  G.  Ifenewal 
of  Hostilities.  §  7.  Debates  in  the  Assembly.  Cleon  elected  General.  §  8.  Capture  ot 
Sphacteria.  §  9.  Advantages  of  the  Victory.  4  19.  Proceedings  at  Corcvra.  Slaughter 
of  the  Oligarchs.  §  11.  Eighth  Year  of  the  War.  Capture  of  Cj-thera.  §  12.  Invasion  of 
the  Megarid  and  Ba?otia  by  the  Athenians.  Capture  of  Kisa;a,  the  Port  of  Ulegara. 
Defeat  of  the  Athenians  at  the  Battle  of  Deliura.  §  13.  Brasidas  in  Thrace.  Takes' 
Amphipolis.  Banishment  of  Thucydides.  §  14.  Ninth  Year  of  the  War.  A  Truce 
between  Sparta  and  Athens.  The  War  continued  in  Thrace.  §  15.  Tenth  Year  of  the 
War.  Cleon  proceeds  to  Amphipolis.  His  Defeat  and  Death.  Death  of  Brasidas. 
i  16.  Eleventh  Year  of  the  War.    Fifty  Years'  Peace  between  Athens  and  Sparta. 

§  1.  The  beginning  of  the  sixth  year  of  the  war  (b.  c.  426)  was 
marked  by  natural  calamities  which  seemed  to  present  a  counterpart  to 
the  moral  disturbances  which  were  agitfiting  Greece.  Floods  and  earth- 
quakes of  unusual  violence  and  frequency  occurred  in  various  parts ;  and 
the  Lacedaemonians,  alarmed  at  these  portents,  abstained  from  their 
intended  invasion  of  Attica.  The  military  operations  of  the  Athenians 
were  unimportant.  The  plague,  which  had  reappeared  at  Athens  towards 
the  close  of  the  preceding  year,  was  now  making  fearful  ravages.  This 
scourge  was  attributed  to  the  anger  of  Apollo ;  and  in  order,  ^  it  seems, 
to  propitiate  that  deity,  a  complete  purification  of  Delos  was  performed  in' 
the  autumn.  All  the  bodies  interred  there  were  exhumed  and  reburied  in 
the  neighboring  island  of  Rhenea ;  whilst  for  the  future  it  was  ordered 
that  no  deaths  or  births  should  be  suffered  to  take  place  on  the  sacred 


I 


288 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVIII. 


Ilii^ 


island.  At  the  same  time  the  celebration  of  the  Delian  festival,  to  be 
renewed  every  fourth  year,  was  revived  with  extraordinary  splendor; 
and  thus  in  some  measure  compensated  the  Athenians  for  their  exclusion, 
through  the  war,  from  the  Olympic  and  Pythian  games. 

§  2.  In  the  seventh  year  of  the  war  (b.  c.  425)  the  Lacedaemonian  army 
under  Agis,  after  a  stay  of  only  fifteen  days  in  the  Attic  territory,  was 
recalled  by  the  news  that  the  Athenians  had  established  a  military  post 
at  Pylos  in  Messenia.     In  consequence  of  circumstances  to  which  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  allude  hereafter,  the  Athenians  had  sent  a  fleet  of 
forty  ships  to  Sicily,  under  the  command  of  Eurymedon  and  Sophocles ; 
but  on  their  way  thither  these  officers  were  directed  to  stop  at  Corcyra, 
and  to  assist  the  people  against  the  oligarchs,  who,  as  already  related,  had 
fortified  themselves  at  Mount  Istone,  and  were  annoying  the  caf/ital. 
Demosthenes,  who  liad  acquired  great  glory  by  a  campaign  against  the 
Ambracians,  had  also  embarked  in  the  same  fleet,  with  a  kind  of  roving 
commission  to  make  descents  on  the  Peloponnesitui  coasts.    Pylos,  on  the 
'modem  bay  of  Navarino,  struck  him  as  an  eligible  spot  on  which  to 
establish  some  of  the  Messenians  from  Naupactus,  since  it  was  a  strong 
position,  from  which  they  might  annoy  the  Lacedicmonians,  and  excite 
revolt  among  their  Helot  kinsmen.     As  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  however, 
was  announced  to  have  arrived  at   Corcyra,  Eurymedon   and  Sophocles 
were  averse  to  the  delay  which  the  scheme  of  Demosthenes  would  occa- 
sion.   But  an  accident  caused  its  accomplishment.    The  fleet  had  scarcely 
passed  Pylos,  when  it  was  driven  back  to  that  spot  by  a  violent  storm ; 
and  as  the  bad  weather  continued  for  some  time,  the  soldiers  on  board 
amused  themselves,  under  the  directions  of  Demosthenes,  in  constructing 
a  sort  of  rude  fortification.     The  nature  of  the  ground  was  favorable  for 
the  work,  and  in  five  or  six  days  a  wall  was  thrown  up  sufficient  for  the 
purposes  of  defence.    Demosthenes  undertook  to  garrison  the  place.    Five 
ships  and  two  hundred  Hoplites  were  left  behind  with  bun ;  and,  being 
afterwards  joined  by  some  Messenian  privateers,  he  appears  altogether  to 
have  possessed  a  force  of  about  one  thousand  men. 

§  3.  This  insult  to  the  Lacediemonian  territory  caused  great  alarm  and 
indignation  at  Sparta.  The  Peloponnesian  fleet,  under  Thrasymelidas,  was 
ordered  from  Corcyra  to  Pylos;  and  at  the  same  time  Agis  evacuated 
Attica,  and  marched  towards  the  same  place.  So  vast  a  force,  both  naval 
and  military,  seemed  to  threaten  destruction  to  the  little  garrison.  Thra- 
symelidas, on  arriving  with  the  fleet,  immediately  occupied  the  small  unin- 
habited and  densely  wooded  ishuid  of  Sphacteria,  which,  with  the  exception 
of  two  narrow  channels  on  the  north  and  south,  almost  blocked  up  the 
entrance  of  the  bay.  Between  the  island  and  the  mainland  was  a  spa- 
cious basin,  m  which  Thrasymelidas  stationed  his  ships. 

It  was  on  this  side  that  Demosthenes  anticipated  the  most  dangerous 
attack.    The  Lacedaemonians  were  notoriously  unskilful  in  besieging  walls. 


B.C.  425.] 


LACEDEMONIANS    ATTACK   PYLOS. 


289 


and  on  the  land  side  a  few  imperfectly  armed  troops  would  suffice  to  keen 
their  whole  army  at  bay.  But  towards  the  sea  was  a  small  open  space 
which  remained  unfortified.  Here,  therefore  Demosthenes,  after  haulina 
his  three  remaining  tru-emes  ashore,  —  for  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy  lie 
had  despatched  two  to  Eurymedon,  to  solicit  assistance,  —  took  post  himself 
with  sixty  chosen  hophtes.  ' 

The  assault  from  the  sea  was  led  by  Brasidas,  one  of  the  bravest  and 
most  distinguished  commanders  that  Sparta  ever  produced.  The  narrowness 
of  the  landing-place  admitted  only  a  few  triremes  to  approach  at  once. 
Brasidas  stood  on  the  prow  of  the  foremost,  animating  his  men  by  his 
words  and  gestures ;  but  he  was  soon  disabled  by  numerous  wounds  and 
fell  backwards  into  his  vessel,  fainting  with  loss  of  blood.  After  repeated 
attempts  on  this  and  the  following  day,  the  Lacedemonians  were  unable  to 
effect  a  landing;  whilst  the  Athenians  considered  their  success  decisive 
enough  to  justify  the  erection  of  a  trophy,  the  chief  ornament  of  which 
was  the  shield  of  Brasidas,  which  had  dropped  into  the  water. 


A.  Island  of  Sphacteria. 


Bay  of  Pylos. 

B.  Pylos.  C.  The  modern  Navarino. 

E.  Promontory  of  Coryphasium. 


S  D.Bay  of  Pylog. 


§  4.  Whilst  the  Lacedemonians  were  preparing  for  another  assault, 
they  were  surprised  by  the  appearance  of  the  Athenian  fleet.     They  had 


ffl 


37 


288 


HISTORY    OF    GREECE. 


fCiIAr.  XXVIII. 


B.C.  425.] 


LACEDEMONIANS    ATTACK   PYLOS. 


289 


island.  At  tlie  same  time  the  celebration  of  the  Delian  festival,  to  be 
renewed  ereiy  fourth  year,  was  revived  with  extraordinar}^  splendor; 
and  thus  in  some  measure  compensated  the  Athenians  for  their  exclusion, 
through  the  war,  from  the  Oljanpic  and  Pythian  games. 

§  2    In  the  seventh  year  of  tlie  war  (b.  c.  425)  the  Lacedaemonian  ai-my 
under  A^ns,  after  a  stay  of  oidy  fifteen  days  in  the  Attic  territory,  was 
recalled  by  the  news  that  the  Athenians  had  established  a  military  post 
at  Pylos  in  ^lessenia.     In  consequence  of  circumstances  to  which  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  allude  hereafter,  the  Athenians  liad  sent  a  fleet  of 
forty  ships  to  Sicily,  under  tlie  connnand  of  Eurymedon  and  Soi)hocles ; 
kit  on  their  way  tiiither  these  officers  were  directed  to  stop  at  Corcyra, 
and  to  assist  the  people  against  the  ohgarchs,  who,  as  ahvady  related,  had 
fortified  tlK'iuselves  at  Mount  Istone,  and  were  annoying  the  capital. 
Demosthenes,  who  had  acquiivd  great  glory  by  a  campjiign  against  the 
Ambracians,  had  also  embarked  in  the  same  fleet,  whh  a  kind  of  roving 
tommission  to  make  descents  on  the  Peloponnesian  coasts.    Pylos,  on  the 
modern  !)ay  of  Xavarino,  struck  him  as  an  eligible  spot  on  which  to 
establish  some  of  the  3Iesseniaiis  from  Naupaetns,  since  it  was  a  strong 
|>ositioii,  ironi  which  they  might  annoy  the  Laceda-nionians,  and  excite 
revolt  among  tlieir  Ilelot  kinsmen.     As  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  however, 
was  announced  to  ha\  e  arrived  at   Corcyra,  Eurymedon   and  Sophocles 
were  averse  to  the  delay  which  the  scheme  of  Demosthenes  would  occa- 
sion.   But  an  aceideiit  caused  its  acconii)U>hment.    The  fleet  had  scarcely 
parsed  l\vlos,  when  it  was  dri\  ('ii  back  to  that  spot  by  a  violent  storm ; 
and  as  the  bad  weatlier  continued  for  some  time,  the  soldiers  on  board 
amused  themselves,  under  tlie  directions  of  Demosthenes,  in  constructing 
a  sort  of  rude  fortification.     The  nature  of  the  gi-ound  was  favorable  for 
llie  work,  and  in  five  or  six  days  a  wall  was  thrown  up  sufficient  for  the 
purposes  of  deieiice.    Demosthenes  undertook  to  garrison  the  place.    Five 
■hips  and  two  hundred  Iloplites  were  left  belmid  with  him ;  and,  being 
afterwards  joined  by  some  Messenian  privateers,  he  appears  ahogether  to 
have  ])()ssessed  a  fi)rce  of  about  one  thousand  men. 

§  ;i.  This  insult  to  the  Laceda-monian  territory  caused  great  alarm  and 
indignati(»n  at  Sparta.  The  Peloi)Oimesian  fleet,  under  ThrasymeHdas,  was 
ordered  from  Corcyra  to  Pylos;  and  at  the  same  time  Agis  evacuated 
Attica,  and  niarehed  towards  the  same  place.  So  vast  a  force,  both  naval 
and  military,  seemed  to  threaten  destruction  to  the  little  ganison.  Tlira- 
symelidas,  on  arriving  with  the  fleet,  immediately  occupied  the  small  unin- 
habited and  densely  wooded  island  of  Sphacteria,  which,  with  the  exception 
of  two  narrow  channels  on  the  north  and  south,  almost  blocked  up  the 
entrance  of  the  bay.  Between  the  ishuid  and  the  mainland  was  a  spa- 
cious basin,  ui  which  ThrasymeHdas  stationed  Ids  ships. 

It  was  on  thia  side  that  Demosthenes  anticipated  tlie  most  dangerous 
attack.    The  Lacediemonians  were  notoriously  unskilful  in  besieging  walls, 


and  on  the  land  side  a  few  imperfectly  armed  troops  would  sutTice  to  keep 
their  wliole  army  at  bay.  But  towards  the  sea  was  a  small  open  space 
winch  remanie.1  unfortified.  Here,  therefore  Demosthenes,  after  haulincr 
his  three  remaining  triremes  ashore,  —  for  on  tlie  approach  of  tlie  enemy  he 
had  despatched  two  to  Eurymedon,  to  solicit  assistance,  —  took  post  him^c^f 
witli  sixty  chosen  lioi)lites.  ' 

The  assauh  from  tlie  sea  was  led  by  Brasidas,  one  of  the  bravest  and 
most  distinguished  commanders  tliat  Sparta  ever  produced.  Tlie  narrowness 
of  the  landing-place  admitted  only  a  fi^w  triremes  to  approach  at  once 
Brasidas  stoo.l  on  the  prow  of  the  foremost,  animating  his  men  by  his 
words  and  gestures;  but  he  was  soon  disabled  by  numerous  wounds,  and 
fell  baekwaixLs  into  his  vessel,  fainting  with  loss  of  blood.  After  repeated 
a«empts  on  this  and  tlie  following  day,  the  Lacedaemonians  were  unable  to 
eflTect  a  landing;  whilst  tlie  Athenians  considered  their  success  decisive 
enough  to  justify  the  erection  of  a  trophy,  tlie  chief  ornament  of  which 
was  the  shield  of  Brasidas,  which  had  di'opped  into  the  water. 


A.  Island  of  Sphacteria. 


Bay  of  Pylos. 

B.  Pylos.  C.  The  modem  Navarino. 

E.  Promontory  of  Coryphasium. 


D  D.  Bay  of  Pylos. 


§  4.  Wliilst  the  Lacedaemonians  were  preparing  for  another  assault, 
they  were  surprised  by  tlie  appearance  of  the  Athenian  fleet.     They  had 


■it 

i 


?* 


290 


HISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVIH. 


Strangely  neglected  to  secure  the  entrances  into  the  bay:  and  although 
the  Athenian  admiral  sj^nt  the  first  day  in  reconnoitring,  they  were  still 
either  so  inconceivably  slow,  or  so  paralyzed  by  surprise  and  terror,  that, 
when  on  the  morrow  the  Athenian  ships  came  sailing  through  both  the 
undefended  channels,  many  of  their  triremes  were  still  moored,  and  part 
of  tlieir  crews  ashore.  The  battle  which  ensued  was  desperate.  Both 
sides  fought  with  extraordinary  valor ;  but  victory  at  length  declared  for 
the  Athenians.  Five  Peloponnesian  ships  were  captured ;  the  rest  were 
saved  only  by  running  them  ashore,  where  they  were  protected  by  the 

Lacediemonian  army.  n    i    i    41. 

The  Athenians,  thus  masters  of  the  sea,  were  enabled  to  blockade  the 
island  of  Sphacteria,  in  which  the  flower  of  the  Lacedemonian  anny  was 
shut  up,  many  of  them  native  Spartans  of  the  highest  families.  In  so 
grave  an  emergency  messengers  were  sent  to  Sparta  for  advice.  The 
Epliors  themselves  immediately  repaired  to  the  spot ;  and  so  desponding 
was  their  view  of  the  matter,  that  they  saw  no  issue  from  it  but  a  peace. 
They  therefore  proposed  and  obtained  an  armistice  for  the  puii^ose  of 
opc^ning  negotiations  at  Athens.  They  agreed  to  surrender  their  whole 
fleet,  and  to  abstain  from  all  attacks  upon  Pylos  till  the  return  of  the 
envoys,  when  their  ships  were  to  be  restored.  Meanwhile,  the  Athemans 
were  to  continue  the  blockade  of  Sphacteria,  but  not  to  commit  any  acts 
of  hostility  against  it ;  whilst  the  Lacedemonians  were  to  be  allowed  to 
gupply  the  besieged  with  provisions  enough  for  their  subsistence  durmg 

th#*  nmustice. 

§  5.  Great  was  the  sensation  excited  at  Athens  by  beholding  the  pride 

of  Sparta  thus  humbled  and  her  envoys  suing  for  peace.     Cleon  avaded 

himself  of  the  elation  of  the  moment  to  insist  on  extravagant  demands. 

Nothing  less  would  satisfy  him  than  the  restoration  of  those  places  which 

Athens^had  ceded  fourteen   years  before,  when  the  thirty   years'  truce 

wm  concluded ;  namely,  Nisea,  Pege,  Trcczen,  and  Achaia  ;  and  his  m- 

fluence  in  the  assembly  induced  it  to  adopt  his  views.     The  Lacedemo- 

Bian  envoys,  perceiving  that  nothing  could  be  hoped  from  the  assembly, 

proposed  a  private  negotiation  with  a  few  chosen  individuals.     But  Cleon 

would  not  hear  of  this  arrangement,  and  when  the  envoys  attempted  to 

remonstrate,  he  completely  bullied  and  silenced  them  by  his  violence,  and 

caused  them  to  be  sent  back  to  Pylos,  as  they  had  come,  in  an  Athenian 

trireme. 

§  6.  When  the  envoys  returned,  the  Laeediemonians  demanded  the 
restoration  of  their  fleet,  according  to  agreement;  but  Eurymedon  refused 
to  comply,  under  the,  apparently,  false  pretext  that  the  Laceda3momans 
had  violated  the  armistice  by  an  attempt  to  surprise  Pylos.  Hostilities 
were  now  resumed,  but  without  any  decisive  result.  The  blockade  of 
Sphacteria  began  to  grow  tedious  and  harassing.  The  force  upon  it 
continually  received  supplies  of  provisions,  either  from  swimmers,  who 


B.  C.  425.] 


CLEON   ELECTED    GENERAL. 


291 


towed  skins  filled  with  linseed  and  poppy-seed  mixed  with  honey,  or  from 
Helots,  who,  induced  by  the  promise  of  emancipation  and  large  rewards, 
eluded  the  blockading  squadron  during  dark  and  stormy  nights,  and 
knded  cargoes  on  the  back  of  the  island.  The  summer,  moreover,  was 
fest  wearing  away,  and  the  storms  of  winter  might  probably  necessitate 
the  raising  of  the  blockade  altogether.  Under  these  circumstances,  De- 
mosthenes began  to  contemplate  a  descent  upon  the  island ;  with  which 
view  he  collected  reinforcements  from  Zacynthus  and  Naupactus,  and  also 
sent  a  message  to  Athens  to  explain  the  unflivorable  state  of  the  blockade, 
and  to  request  furtlier  assistance. 

§  7.  These  tidings  were  very  distasteful  to  the  Athenians,  who  had 
looked  upon  Sphacteria  as  their  certain  prey.     They  began  to  re^n-et 
having  let  slip  the  favorable  opportunity  for  making  a  peace,  and  to  vent 
their  displeasure  ui^n  Cleon,  tlie  director  of  their  conduct  on  that  occasion. 
But  Cleon  put  on  a  fiice  of  brass.     He  charged  the  messengers  from 
Pylos  with  having  misrepresented  the  facts  of  the  case ;  and  when  that 
position  proved  untenable,  began  to  abuse  the  strategi.     His  political 
opponent,  Nicias,  was  then  one  of  those  officers,  a  man  of  quiet  disposition 
and  moderate  abilities,  but  — a  peculiar  distinction  in  those  days  — thor- 
oughly honest  and  incorruptible,  pure  in  his  morals  and  sincerely  relig- 
ious.    Him  Cleon  now  singled  out  for  his  vituperation,  and,  pointing  at  him 
with  his  finger,  exclaimed,   "It  would  be  easy  enough  to  take  the  island 
if  our  generals  were  men.     If  /were  Strategus,  I  would  do  it  at  once ! " 
This  burst  of  the  tanner  made  the  assembly  laugh.     He  was  saluted 
with  cries  of  "Why  don't  you  go  then?"  and  Nicias,  thinking  probably 
to  catch  his  opponent  in  his  own  trap,  seconded  the  voice  of  the  assembly, 
by  offering  to  place  at  his  disposal  whatever  force  he  might  deem  necessary 
for  the   enterprise.     Cleon   at  first  endeavored  to  avoid  the  dangerous 
honor  thus  thrust  upon  him.     But  the  more  he  drew  back,  the  louder  were 
the  assembly  in  calling  upon  him  to  accept  the  office ;  and  as  Nicias  seri- 
ously repeated  his  proposition,  he  adopted  with  a  good  grace  what  there 
was  no  longer  any  possibility  of  evading.     Nay,  he  even  declined  the  as- 
sistance of  the  regular  Athenian  lioplites,  and  engaged,  with  some  heavy- 
armed  Lemnian  and  Imbrian  trooi)s,  together  with  some  Tliracian  peltasts 
and  four  hundred  bomnen,  in  addition  to  the  soldiers  alreaxly  at  Pylos, 
to  take  Sphacteria  within  twenty  days,  and  either  kill  all  the  Lacedae- 
monians upon  it.  or  bring  them  prisoners  to  Athens. 

§  8.  Never  did  general  set  out  upon  an  enterprise  under  circumstances 
more  singular ;  but,  what  was  still  more  extraordinary,  fortune  enabled 
hun  to  make  his  promise  good.  In  fact,  as  we  have  seen,  Demosthenes 
had  already  resolved  on  attacking  the  island.  Cleon  procured  that  general 
to  be  named  his  second  in  command,  and  thus  stepped  in,  with  a  nominal 
authority,  to  intercept  the  honors  which  were  in  reaUty  due  to  another. 
On  the  other  hand,  Nicias  is  not  free  from  blame  on  this  occasion.     He 


) ' 


292 


mSTORY   OP  GREECE. 


fCHAP.  xxvm. 


B.  C.  425.] 


CAPTURE    OP   SPHACTERIA. 


293 


seems  to  have  given  the  command  to  Cleon,  whom  he  deemed  totally  in 
competent  for  it,  merely  with  the  view  of  ruining  a  political  opponent,  and 
lo  have  left  the  interests  of  Athens  wholly  out  of  sight.* 

When  Cleon  arrived  at  Pylos  he  found  everything  prepared  for  the 
attack.    Accident  favored  the  enterprise.    A  fire  kindled  by  some  Athe- 
nian sailors,  who  had  landed  for  the  purpose  of  cooking  their  dinner,  caught 
and  destroyed  the  woods  with  which  the  island  was  overgrown,  and  thus 
deprived  the  Lacedaemonians  of  one  of  their  principal  defences.     Never- 
theless, such  was  the  awe  inspired  by  the  reputation  of  the  Spartan  arms, 
that  Demosthenes  considered  it  necessaiy  to  land  about  10,000  soldiers  of 
different  descriptions,  among  whom  were  800  Athenian  hoplitcs,  although 
the  Lacedaemonian  force  consisted  of  only  about  420  men.     Their  com- 
mander, Epitadas,  was  posted  mth  the  main  body  in  the  centre  of  the 
island.     An  outpost  of  thirty  hoplites  defended  the  extremity  farthest  from 
Pylos.     The  end  of  the  island  facing  that  i)lace,  steep   and   rugged   by 
nature,  was  rendered  still  stronger  by  a  circuit  of  rude  stones,  of  ancient 
and  unknown  origin,  which  answered  the  purpose  of  a  fort.     The  Atheni- 
ans, having  landed  before  daybreak,  surprised  and  cut  to  pieces  the  ad- 
vanced guard  of  thirty  hoplites.     Then  Demosthenes,  having  divided  his 
light-armed  troops  into  bodies  of  aliout  200  men  each,  which  were  to  hover 
round  and  annoy  the  enemy,  drew  up  his  800  hoplites  in  battle  array  near 
the  spot  where  he  had  landed.     Epitadas  had  tliorefore  to  advance  against 
hun  with  his  main  body,  about  360  in  number,  over  ground  obstructed  by 
the  ashes  and  stumps  of  the  burnt  wood,  and  amidst  a  shower  of  missiles 
from  the  light  troops  on  his  flanks  and  rear.     At  length,  distressed  by  a 
species  of  warfare  which  he  had  no  means  of  repelling,  and  almost  blinded 
by  the  dust  and  ashes,  Epitadas  ordered  his  men  to  retreat  to  the  stone 
fort  at  the  extremity  of  the  island,  whither  they  were  followed  by  the 
Athenian  hophtes.     Here,  however,  having  the  advantage  of  the  ground, 
and  being  able  to  use  their  spears  and  swords  in  close  combat,  the  Lace- 
daemonians for  a  long  while  kept  their  assailants  at  bay  ;  till  some  Messe- 
nians,  stealing  round  by  the  sea-shore,  over  crags  and  cliffs  which  the 
Lacedaemonians   had   deemed  impracticable,  suddenly  appeared  on  the 
high  ground  which  overhung  their  rear.     They  now  began  to  give  way, 
and  would  soon  have  been  all  slain ;  but  Cleon  and  Demosthenes,  being 
anxious  to  carry  them  prisoners  to  Athens,  called  off  their  men  from  the 
pursuit,  and  sent  a  hendd  to  summon  the  Lacedaemonians  to  surrender. 
The  latter,  in  token  of  compliance,  dropped  their  shields  and  waved 
their  hands  aliove  their  heads.     They  requested,  however,  permissio;i  to 
communicate  with  their  countrymen  on  the  mainland ;  who,  af\er  two  or 


♦  It  is  more  probable  that  Nlcias  proposed  the  appointment  of  Cleon,  merely  to  show  up 
the  cowardice  and  boastfiilness  of  tlie  dcma^ojrue,  withont  anticipating  the  possibility  of 
his  actually  beinj;  forced  to  accept  the  command  by  the  populace,  ever  ready  to  sacrifice  a 
Berious  interest  for  the  sake  of  enjoying  a  joke.  —  Ed. 


three  communications,  sent  them  a  final  message,  —  "  to  take  counsel  for 
themselves,  but  to  do  nothing  disgraceful."  The  survivors  then  surrendered 
They  were  292  in  number,  120  of  whom  were  native  Spartans,  belonging 
to  the  first  families.  By  this  surrender  the  prestige  of  the  Spartan  Lms 
was  in  a  great  degree  destroyed.  The  Spartans  were  not,  indeed,  deemed 
invincible ;  but  their  previous  feats,  especially  at  Thermopylae,  had  in» 
spired  the  notion  that  they  would  rather  die  than  yield  ;  an  opmion  which 
could  now  no  longer  be  entertained. 

§  9.  Cleon  had  thus  performed  liis  promise.     On  the  day  afier  the  vic- 
tory, he  and  Demosthenes  started  with  the  prisoners  for  Athens,  where 
they  arrived  within  twenty  days  from  the  time  of  Cleon's  departure.     Al- 
together, this  affair  was  one  of  the  most  favorable  for  the  Athenians  that 
had  occurred  during  the  war.     The  prisoners  would  serve  not  only  for  a 
guaranty  against  future  invasions,  which  might  be  averted  by  threatening 
to  put  them  to  death,  but  also  as  a  means  for  extorting  advantageous  con- 
ditions whenever  a  peace  should  be  concluded.     Nay,  the  victory  itself 
was  of  considerable  importance,  since  it  enabled  the  Athenians  to  plaee 
Pylos  in  a  better  posture  of  defence,  and,  by  garrisoning  it  with  Messe- 
nians  from  Naupactus,  to  create  a  stronghold  whence  Laconia  might  be 
overrun  and  ravaged  at  pleasure.     The  Lacedajmonians  themselves  were 
so  sensible  of  these  things,  that  they  sent  repeated  messages  to  Athens  to 
propose  a  peace,  but  which  the  Athenians  altogether  disregarded. 

§  10.  Meanwhile,  after  the  victory  at  Sphacteria,  Eurymedon  and  Soph- 
ocles proceeded  with  the  Athenian  fleet  to  Corcyra,  where,  in  conjunction 
with  the  people,  they  took  by  storm  the  post  of  the  oligarchs  on  Mount 
Istone.     The  latter  at  first  retired  to  an  inaccessible  peak,  but  subsequently 
surrendered  themselves  on  condition  of  being  sent  to  Athens  to  be  judged 
by  the  Athenian  assembly.     Eurymedon,  the  same  man,  it  will  be  observed, 
who  had  before  abandoned  the  Corcyraians  to  all  the  fury  of  civil  discord 
assented  to  these  conditions,  and  caused  the  prisoners  to  be  secured  in  the 
small  adjoining  island  of  Ptychia.     But  he  took  not  the  shghtest  pams 
to  carry  out  the  agreement ;  nay,  he  even  connived  at  the  artifices  of  the 
Corcyra?an  democracy  to  entrap  the  prisoners  into  a  breach  of  the  capitu- 
lation, and  thus  procure  a  pretext  for  their  destruction.     For  this  purpose 
emissaries  in  the  guise  of  friends  were  sent  over  to  Ptychia  to  persuade 
the  prisoners  that  Eurymedon  intended  to  hand  them  over  to  their  enemies, 
and  thus  succeeded  in  inducing  some  of  them  to  escape  in  a  boat  provided 
for  that  purpose.     The  boat  was  seized  in  the  act,  and  Eurymedon  now 
delivered  up  the  prisoners  to  the  democratical  party.     They  were  at  first 
confined  in  a  large  building,  whence,  chained  two  and  two  together,  they 
were  led  out  to  execution  in  companies  of  twenty.     They  advanced  throu^^h 
a  road  Uned  with  armed  men,  who  singled  out  their  private  enemies,  and 
struck  and  wounded  them  till  they  perished.     «  These  scenes,"  says  a  great 
historian,  "are  real  prototypes  of  the  September  massacres  at  Paris:  all 


(' 


294 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVIH 


i 


the  prisoners,  just  as  at  Paris,  were  led  from  the  prison  between  two  rows 
of  annetl  men,  and  cut  to  pieces."  *  What,  however,  renders  this  scene 
still  more  disgusting  than  the  Parisian  massacres,  is,  that  a  third  party  — 
Euryinedon,  with  his  Athenians  —  looked  on  in  cold  blood,  and  saw  these 
atrochies  [)erpetrated  without  making  the  shglitest  attempt  to  prevent  them. 
After  three  comi)anies  had  been  destroyed  the  remaining  prisoners  refused 
to  quit  the  building,  or  to  allow  any  one  to  enter  it ;  at  the  same  time 
piteously  imploring  the  Athenians  to  kill  them,  rather  than  abandon  them 
to  the  cruellies  of  their  countrymen.  But  Eurymedon  was  inexorable. 
The  people  now  unroofed  part  of  the  building,  and  assailed  the  prisoners 
with  showers  of  tiles  and  arrows,  till,  in  order  to  escape  this  lingering  fate, 
they  were  driven  to  commit  suicide.  The  work  of  death  proceeded  through 
the  night.  At  daybreak  the  jwople  entered  the  building  with  carts,  and 
piHng  ui)on  them  the  dead  bodies,  in  number  about  three  hundred,  carried 
them  out  of  the  city. 

§  11.  The  eighth  year  of  the  war  (b.  c.  424)  opened  with  brilliant 
prospects  for  the  Athenians.     But  their  good  fortune  had  now  reached  its 
culminating  point ;  and  before  the  year  closed,  their  defeat  at  the  battle  of 
Belium  and  the  loss  of  their  empire  in  Thrace  more  than  counterbalanced 
all  the  advantages  they  had  previously  gained.     At  first,  however,  success 
still  attended  their  arms.     Nicias  reduced  the  important  island  of  Cythera, 
at  the  southern  extremity  of  Laconia,  and  placed  garrisons  in  the  towns  of 
Cythera  and  Scandeia.     He  then  proceeded  to  the  coasts  of  Laconia,  which 
he  ravaged  in  various  places.     Among  his  conquests  here  was  the  town  of 
Thyrea,  where  the  Laceda}monians  had  allowed  the  iEginetaus  to  settle 
after  their  expulsion  from  their  own  island.     Thyrea  was  destroyed,  and 
the  surviving  JEginetans  carried  to  Athens  and  put  to  death.     Among  the 
horrore  which  the  gi-eat  historian  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  has  noted  as 
characterizing  the  times,  the  murder  of  two  tliousand  Helots  by  the  Lace- 
daimonians  stands  conspicuous.     Alarmed  for  their  own  safety  since  the 
establishment  of  an  Athenian  and  Messenian  force  at  Pylos,  the  Lacedic- 
monians  about  this  time  proclaimed  that  those  Helots  who  had  distinguished 
themselves  by  their  services  during  the  war  should  come  forward  and  claim 
their  liberty.     A  large  body  appeared,  out  of  whom  two  thousand  were 
selected  as  wortliy  of  emancipation.     Crowned  with  gariands,  and  honored 
with  all  the  imposing  ceremonies  of  religion,  the  uidiappy  Helots  i)aid 
with  their  lives  for  the  liberty  thus  solemnly  acquired.     In  a  short  time 
they  all  disappeared,  no  man  knew  how,  by  seci*et  orders  from  the  Ephors, 
who  took  this  perfidious  and  detestable  method  to  rid  themselves  of  for- 
midable enemies. 

§  12.  Elate  with  their  continued  good  fortune,  the  Athenians  aimed  at 
nothing  less  than  the  recovery  of  all  the  i)ossessions  which  they  had  held  be- 


*  Niebuhr,  "  Lectures  on  Ancient  History,"  Vol.  11.  p.  69. 


B.  C.  424.] 


BATTLE    OP   DELIUM. 


295 


lore  the  thirty  years'  truce.  For  this  purpose  they  planned  two  impor- 
tant expeditions,  one  against  Megara  and  the  other  against  Bceotia.  In 
the  former  they  were  partially  successful.  They  seized  Nisa?a,  the  port  of 
Megara,  which  they  permanently  occupied  with  an  Athenian  garrison; 
but  they  were  prevented  from  obtaining  possession  of  Megara  itself  by  the 
energy  of  Brasidas,  who  was  at  that  tune  in  the  neighborhood  of  Corinth, 
collecting  troops  for  his  Thracian  expedition.  Receiving  intelligence  of 
the  danger  of  Megara,  he  immediately  marched  to  the  assistance  of  the 
city  with  a  considerable  force,  which  the  Athenians  did  not  venture  to 
attack. 

The  expedition  against  Boeotia  was  attended  with  the  most  disastrous 
results.     Some  Boeotian  exiles,  and  other  malecontent  citizens,  had  formed 
a  plan  to  betray  Siphic,  on  the  Gulf  of  Corinth,  and  Chan-onea,  on  the 
borders  of  Phocis,  into  the  hands  of  the  Athenians,  who  were  on  the  same 
day  to  invade  Boeotia  from  the  south,  and  to  seize  the  temple  of  Apollo  at 
DeUum,  a  place  about  five  miles  from  Tanagra,  strongly  situated  upon  the 
cliffs  on  the  eastern  coast.     It  was  anticipated  that  these  sinniltjuieous 
attacks  at  various  points  would  divide  the  Boeotian  forces,  and  render  the 
enterprise  easy  of  execution.     But  the  scheme  was  betrayed,  awl  mis- 
carried.    Demosthenes,  who  was  to  attack  Sipha?  and  Chieronea,  found 
those  places  preoccupied  by  a  formidable  Boeotian  force,  which  rendered 
vain  all  hopes  of  surprising  them.     Hippocrates,  wlio  commanded  the 
army  of  invasion  from  the  south,  proceeded  to  execute  his  part  in  the 
arrangement,  and  marched  to  Delium  with  the  large  force  of  seven  thou- 
sand Atlienian  hoplites,  together  with  twenty-five  thousand  light-armed 
tiX)ops  and  several  hundred  cavalry.     A  day's  march  brought  him  to 
Delium,  where  he  immediately  fortified  the  sanctuary  of  Apollo  with  a 
rampart  and  ditch,  besides  other  works.     When  these  were  completed,  a 
garrison  was  left  in  the  place,  and  the  army  commenced  its  homeward 
march.     On  arriving  at  the  heights  between  Delium  and  the  plain  of 
Oropus,  they  were  encountered  by  the  Boeotians,  who  had  assembled  in 
great  force  at  Tanagra.     Their  army  consisted  of  about  seven  thousand 
Boeotian  hoplites,  some  of  whom  were  the  very  flower  of  the  Theban 
warriors,  ten  thousand  light-armed  troops,  five  hundred  peltasts,  and  one 
thousand  horse.     They  were  led  by  the  eleven  Boeotarchs  then  at  the 
head  of  the  Bccotian  confederacy,  though  (he  supreme  command  seems  to 
have  been  vested,  probably  alternately,  in  the  two  Boeotarchs  of  Thebes, 
Pagondas  and  Aranthides.     All  the  Boeotarchs,  with  the  exception  of 
Pagondas,  were  of  opinion  that,  as  the  Athenians  seemed  to  be  in  full 
retreat,  they  should  be  suffered  to  retire  unmolested.     But  that  com- 
mander, disregarding  the  opinion  of  his  colleagues,  appealed  to  the  patri- 
otic and  religious  feelings  of  the  soldiers.      He  painted  in  strong  colors 
the  danger  of  suffering  this  insult  to  their  territory  to  pass  unpunished, 
and  pointed  out  that  the  sacrifices  were  favorable  for  an  attack,  whilst,  on 


t." 


1 


ifi 


296 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVIH. 


II 


the  other  hand,  the  Athenians  had  incurred  the  anger  of  Apollo  by  violat-' 
ing  his  temple.  Having  by  these  representations  persuaded  the  Boeotians 
to  hazard  an  engagement,  he  drew  up  the  army  in  order  of  battle  under 
the  brow  of  a  hill  which  concealed  them  from  the  Athenians.  Hippocrates, 
on  his  side,  hastened  to  prepare  his  troops  for  the  battle.  His  hoplites 
were  drawn  up  in  a  line  of  eight  deep,  having  the  light-armed  troops 
and  cavalry  on  tlie  flanks.  The  heavy  Boeotian  phalanx,  on  the  coiitrarj', 
was  twenty-five  deep;  the  Theban  hoplites  occupying  the  right,  with  the 
other  heavy-armed  Boeotians  on  the  left  and  in  the  centre.  The  light- 
armed  troops  and  cavalry  were  ranged,  as  in  the  Athenian  line,  upon  the 
fianks.  The  Boeotians,  ascending  the  hill  in  this  array,  as  soon  as  they 
came  in  sight  of  the  Athenians,  raised  the  war-shout  and  charged,  before 
Hippocrates  had  finished  addressing  his  men.  Ravines  at  both  extremities 
of  the  line  prevented  the  light  troops  from  engaging;  but  the  serried  ranks 
of  the  hoplites  met  in  desperate  conflict.  The  left  wing  of  the  Boeotians 
was  repulsed ;  but  on  the  right  the  skill  and  valor  of  the  chosen  Theban 
warriors  who  led  the  van,  as  well  as  the  superior  weight  of  the  deep  and 
densely  compacted  plialanx,  bore  down  all  resistance.  At  tlie  same  time 
Pagonjas,  having  sent  round  liis  cavahy  to  attack  the  Athenian  right, 
restored  the  fortune  of  the  day  on  that  side  also.  The  rout  of  the  Athe- 
nians was  now  complete.  Some  fled  back  to  Delium,  some  to  Oropus, 
others  to  the  heights  of  Fames.  Hippocrates  himself  fell  in  the  engage- 
ment, together  with  one  thousand  hoplites ;  a  loss  about  double  that  of  the 
Boeotians.  Fortunately  for  the  Athenians,  the  battle  had  commenced  late  in 
the  day,  and  they  were  thus  rescued  by  the  friendly  shades  of  night  from 
the  pursuit  and  massacre  which  would  otherwise  have  overtaken  them. 

When  on  the  morrow  an  Athenian  herald  asked  the  customary  permis- 
sion to  bury  the  slain,  the  Bteotians  reproa(!hed  the  Athenians  with  the 
violation  of  Apollo's  sanctuary,  and  refused  the  sacred  rites  of  sepulture 
till  the  sacrilege  should  be  expiated,  and  Delium  evacuated.  They  imme- 
diately invested  that  place,  which  surrendered  after  a  siege  of  seventeen 
days.  The  greater  part  of  the  garrison,  however,  succeeded  in  escaping  by 
Ilea,  but  alK)ut  two  hundred  prisoners  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Boeotians. 
Altogether  the  battle  of  Delium  was  the  greatest  and  most  decisive  fought 
during  the  first  period  of  the  war.  An  interesting  feature  of  the  battle  is 
that  both  Socrates  and  his  pupil  Alcibiades  were  engaged  in  it,  the  former 
among  the  hoplites,  the  latter  in  the  cavalry.  Socrates  distinguished  him- 
ielf  by  his  bravery,  and  was  one  of  those  who,  instead  of  throwing  down 
their  arms,  kept  together  in  a  comjiact  body,  and  repulsed  the  attacks  of 
the  pursuing  horse.     His  retreat  was  also  protected  by  Alcibiades. 

§  13.  This  disastrous  battle  was  speedily  followed  by  the  overthrow  of 
the  Athenian  empire  in  Thrace.  At  the  request  of  Perdicciis,  king  of 
Macedonia,  and  of  the  Chalcidian  towns,  who  had  sued  for  help  against 
the  Athenians,  Brasidas  was  sent  by  the  Lacedaemonian  government  into 


B.  C.  424.] 


BRASIDAS   IN   THRACE. 


297 


Thrace,  at  the  heaxi  of  seven  hundred  Helot  hoplites  and  such  others  as 
he  could  succeed  in  raising  in  Greece.     While  engaged  in  levying  !;roops 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Corinth,  he  saved  Megara  from  foiling  Into  the 
hands  of  the  Athenians,  as  has  been  already  related.     Having  obtained 
one  thousand  Peloponnesian  hoplites,  in  addition  to  the  seven  hundred 
mentioned  above,  he  succeeded,  by  a  rapid  and  dexterous  march  through 
the  hostile  country  of  Thessaly,  in  effecting  a  junction  with  Perdiccas, 
with  wliom  he  marched  into  Thrace.  Here  he  proclaimed  that  he  was  come 
to  deliver  the  Grecian  cities  from  the  tyrannous  yoke  of  Athens.     His 
bravery,  his  kind  and  conciliating  demeanor,  his  probity,  moderation,  and 
good  faith,  soon  gained  him  the  respect  and  love  of  the  allies  of  Athens  in 
that  quarter;  whose  defection  was  likewise  promoted  by  the  news  of  the 
Athenian  reverses.     Acanthus  and  StagTrus  hastened  to  open  their  gates 
to  him ;  and  early  in  the  ensuing  winter,  by  means  of  forced  marches, 
lie  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  appeared  before  the  important  Athenian 
colony  of  Amphipolis  on  the  Strymon.     In  that  to^vn  the  Athenian  party 
was  the  stronger,  and  sent  a  message  for  assistance  to  Thucydides,  the 
historian,  who,  in  conjunction  with  Eucles,  was  then  geneml  in  those  parts. 
Thucydides  hastened  with  seven  ships  from  Thasos,  and  succeeded  m 
securing  Eion  at  the  mouth  of  the  Strymon  ;  but  Amphipolis,  which  lay  a 
little  higher  up  the  river,  allured  by  the  favorable  terms  offered,  had 


Plan  of  the  neighborhood  of  Amphipolis. 


1.  Site  of  Amphipolis. 

2.  Site  of  Eion. 

8.  Ridge  connecting  Amphipolis  with 
Mount  Pangaeua. 


6.  Lake  Cercinitis. 

7.  Mount  Cerdylium. 

8.  Mount  Pangaeus. 


ah-eady  surrendered  to  Brasidas.  For  his  want  of  vigilance  on  this  occa- 
sion, Thucydides  was,  on  the  motion  of  Cleon,  sentenced  to  banishment, 
and  spent  the  following  twenty  years  of  his  life  in  exile.  From  Amphip- 
olis Brasidas  proceeded  to  the  easternmost  peninsula  of  Chalcidice,  where 

38 


I 


|i 


f 


I ' 


;l| 


I 


'I 


296 


HISTORY    OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVIII. 


Ilie  otlier  liand,  the  Athenians  had  incnrred  the  anger  of  AjjoIIo  by  violat- 
ing his  temple.  Having  by  tlie-se  representations  ])ersuaded  the  liocotians 
to  hazard  an  engagement,  he  drew  up  the  army  in  order  of  battle  under 
the  brow  of  a  bill  wbieh  (»ncealed  them  from  the  Athenians.  llii)i)oerates, 
on  his  side,  hastened  to  prepare  his  ti-oops  for  the  battle.  His  boplites 
were  drawn  up  in  a  line  of  eight  deep,  having  the  light-anned  troops 
and  cavalry  on  the  flanks.  Tlie  heavy  Boeotian  phalsmx,  on  the  contrary, 
was  twenty-five  deep;  the  Thel)an  boplites  occupying  the  right,  with  the 
other  heavy-armed  Bceotians  on  the  left  and  in  the  centre.  Tlie  light- 
armed  troojjs  and  cavalry  were  ranged,  as  in  the  Atbcnian  line,  upon  tlic 
flanks.  Tbe  Bceotians,  ascen<ling  the  hill  in  this  array,  as  soon  as  they 
came  in  siglit  of  tbe  Atlienians,  raised  the  war-shout  and  charged,  before 
Hippocrat<*>  bad  finished  a<ldressiog  his  men.  Ravines  at  both  extremities 
of  tbe  line  [nvvented  the  light  troo[)s  from  engaging;  but  tbe  serried  ranks 
of  the  hoplites  met  in  desperate  conflict.  Tbe  left  wing  of  tbe  Bieotians 
was  repulsed ;  but  on  tbe  right  tbe  skill  and  valor  of  tbe  chosen  Thelian 
warriors  wbo  led  tbe  van,  as  well  as  tbe  su|)erior  weight  of  tbe  deej)  and 
denstdy  compacted  phalanx,  bore  down  all  resistance.  At  tbe  same  time 
Pagonjjis,  having  sent  round  his  cavalry  to  attack  tbe  Athenian  right, 
restored  tbe  fortune  of  tbe  day  on  that  side  also.  The  rout  of  tbe  Athe- 
nians was  nov/  complete.  Some  fled  back  to  Delium,  some  to  Oro|>us, 
others  to  tlie  heights  of  Parnes.  nipjiocrates  liimself  fell  in  the  engage- 
ment, together  with  one  tliousand  hoplites;  a  loss  about  double  that  of  the 
Boeotians.  Fortunatelv  f<)r  the  Atlienians,  the  battle  liad  commenced  late  in 
the  day,  and  they  were  thus  rescued  by  tlie  friendly  shades  of  night  from 
the  pursuit  and  massacre  wbicli  would  otherwise  have  overtaken  them. 

When  on  tlic  monow  an  Athenian  herald  asked  tbe  customary  ])ermis- 
Bum  to  bury  the  slain,  tbe  Bieotians  reproached  the  Atlienians  with  tbe 
violation  of  Ajiollo's  sanctuaiy,  and  refused  the  sacred  rites  of  sepulture 
till  tbe  sacrilege  should  be  exi>iated,  and  Delium  evacuated.  They  imme- 
diately invested  that  place,  which  surrendered  after  a  siege  of  seventeen 
days.  The  gi-cater  part  of  the  garrison,  however,  succeeded  in  escaping  by 
»ea,  Init  about  two  hun(b-ed  prisoners  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Bceotians. 
Altog<'tlier  tbe  battle  of  Delium  was  tbe  greatest  and  most  decisive  fought 
during  tbe  first  period  of  the  war.  An  interesting  feature  of  the  battle  is 
that  both  Socrates  and  bis  pupil  Alcibiades  were  engaged  in  it,  tbe  former 
among  the  boplites,  the  latter  in  tbe  cavalry.  Socrates  distinguished  him- 
self liy  his  bravery,  and  was  one  of  those  wbo,  instead  of  throwing  down 
their  arms,  kept  together  in  a  compact  body,  and  repulsed  the  attacks  of 
the  [>ursuing  liorse.     His  reti-eat  was  also  protected  by  Alcibiades. 

§13.  This  disastrous  battle  was  speedily  followed  by  the  overthrow  of 
the  Athenian  empire  in  Thrace.  At  tlie  rerpiest  of  Perdiccas,  king  of 
Macedonia,  and  of  the  Chalcidian  towns,  wbo  bad  sued  for  help  against 
the  Athenians,  Brasidas  was  sent  by  the  Lacediemonian  government  into 


B.  C.  424.] 


BRASIDAS   IN   THRACE. 


297 


Thrace,  at  the  bead  of  seven  hundred  Helot  boplites  and  such  others  as 
he  could  succeed  in  raising  in  Greece.     While  engaged  in  levying  troops 
in  the  neighl)orbood  of  Corinth,  b«?  saved  IMegara  from  falling  "into  the 
hands  of  the  Athenians,  as  has  Ihmh  already  related.     Having  obtained 
one  thousjuul  Peloponnesian  hoplites,  in  addition  to  tbe  sewn  hundred 
mentioned  alcove,  he  su<reede<l,  hy  a  rapid  and  dexterous  march  through 
the  hostile  country  of  Thessaly,  in  effecting  a  junction  with  Perdicci^s, 
with  whom  he  marcluMl  into  Thrace.   Here  he  [uoclainKMl  that  he  was  come 
to  deliver  the  (iiveian  cities  from  the  tyrannous  yok(;  of  Athens.     His 
bravery,  his  kind  and  conciliating  demeanor,  his  i)robity,  nKMb-ration,  and 
good  fiiith,  soon  gained  him  tbe  respect  and  love  of  tbe  allies  of  Athens  in 
that  ([uarter;  whose  defection  was  likewise  promoted  by  the  news  of  the 
AtlK'nian  reverses.     Acanthus  and  Stagirus  hastened  to  0})en  tlieir  gates 
to  liini ;  and  early  in  the  ensuing  winter,  l)y  moans  of  forced  marches, 
be  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  appeai-ed  before  tbe  important  Athenian 
colony  of  Ampbipolis  on  the  Stryinon.     In  that  town  the  Athenian  party 
was  the  stronger,  and  sent  a  message  for  assistance  to  Thucy.lides,  the 
historian,  wbo,  in  conjunction  with  Eucles,  was  then  general  in  those  parts. 
Thucydides  bastencMl  with  seven  ships  from  Thasos,  and  succeeded  in 
securing  Eion  at  tbe  mouth  of  tbe  Strymon  ;  l)ut  Ampbipolis,  which  lay  a 
little  higher  up  the  river,  allured  by  tbe  favorable  terms  ottered,  had 


Plan  of  the  neighborhood  of  Ampliipolis. 


1.  Site  of  Ampliipolis. 

2.  Site  of  Eion. 

3.  Ridge  connecting  Ampliipolis  with 

Mount  I'angaeus. 


6.  Lake  Ocrcinitis. 

7.  Mount  Cerdylium. 

8.  Mount  Pangseus. 


already  surrendered  to  Brasidas.  For  his  Avant  of  vigilance  on  this  occa- 
sion, Thucydides  was,  on  tbe  motion  of  Cleon,  sentenced  to  banishment, 
and  spent  the  following  twenty  years  of  his  life  in  exile.  From  Ampbip- 
olis Brasidas  proceeded  to  the  easternmost  peninsula  of  Chalcidice,  where 


38 


B 


t 


i 


HI 


'II 


,11 


w 


\& 


I 


298 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVHl 


most  of  the  towns  hastened  to  surrender.  At  Toron^,  on  the  Sithoni&n 
peninsula,  the  gates  were  opened  by  an  anti- Athenian  party.  The  Athe- 
irian  garrison  fled  to  a  neighboring  fort ;  but  Brasidas  took  the  place  by 
storm,  and  put  all  the  prisonei-s  to  the  sword. 

§  14.  The  Athenians  were  so  much  depressed  by  their  defeat  at  De- 
lium,  tliat  they  neglected  to  take  vigorous  measures  for  arresting  the 
progress  of  Brasidas.  They  now  began  to  think  seriously  of  peace,  and 
to  entertain  the  proposals  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  were  on  their  side 
solicitous  about  their  prisoners  still  in  custody  at  Athens.  Eariy  in  B.  C. 
423,  the  ninth  year  of  the  war,  a  truce  was  concluded  for  a  year,  with  a 
xiaw  to  the  subsequent  adjustment  of  a  definitive  and  permanent  peace. 
The  negotiations  for  that  purpose  were,  however,  suddenly  interrupted  by 
the  news  that  Scione  had  revolted  to  Brasidas.  This  revolt  appears  to 
have  taken  place  two  days  after  the  conclusion  of  the  ti-uce  ;  and  as  one 
of  the  conditions  was  that  everything  should  remain  in  statu  quo  till 
peace  was  definitively  concluded,  the  Athenians  demanded  that  the  town 
should  be  restored.  With  this  demand  Brasidas  refused  to  comply. 
Excited  l)y  the  speeches  of  Cleon,  the  Athenians  would  not  listen  to  any 
proposals  for  arbitration,  and  sent  an  armament  against  Scione,  with 
orders  that  every  man  in  the  place  should  be  put  to  death. 

The  war  was  thus  revived  in  those  distant  regions,  but  nearer  home  the 
truce  was  observed.  Brasidas,  who  had  been  deserted  by  the  faithless 
Pei-diccas,  threw  himself  into  Torone  on  the  approach  of  the  Athenians. 
Nicias  and  Nicostratus,  who  had  arrived  in  Chalcidice  with  fifty  triremes 
and  a  large  body  of  troops,  commenced  operations  against  Mende,  which 
had  also°revolted.  The  town  was  surrendered  by  a  party  among  the 
citizens:  the  Lacediemonian  garrison  contrived  to  escape  to  Scione, 
which  town  the  Athenians  proceeded  to  invest;  and  when  Nicias  liad 
completely  blockaded  it,  he  returned  to  Athens. 

§  15.  Things  remained  in  this  state  till  the  beginning  of  the  year  b.  c. 
422,  when  the  truce  expired.  Early  in  August,  Cleon,  having  been 
api)ointed  to  the  command,  proceeded  against  Scione,  with  a  fleet  of  thirty 
triremes,  carrying  twelve  hundred  hoplites,  three  hundred  cavalry,  and  a 
large  force  of  subsidiary  troops.  In  the  absence  of  Brasidas  he  succeeded 
in  taking  Torone  and  Galepsus,  but  failed  in  an  attempt  ui)on  Stagirus. 
He  then  lay  for  some  time  inactive  at  Eion,  till  the  murmurs  of  his  troops 
compelled  him  to  proceed  against  Amphipolis.  Thither  Brasidas  had 
also  directed  his  march,  with  an  ai-my  of  two  thousand  hoplites,  three 
hundred  Greek  cavalry,  and  a  large  body  of  light-armed  Thracians.  He 
encamped  on  tlie  heights  of  Cerdylium,  on  the  western  bank  of  the  river, 
whence  he  could  sui*vey  all  the  movements  of  the  enemy;  but  on  the 
approach  of  Cleon,  he  threw  all  his  troops  into  the  town.  That  general 
encamped  on  a  rising  ground  on  the  eastern  side  of  Amphipolis.  Having 
deserted  the  peaceful  art  of  dressing  hides  for  the  more  hazardous  trade 


B.  C.  422.] 


DEATH    OF   BRASIDAS    XSD    CLEON. 


299 


of  war,  in  which  he  was  ahnost  totally  inexperienced,  and  having  now  no 
Demosthenes  to  direct  his  movements,  Cleon  was  thrown  completely  off 
his  guard  by  a  very  oixiinary  stratagem  on  the  part  of  Brasidas,  who  con- 
trived to  give  the  town  quite  a  deserted  and  peaceful  appearance.     Cleon 
suffered  his  troops  to  fall  into  disorder,  till  he  was  suddenly  surprised  by 
the  astounding  news  that  Brasidas  was  preparing  for  a  sally.     Cleon  at 
once  resolved  to  retreat.     But  his  skill  was  equal  to  his  valor.     He  had 
no  conception  that  he  could  be  attacked  till  Brasidas  had  dra\ra  out  his 
men  and  formed  them,  as  if  they  were  on  parade,  in  regular  order.     He 
therefore  conducted  his  retreat  in  the  most  disorderiy  manner.     His  left 
wing  had  already  filed  off,  and  his  centre  with  straggling  ranks  was  in  the 
act  of  following,  when  Brasidas  ordered  the  gates  of  the  town  to  be  flung 
open,  and,  rushing  out  at  the  head  of  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  chosen 
soldiers,  charged  the  retreating  columns  in  flank.     They  were  immediately 
routed;  but  as   Brasidas  was   hastening  to  attack  the   Athenian   ri"-ht 
which  was  only  just  breaking  ground,   and  where    Cleon    himself  was 
posted,  he  received  a  mortal  wound  and  was  carried  off  the  field.     Though 
his  men  were  forming  on  the  hill,  Cleon  fled  as  fast  as  he  could  on  the 
approach  of  the  enemy,  but  was  pursued  and  shiin  by  a  Thracian  peltast 
In  spite,  however,  of  the  disgraceful  flight  of  their  general,  the  right  wing 
maintained  their  ground  for  a  considerable  tune,  till  some  cavrUry  and 
peltasts  issuing  from  Amphipolis  attacked  them  in  flank  and  rear,  and 
compelled  them  to  fly.     On  assembling  again  at  Eion,  it  was  found  that 
half  the  Athenian  hoplites  had  been  slain.     Brasidas    was  carried  into 
Amphipolis,  and  lived  long  enough  to  receive  the  tidings  of  his  victory. 
He  was  interred  within  the  walls  with  great  military  pomp,  in  the  centre 
of  what  thenceforth  became  the  chief  agora;  he  was  proclaimed  oekist, 
or  founder   of  the  town;  and  was  worshipped  as  a  hero  with  annual 
games  and  sacrifices. 

§  16.  By  the  death  of  Brasidas  and  Cleon,  the  two  chief  obstacles  to  a 
peace  were  removed ;  for  the  former  loved  war  for  the  sake  of  its  glory, 
the  latter  for  the  handle  which  it  aff()riled  for  agitation  and  for  attacking 
his  political  opponents.  The  Athenian  Nicias,  and  the  Spartan  king 
Pleistoanax,  zealously  forwarded  the  negotiations,  and  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  b.  c.  421,  a  peace  for  fifty  years,  commonly  called  the  peace  of 
Nicias,  was  concluded  on  the  basis  of  a  mutual  restitution  of  prisoners  and 
places  captured  during  the  war.  The  Thebans,  however,  retained  Platasa, 
on  the  plea  that  it  had  been  voluntarily  surrendered,  and  on  the  same 
grounds  Athens  was  allowed  to  hold  Nisa^a,  Anactorium,  and  Sollium. 
Neutral  towns  were  to  remain  independent,  and  pay  only  the  assessment  of 
Aristeides.  By  this  treaty  Sparta  sacrificed  the  interests  of  her  allies  in 
favor  of  her  own.  Her  confederates  viewed  it  with  jealousy  and  distrust, 
and  four  of  them,  namely,  the  Boeotians,  Corinthians,  Eleans,  and  Mega- 
rians,  positively  refused  to  ratify  it.    Alarmed  at  this  circumstance,  as  weU 


f 


h 


i\ 


I 


300 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXVIH 


as  at  tlie  expiration  of  her  thirty  years*  truce  with  Argos,  Sparta  soon 
afterwards  concluded  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  Athens, 
with  the  stipulation  that  each  might  increase  or  diminish  at  pleasure  the 
number  of  its  allies  and  subjects. 


Cdn  of  Amphipolis. 


I 


B.C.  415.] 


LEAGUE   OF   ARGOS. 


301 


Centaur  from  the  Metopes  of  the  Parthenon. 

CHAPTER    XXIX. 

PELOPONNESIAN    WAR    CONTINUED.      FROM    THE    PEACE    OF   NICIAS   TO 
THE   EXPEDITION   OF   THE   ATHENIANS    TO    SICILY. 

4 1.  Leaprue  of  Argos,  Corinth,  Elea,  ^fantinea,  and  Chalcidic^.  §  2.  Transactions  between 
Sparta  and  Athens.  §  3.  Policy  and  Character  of  Alcibiades.  §  4.  He  advocates  a 
LeajTiie  with  Argos.  Resorts  to  a  Stratagem  to  procure  it.  §  5.  Alcibiades  Victor  at 
Olympia.  His  Magnificence.  §  6.  He  proceeds  to  Peloponnesus.  §  7.  Proceedings  of  the 
Lacedajmonians.  Battle  of  Mantinea.  §  8.  Revolutions  at  Argos.  A  Democracy  estab- 
lished. §  9.  Conquest  of  Melos  by  tlie  Athenians.  §  10.  Intervention  of  the  Athenians 
in  Sicily.  §  11.  Embassy  of  the  Egestreans.  They  deceive  the  Athenians  respecting 
their  Wealth.  §  12.  The  Athenians  resolve  on  an  Expedition  to  Sicily.  §  13.  Prepara- 
tions at  Athens.  Popular  Delusion.  §  14.  Mutilation  of  the  Hermse.  Accusation  of 
Alcibiades.    §  15.  Departure  of  the  Athenian  Fleet  for  Sicily. 

§  1.  It  lias  been  mentioned,  that  several  of  the  allies  of  Sparta  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  peace  which  she  had  concluded ;  and  soon  afterwards 
some  of  them  determined  to  revive  the  ancient  pretensions  of  Argos,  and 
to  make  her  the  head  of  a  new  confederacy,  which  should  include  all 
Greece,  with  the  exception  of  Sparta  and  Athens.  The  movement  was 
begun  by  the  Corinthians,  who  felt  themselves  aggrieved  because  the 
Lacediemonians  had  allowed  Athens  to  retain  Sollium  and  Anactorium. 
The  league  was  soon  joined  by  the  Eleans,  the  Mantineans,  and  the  Chal- 
cidians.  But  they  in  vain  endeavored  to  persuade  the  powerful  city  of 
Tegea  to  unite  with  them ;  whilst  the  oligarchical  governments  of  Boeotia 
and  Megara  also  stood  aloof. 


f 
fl 


:'.t 


302 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXK. 


B.  C.  421.] 


ALCmiADES. 


!i 


§  2.  Between  Sparta  and  Athens  themselves  matters  were  far  from 
being  on  a  satisfactory  footing.  Sparta  confessed  her  inability  to  compel 
the  Boeotians  and  Corinthians  to  accede  to  the  peace,  or  even  to  restore 
the  town  of  Amphipolis.  After  the  death  of  Brasidas,  Clearidas  had  suc- 
ceeded to  the  command  of  Amphipolis ;  and  he  now  pretended  that  he  was 
not  stron""  enough  to  surrender  it  against  the  will  of  the  inhabitants. 
However,  he  withdrew  with  his  garrison  from  the  place ;  and  the  Athe- 
nians do  not  ai>pear  to  have  made  any  attempt  to  take  possession  of  it. 
All  that  they  effected  in  that  quarter  was  to  reduce  Scione,  when  the 
bloody  decree  of  Cleon  was  carried  into  execution.  Athens  consequently 
refused  to  evacuate  Pylos,  though  she  removed  the  Helots  and  Messenians 

from  it. 

§  3.  In  the  negotiations  which  ensued  resi>ecting  the  surrender  of  Pylos, 
Aleibiades  took  a  prominent  part     This  extraordinary  man  had  already 
obtained  immense  influence  at  Athens.     Young,  rich,  handsome,  profligate, 
and  clever,  Aleibiades  was  the  very  model  of  an  Athenian  man  of  fashion. 
In  lineage  he  was  a  striking  contrast  to  the  plebeian  orators  of  the  day. 
The  Athenian  public,  in  spite  of  its  excessive  democracy,  was  anything 
but  insensible  to  the  prestige  of  high  birth ;  and  Aleibiades  traced  his 
paternal  descent  from  the  Msucid  heroes  Eurysaces  and  Aias  (Ajax),  whilst 
on  his  mother's  side  he  claimed  relationship  with  tlie  Alcmaeonida?,  and 
consequently  with  Pericles.     On  the  death  of  his  father,  Cleinias,  Pericles 
had  become  his  guardian.     From  early  youth  the  conduct  of  Aleibiades  was 
marked  by  violence,  recklessness,  and  vanity.     He  delighted  in  astonishing 
the  more  sober  portion  of  the  citizens  by  his  capricious  and  extravagant 
feats.     Nothing,  not  even  the  sacredness  of  tlie  laws,  was  secure  from  his 
petulance.     Sometimes  we  find  him  beating  a  schoolmaster  for  not  having 
a  copy  of  Homer  in  his  school,  or  interrupting  the  performances  of  the 
theatre  by  striking  his  fellow  choregus ;  and  on  one  occasion  he  effaces 
witli  his  own  hand  an  indictment  published  against  a  Thasian  poet,  and 
defies  both  prosecutor  and  magistrate  to  proceed  with  it.     His  beauty,  his 
wit,  and  his  escapades  had  made  him  the  darling  of  all  the  Athenian 
ladies,  nor  did  the  men  regard  him  with  less  admiration.     But  he  wtis 
utterly  destitute  of  morality,  whether  public   or   private.     The  "lion's 
whelp,"  as  he  is  termed  by  Aristophanes,  was  even  suspected,  in  his  bound- 
less ambition,  of  a  design  to  enslave  his  fellow-citizens.     His  vices,  how- 
ever, were  partly  redeemed  by  some  brilliant  qualities.     He  possessed 
both  boldness  of  design  and  vigor  of  axition ;  and  though  scarcely  more 
than  thirty  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking,  he  had  already  on 
several  occasions  distinguished  himself  by  his  bravery.     His  more  serious 
studies  were  made  subservient  to  the  purposes  of  his  ambition,  for  which 
some  skill  as  an  orator  was  necessary.     In  order  to  obtain  it  he  frequented 
the  schools  of  the  sophists,  and  exercised  himself  in  the  dialectics  of  Pro- 
dicus,  Protagoras,  and  above  all  of  Socrates.     As  an  orator  he  seems  to 


303 


i 


i 


\ 


have  attained  a  respectable,  but  not  a  first,  rank.  He  had  not  the  rapid 
and  spontaneous  flow  of  ideas  and  words  which  characterized  the  eloquence 
of  Pericles.  He  would  frequently  hesitate  in  order  to  cull  the  most  choice 
and  elegant  phrase  ;  and  a  lisp,  whether  natural  or  affectecV,  wliich  turned 
all  the  r's  into  Ts,  must  have  been  a  serious  drawback  to  his  oratory. 

§  4.  Such  was  the  man  who  now  opposed  the  application  of  the  Lace- 
da3monian  ambassadors.     It  is  characteristic  of  him  tliat  personal  pique 
was  the  motive  of  his  opposition.     The  politics  of  his  ancestors  had  been 
democratic,  and  his  grandfather  was  a  violent  opponent  of  tlie  Peisistratidic. 
But  he  himself  on  his  first  entrance  into  public  life,  a  Uttlc  before  the  peace 
of  Nicias,  had  manifested  oligarchical  sentiments,  and  even   endeavored 
to  renew  an  ancient  tie  of  hospitality  which  had  formerly  connected  his 
family  with  Sparta.     With  the  view  of  becoming  the  Spartan  proxenos  at 
Athens,  lie  had  been  assiduous  in  his  attentions  towards  the  Spartan  pris- 
oners, and  had  taken  an  active  part  in  forwarding  the  peace.     But  the 
Spartan  government  rejected  his  advances,  and  even  sneered  at  the  idea 
of  intrusting  their  political  interests  to  a  youth  known  only  by  his  insolence 
anil  i)rofligacy.     The  petulant  Aleibiades  was  not  the  man  to  brook  such 
an  affront.     He  immediately  threw  himself,  with  all  the  restless  energy  of 
his  character,  into  the  party  opix)sed  to  Sparta,  now  deprived  of  its  most 
conspicuous  leader  by  the  death  of  Cleon,    He  began  to  advocate  a  league 
with  Argos,  in  which  city  the  democratic  party  at  that  time  predominated, 
and  sent  a  private  mes.^age  to  his  friends  there,  advising  them  to  despatch 
ambassadors  to  negotiate  the  admission  of  Argos  among  the  alhes  of  Ath- 
ens.   A  joint  embassy  was  accordingly  sent  from  Argos,  Elis,  and  Man- 
tinea.     The  Lacedaemonians  endeavored  to  defeat   this  negotiation  by 
sending  tliree  of  their  most  popular  citizens  to  Athens,  to  make  another 
attempt  to  procure  the  cession  of  Pylos.     Their  reception  was  so  favora- 
ble, that  Aleibiades,  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  their  success,  resorted  to 
a  trick  in  order  to  defeat  it.     He  called  upon  the  Lacedaemonian  envoys, 
one  of  whom  happened  to  l)e  his  personal  friend ;  and,  pretending  to  have 
resumed  his  predilections  for  Si)arta,  he  advised  them  not  to  tell  the  assem- 
bly that  they  were  furnished  with  full  powers,  as  in  that  case  the  people 
would  bully  them  into  extravagant  concessions,  but  rather  to  say  that  they 
were  merely  come  to  discuss  and  report;  promising,  if  they  did  so,  to  speak 
in  their  fiivor,  and  induce  the  assembly  to  grant  the  restitution  of  Pylos, 
to  which  he  himself  had  hitherto  been  the  chief  obstacle.     Accordingly,  on 
the  next  day,  when  the  ambassadors  were  introduced  into  the  Jissembly, 
Alcibijules,  assuming  his  blandest  tone  and  most  winning  smile,  asked  them 
on  what  footing  they  came,  and  what  were  their  powers  ?     In  reply  to 
these  questions,  the  ambassadors,  who  only  a  day  or  two  befoi-e  had  told 
Nicias  and  the  Senate  that  they  were  come  as  .plenipotentiaries,  now  pub- 
licly declared,  in  the  face  of  the  assembly,  that  they  were  not  authorized  to 
conclude,  but  only  to  negotiate  and  discuss.    At  this  announcement,  those 


* 


* 


.111 


'» 


:ii! 


»04 


mSTOKY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIX 


'HI 


I 

m 


who  had  heard  their  previous  declaration  could  scarcely  believe  their  ears. 
A  universal  burst  of  indignation  broke  forth  at  this  exliibition  of  Spartan 
duplicity ;  whilst,  to  wind  up  the  scene,  Alcibiades,  affecting  to  be  more 
surprised  than  any,  distinguished  himself  by  being  the  loudest  and  bitterest 
hi  his  invectives  against  the  perfidy  of  the  Lacedflemonians.  Taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  moment,  he  proposed  that  the  Argive  ambassadors  should 
be  called  in,  and  an  alliance  instantly  concluded  with  Argos.  The  motion, 
however,  was  defeated  for  the  present  by  an  earthquake  which  occurred, 
und  which  caused  the  assembly  to  be  adjounied.  Tliis  delay  procured 
Nicias  the  opi)ortunity  of  proceeding  to  Sparta,  and  making  another  at- 
tempt at  adjustment.  It  proved,  however,  unsuccessful.  Nicias  was 
obliged  to  make  the  mortifying  confession  of  his  failure  before  the  assembly ; 
and  Alcibiades  thereupon  procured  the  completion  of  a  treaty  of  alliance 
for  one  hundred  years  with  Argos,  Elis,  and  Mantinea.  Tliis  took  place  in 
the  year  420  b.  c.  Thus  were  the  Grecian  states  involved  in  a  complica- 
tion of  separate,  and  often  apparently  opiX)sitc  alliances.  It  was  evident 
that  allies  so  heterogeneous  could  not  long  hold  together;  nevertheless, 
nominally  at  least,  peace  was  at  first  observed. 

§  5.  In  the  July  which  followed  the  treaty  with  Argos,  the  Olympic 
games,  which  recuiTcd  exerj  fourth  year,  were  to  be  celebrated.  The 
Athenians  had  been  shut  out  by  the  war  from  the  two  previous  celebra- 
tions ;  but  now  Elean  heralds  came  with  the  usual  fonns  to  invite  their 
attendance.  Curiosity  was  excited  throughout  Gi-eece  to  see  what  figure 
Athens  would  make  at  this  great  Pan-IIellenic  festival.  War,  it  was 
surmised,  must  have  exliausted  her  resources,  and  would  thus  prevent  her 
-^rom  appearing  with  becoming  splendor.  But  from  this  reproach  she 
ivas  rescued  by  the  wealth  and  vanity,  if  not  by  the  patriotism,  of  Alci- 
biades. By  his  care,  the  Athenian  deputies  exhibited  the  richest  display 
•>f  golden  ewers,  censers,  and  other  plate,  to  be  used  in  the  public  sacrifice 
and  procession ;  whilst  for  the  games  he  entered  in  his  own  name  no  fewer 
than  the  unheard  of  number  of  seven  four-horsed  chariots,  of  which  one 
gained  the  first,  and  anotlier  the  second  prize.  Alcibiades  was  consequently 
twice  crowned  with  the  olive,  and  twice  i)roclaimc(l  victor  by  the  herald. 
In  his  private  tent  liis  victory  was  celebnited  by  a  magnificent  baucjuet. 
It  is  not  improbable,  however,  that  on  this  occasion  he  was  assisted  by  the 
Athenian  allies ;  for  the  whole  Ionic  race  was  interested  in  appeanng  with 
due  honor  at  this  grand  national  festival. 

§  6.  The  growing  ambition  and  success  of  Alcibiades  prompted  him  to 
carry  his  schemes  against  Spaila  into  the  very  heart  of  Peloi)onnesus, 
without,  however,  openly  violating  the  peace.  For  the  first  time  an  Athe- 
nian general  was  beheld  traversing  the  peninsula,  and  busying  liimself  with 
the  domestic  affiiirs  of  several  of  its  states.  He  persuaded  the  citizens  ot 
PatHE  in  Acliaia  to  ally  themselves  with  Athens ;  and  proceeded  with  the 
few  troops  he  had  brought  with  liun  to  assist  the  Argives  in  an  attack  upon 


B.  C.  418.] 


BATTLE   OF   MANTINEA. 


305 


Epidaurus,  a  city  conveniently  situated  for  facihtating  the  intercourse  be- 
tween Argos  and  Athens.  The  territory  of  Epidaurus  was  ravaged ;  and 
late  in  the  autumn,  the  Lacedaemonians  sent  three  hundred  men  by  sea  to 
the  assistance  of  that  city ;  but  nothing  decisive  took  place. 

§  7.  The  Lacedaemonians  now  found  it  necessary  to  act  with  more 
vigor;  and  accordingly,  m  b.  c.  418,  they  assembled  a  very  large  army, 
consisting  both  of  their  allies  and  of  their  own  troops,  and  invaded  the  terri- 
tory of  Argos  in  three  divisions.    Their  operations  were  judiciously  planned. 
The  Spartan  king,  Agis,  succeeded  in  surrounding  the  Argive  aimy  in  such 
a  manner  that  he  might  easily  have  cut  it  to  pieces ;  but  at  the  moment 
when  an  engagement  was  on  the  point  of  commencing,  two  of  the  Argive 
leaders  proceeded  to  Agis,  and,  by  undertaking  to  pi-ocure  a  satisfiicLy 
aUiance  between  Argos  and  Sparta,  induced  him  to  grant  a  truce  of  four 
months.     Shortly  after  this  truce  had  been  concluded  the  Athenians  came 
to  the  assistance  of  the  Argives  with  a  force  of  one  thousand  hoplites  and 
four  hundred  cavalry.     They  were  accompanied  by  Alcibiades,  who  seems, 
however,  to  have  come  in  a  civil  capacity.     He  now  persuaded  the  Ar- 
gives to  march  with  these  troops  and  other  allies,  aga  nst  the  town  of  Orchom- 
enos  in  Arcadia-     Having  reduced  Orchomenos,  they  proceeded  against 
Tegea,  hoping  to  become  masters  of  it  through  the  treachery  of  a  party 
among  the  citizens.     These  proceedings,  however,  roused  the  Lacedtemoni 
ans,  who  entered  the  territory  of  Mantinea  with  a  large  force.     Agis,  who 
had  incurred  the  just  indignation  of  his  countrymen  by  the  imi)rovident 
truce  before  mentioned,  was  nevertheless  intrusted  with  the  command  of  this 
array ;  but  only  in  consideration  of  his  having  promised  to  wipe  out  his 
former  disgrace  by  performing  some  great  exploit.     He  marched  into  the 
territory  of  Mantinea,  and  took  up  a  position  near  the  Heradeum,  or  tem- 
ple of  Hercules,  whence  he  laid  waste  the  surrounding  country.     The 
Argives  and  their  allies  marched  forth  from  Mantinea,  and,  posting  them- 
selves on  very  rugged  and  advantageous  ground,  offered  the  LacedLmoni- 
ans  hattle.     Anxious  to  retrieve  his  honor,  Agis  was  hastening  to  attack 
them  even  at  this  disadvantage,  and  had  already  arrived  within  javelin- 
throw,  when  an  aged  warrior  exclaimed  that  he  was  now  about  "  to  heal 
one  mischief  by  another."     Struck  by  this  remark,  Agis  drew  off  his  men, 
and,  with  the  view  of  enticing  the  Argives  from  their  j^sition,  commenced 
a  retrograde  march  over  the  plain ;  intending  also  to  block  up  a  water- 
course situated  at  some  distance,  and  annoy  the  Mantineans  by  ^ixnlma 
their  lands.     Finding,  however,  this  project  to  be  impracticabfe,  he  re- 
turned upon  his  steps  the  following  day,  when  his  columns  suddenly  found 
themselves  in  presence  of  the  enemy,  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  upon 
the  plain.     But  though  taken  somewhat  by  surprise,  the  admirable  disci- 
pline of  the  Lacedemonians,  insured  by  a  continuous  subonlination  of 
officers,  as  well  as  by  constant  drill,  enabled  ^igis  to  form  his  line  speedily 
and  without  confusion  in  the  face  of  the  enemy.     Instead  of  charcriji.r  be- 

39 


',1 

i 

•I 


306 


HISTORY   OF    GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXIX 


fore  his  troops  were  formed,  the  Argive  generals  were  wasting  the  time 
in  haranguing  their  men.     The  Spartans,  who  were  soldiers  by  profession, 
needed  no  such  encouragement,  and  trusted  rather  to  discipline  and  valor 
than  to  fine  speeches.    Instead  of  these,  the  inspiriting  war-song  resounded 
through  their  ranks  ;  whilst  the  slow  and  steady  regularity  of  their  march 
was  governed  by  the  musical  time  of  their  pipei-s.    Their  opponents,  on 
the  contrary,  came  rushing  on  at  a  furious  pace.     From  the  natural  ten- 
dency of  Greek  armies  to  advance  somewhat  towards  the  right,  in  order  to 
keep  their  left  or  shielded  side  as  much  as  possible  towards  the  enemy, 
the  left  wing  of  Agis  was  outflanked  by  the  right  of  the  allies,  in  which 
fought  a  chosen  body  of  one  thousand  Argivc  hoplites,  formed  of  the 
flower  and  aristocracy  of  the  city,  and  maintained  and  drilled  at  the  pubUc 
expense.     On  this  side  the  Lacedaemonians  were  routed ;  but  Agis,  never- 
theless, pushed  on   with  his  centre  and   right,  and  gained  a  complete 
victory.     The  loss  of  the  allies  was  computed  at  eleven  hundred,  among 
whom  were  two  hundred  Athenians  and  both  their  generals.  Laches  and 
Nicostratus.     Of  the  Lacedaemonians   about   three   hundred  were  slain. 
This  battle,  called  the  battle  of  Mantinea,  which  was  fought  in  June, 
418  B.  c,  had  great  effect  in  restoring  the  somewhat  tarnished  lustre  of 
the  Spartan  arms.     From  the  renown  of  the  nations  engaged  in  it,  though 
not  in  point  of  numbers,  it  was  a  more  important  battle  even  than  that  of 

DeUum. 

§  8.  This  defeat  strengthened  the  oligarchical  party  at  Argos,  wliicli 
now  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  bring  about  an  alliance  with  Si)ai1a.  To 
assist  their  views,  the  Lacedaemonians  marched  in  great  force  to  Tegea, 
and  offered  Argos  the  alternative  of  an  alliance  or  war ;  and  in  spite  of  all 
the  efforts  of  Alcibiades  to  counteract  it,  a  treaty  was  eventually  concluded 
between  the  two  states.  This  was  followed  by  a  revolution  at  Ai-gos. 
The  democratical  leaders  were  slain,  and  an  oligarchical  government 
established  by  means  of  their  thousand  chosen  hoplites.  But  the  oligarchs 
abused  their  power,  and  the  bnital  tyranny  of  Bryas,  the  commander  of  the 
chosen  Thousand,  i)roduced  a  counter-revolution.  A  bride  of  the  humbler 
class,  whom  he  liad  ravished  from  the  veiy  midst  of  a  wedding  j)rocession, 
and  earned  to  his  house,  put  out  the  eyes  of  the  tyrant  during  the  night 
with  the  pin  of  her  brooch,  and  having  thus  effected  her  escape,  roused  by 
her  tale  of  woe  the  indignation  of  the  people.  The  latter,  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  Lacedaemonians  being  engaged  in  the  festival  of  the  Gymno- 
ptedla,  rose  against  the  aristocrats,  obtained  possession  of  the  city,  and 
renewed  the  alliance  with  Athens.  An  attempt  to  construct  long  walls 
fit)m  Argos  to  the  sea,  a  distance  of  four  or  five  miles,  was  defeated  by  the 
Lacedaemonians ;  but  in  the  spring  of  b.  c.  416  Alcibiades  arrived  to  sup- 
port the  Argive  democracy  with  an  Athenian  armament  and  twenty 
triremes.  Nevertheless,  the  peace  l>etween  Sparta  and  Athens  continued 
to  l>e  nominally  observed,  although  the  garrison  of  Pylos  were  committing 


i 


B.  C.  418.] 


AFFAIRS    OF   THE    SICILIAN   GREEKS. 


307 


ravages  in  Laconia,  and  the  Lacediemonians,  by  way  of  reprisal,  infested 
the  Athenian  commerce  with  their  privateers. 

§  9.  It  was  in  the  same  year  that  the  Athenians  attacked  and  conquered 
Melos,  which  island  and  Tliera  were  the  only  islands  in  the  ^gean  not 
subject  to  the  Athenian  supremacy.  Their  armament  consisted  of  thirty- 
eiglit  triremes  and  a  considerable  force  of  hoplites.  The  Melians  having 
rejected  all  the  Athenian  overtures  for  a  voluntary  submission,  theh 
capital  was  blockaded  by  sea  and  land,  and  after  a  siege  of  some  months 
surrendered.  On  the  proposal,  as  it  appears,  of  Alcibiades,  all  the  adult 
males  were  put  to  death,  the  women  and  children  sold  into  slavery,  and 
the  island  colonized  afresh  by  five  hundred  Atlienians.  This  horrible' pro- 
ceeding was  the  more  indefensible,  as  tlie  Athenians,  liaving  attacked  the 
Melians  in  full  peace,  could  not  pretend  that  they  were  justified  by  the 
custom  of  war  in  slaying  the  prisoners.  It  was  the  crowning  act  of  inso- 
lence and  cruelty  displayed  during  their  empire,  which  from  this  period 
began  rapidly  to  decline. 

§  10.  The  event  destined  to  produce  that  catastrophe— the  intervention 
of  the  Atlienians  in  the  affairs  of  Sicily  — was  already  in  progress.  The 
feuds  of  race  had  been  kindled  in  that  island,  as  in  the  rest  of^Greece,  by 
the  Peloponnesian  war.  Eleven  or  twelve  years  before  the  period  of 
which  we  are  now  speaking,  the  Dorian  cities  of  Sicily  (with  the  exception 
of  Camarina),  together  with  the  Locrians  of  Italy,  had,  under  the  headship 
of  Syracuse,  joinejl  the  Peloponnesian  confederacy,  and  declared  war 
against  Leontini,  Camarina,  and  their  ally,  the  city  of  Rheo-ium  in 
Italy.  ° 

In  the  year  427  b.  c,  the  Leontines  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  fjo 
crave  the  assistance  of  the  Athenians.     At  the  head  of  it  was  the  rhetori- 
cian, Gorgias,  the  novelty  of  whose  brilliant  eloquence  took  the  Athenians 
by  surprise,  and  is  said  to  have  chiefly  contributed  to  the  success  of  the 
application.     However  that  may  be,  an  Athenian  squadron  of  twenty  ships 
was  despatched  to  the  assistance  of  the  Leontines,  and  also  with  a  view  to 
ascertain  the  possibility  of  reducing  all  Sicily,  of  whose  size  the  Athenians 
seem  to  have  had  very  vague  and  imperfect  notions,  to  the  obedience  of 
Athens.     A  subsequent  expedition  in  425  b.  c,  consisting  of  forty  tri- 
remes, under  the  command  of  Eurymedon  and  Sophocles,  has  been  already 
mentioned.*     The  selfish  and  ambitious  designs  of  Athens  had  however 
become  so  evident,  that  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year  a  congress  of 
the  SiciKan  cities  met  at  Gela;  where  the  Syracusan,  Hermocrates,  in  an 
able  and  patriotic  speech,  succeeded  in-  persuading  them  to  lay  aside  theu- 
dissensions,  and  to  unite  in  defeating  the  schemes  of  Athens.     The  Athe- 
nians were  so  disappomted  at  this  failure,  that  when  Eurymedon  and  his 
coUeagues,  Sophocles  and  Pythodorus,  returned,  they  were  indicted  and 


i 


! 


•   h 


i 


*  See  above,  p.  288. 


308 


mSTOKY   OF  GREECE. 


I  ^OmkJt  •      A^JULnjL^Jkm  9 


W 


■i 


ij 

'  ,1*9 


convicted  of  having  taken  bribes  to  accede  to  the  peace.     Eur^medon 
was  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine,  and  his  fellow-commanders  were  banished. 

§  11.  In  the  year  422  b.  c,  another  application  for  assistance  was  made 
to  the  Athenians  by  the  Leontine  democracy,  who  had  been  expelled  by 
the   aristocrats;  but  the   Athenians,   then   smarting  under  their  recent 
losses,  and  having  just  concluded  a  truce  with  Sparta,  could  not  be  per- 
suaded to  gmnt  any  effectual  succor.     In  the  spring  of  416  b.  c,  however, 
an  embassy  from  the  Sicilian  town  of  Egesta  was  more  successful.     A 
quarrel  had  broken  out  between  Egesta  and  Selinus,  both  of  which  cities 
were  seated  near  the  western  extremity  of  Sicily;  and  Selinus,  having 
obtained  the  aid  of  Syracuse,  was  pressing  veiy  hard  u^wn  the  Egestaans. 
The  latter  appealed  to  the  interests  of  the  Athenians  rather  than  to  their 
sympathies.     They  represented  how  great  a  blow  it  would  be  to  Athens  if 
the  Dorians  became  predominant  in  Sicily,  and  joined  the  Peloponnesian 
confederacy ;  and  they  undertook,  if  the  Athenians  would  send  an  anna- 
ment  to  their  assistance,  to  provide  the  necessary  funds  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war.    Their  appUcation  was  supported  by  the  Leontine  exiles 
still  resident  at  Athens.     But  their  most  powerful  advocate  was  Alci- 
biades,  whose  ambitious  views  are  said  to  have  extended  even  to  the  con- 
quest of  Carthage.     In  these  distant  expeditions  he  beheld  a  means  of 
gratifying  liis  passion  for  adventure  and  glory,  and  at  the  same  time  of 
retrieving  his  fortune,  which  had  been  dilapidated  by  his  profligate  expen- 
diture.    The  quieter  and  more  prudent  Niciiis  and  hie  party  threw  their 
weight  into  the  opposite  scale;  and  at  tlu-ir  instance  it  was  resolved, 
before  an  expedition  was  undertaken,  to  ascertain  whether  the  Egestaians 
were  really  able  to  perform  the  i)romises  they  had  made.     For  this  pur- 
pose commissioners   were   despatched   to   Egesta,  whom,   however,  the 
cunning   Egestaians   completely   deceived.     In   the   splendid   temple   of 
Aphrodite  on  Mount  Eiyx,  a  magnificent  display  of  oti'erings  was  set  out, 
consisting  of  vessels  which  the  Egestieans  passed  oft^  for  solid  gold,  though 
only  silver  gilt.     In  the  private  houses,  where  they  were  invited  to  ban- 
quet af\er  banquet,  the  Athenian  envoys  were  astonished  at  the  jirofusion 
of  plate  under  which  the  sidelioards  groaned,  but  which  was  slily  trans- 
ferred for  the  occasion  from  one  house  to  another.     Sixty  talents  of  silver, 
placed  in  their  hands  as  earnest-money,  completed  the  delusion;  and  the 
commissioners,  who  were,  p.erhaps,  not  unwilling  to  ])e  deceived,  returned 
to  Athens  with  mi'^nfficent  accounts  of  tlie  wealth  of  Egesta. 

§  12.  Dazzled  by  the  idea  of  so  splendid  an  enterprise,  the  means  for 
accomplishing  which  seemed  ready  provided,  the  Athenian  assembly  at 
once  decided  on  despatcliing  a  fleet  of  sixty  triremes,  under  Nicias,  Alci- 
biades,  and  Lamachus,  with  the  design  of  assisting  Egesta,  of  restoring  the 
Leontme  democracy,  and  lastly  of  establishing  the  influence  of  At^hens 
throughout  Sicily,  by  whatever  means  might  be  found  practicable.  Nicias, 
thougii  named  as  one  of  the  commanders  of  the  expedition,  entirely  disap- 


JH. 


B.  C.  415.] 


MUTILATION    OF   THE    IIERM^. 


309 


proved  of  it,  and  denounced  it  in  the  assembly  as  springing  from  the  vain- 
glory and  ambitiorf  of  Alcibiades.  The  latter  repelled  these  not  unmerited 
attacks  in  a  violent  speech,  and  persuaded  the  assembly  to  ratify  their 
former  decision.  Another  attempt  of  Nicias  to  deter  the  Athenians  from 
the  enterprise  by  representing  the  enormous  force  which  it  would  require, 
had  an  effect  exactly  contrary  to  what  he  had  intended ;  for  the  assembly,' 
taking  him  at  his  word,  decreed  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  instead  of  sixty 
triremes,  together  with  a  proportionate  increase  in  the  land  forces. 

§  13.  For  the  next  three  months  the  preparations  for  the  undertaking 
were  pressed  on  with  the  greatest  ardor.  Young  and  old,  rich  and  poor, 
all  vied  with  one  another  to  obtain  a  share  in  the  expedition.  Oracles 
and  prophecies  predicting  success  were  circulated  through  the  city,  and 
greedily  hstened  to.  So  great  was  the  throng  of  voluntee°rs,  tlmt  the'care 
of  the  generals  was  restricted  to  the  task  of  selection.  The  trierarchs 
contended  which  should  produce  his  vessel,  not  only  in  the  most  efficient, 
but  in  the  most  ornamental,  state  of  equipment.  Five  years  of  comparative' 
peace  had  accumulated  a  fresh  supply  both  of  men  and  money ;  and  the 
merchants  of  Athens  embarked  in  the  enterprise  as  in  a  trading  expedi- 
tion. It  was  only  a  few  of  the  wisest  heads  that  escaped  the  general  fever 
of  excitement.  Meton,  the  astronomer,  and  Socrates,  the  philosopher,  are 
said  not  to  have  shared  in  the  universal  enthusiasm ;  the  latter  warned, 
perhaps,  by  that  familiar  demon  to  whose  whispered  wisdom  his  ears  were 
ever  open. 

§  14.  And  now  the  magnificent  armament  is  on  the  point  of  saiKng. 
The  brilliant  city  is  alive  with  hope,  and  pride,  and  expectation,  when  a 
sudden  and  mysterious  event  converts  all  these  exulting  feelings  into 
gloomy  foreboding. 

At  every  door  in  Athens,  at  the  corners  of  streets,  in  the  market-place, 
before  temples,  gymnasia,  and   other   public   places,  stood   Hermre,  or 
statues  of  the  god  Hermes,  consisting  of  a  bust  of  that  deity  surmounting  a 
quadrangular   pillar  of  marble  about  the  height  of  the  human  figure. 
When  the  Athenians  rose  one  morning  towards  the  end  of  May,  415  b.  c, 
it  was  found  that  all  these  figures  had  been  mutilated  during  the  night, 
and  reduced  by  unknowTi  hands  to  a  shapeless  mass.     We  may  partly 
realize  the  feelings  excited  by  this  occurrence,  by  picturing  to  ourselves 
some  lloman  Catholic  town,  in  which  all  the  statues  of  the  Virgin  should 
have  been  suddenly  defiiced.     But  the  act  inspired  political,  as  well  as 
religious,  alarm.     It  seemed  to  indicate  a  wide-spread  conspiracy,  for  so 
sudden  and  general  a  mutilation  must  have  been  the  work  of  many  hands. 
Athens,  like  other  Grecian  states,  abounded  with  clubs,  which,  like  our 
societies  of  freemasons,  off*ered  fiicilities  for  secret  and  extensive  combina- 
tions.    This  will  probably  afford  the  most  natural  explanation  of  the  fear 
which  now  pervaded  Athens ;  for  the  sacrilege  might  only  be  a  prelimi- 
nary attempt  of  some  i^werful  citizen  to  seize  the  despotism,  and  suspi- 


810 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE, 


[Chap.  xXIX. 


cion  pointed  its  finger  at  Alcibiades.  Active  measures  were  taken  and 
lar^^e  rewards  offered  for  the  discovery  of  the  perpetrators.  A  public 
board  was  appointed  to  examine  witnesses,  which  did  not,  indeed,  succeed 
in  eliciting  any  facts  bearing  on  the  actual  subject  of  inquiiy,  but  which 
obtained  evidence  respecting  similar  acts  of  impiety  conmiitted  at  previous 
times  in  dmnken  frolics.  In  these  Alcibiades  himself  was  implicated  ;  and 
though  the  fleet  wjxs  on  the  veiy  eve  of  departure,  Pythonicus  rose  in 
the  assembly  and  accused  him  of  having  profaned  the  Eleusinian  mys- 
teries by  giving  a  representation  of  them  in  a  private  house,  producing  in 
evidence  the  testimony  of  a  slave.  Pythonicus  also  charged  him  with 
being  privy  to  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermoe,  but  without  bringing  forward 
the  slightest  proof.  Alcibiades  denied  the  accusation,  and  implored  the 
people  to  have  it  investigated  at  once.  His  enemies,  however,  had  sufil- 
cient  influence  to  get  the  inquiry  postponed  till  his  return ;  thus  keeping 
the  charge  hanging  over  his  head,  and  gaining  time  to  poison  the  public 

mind  against  him. 

§  15.  The  day  had  arrived  for  the  sailing  of  the  fleet.  Corcyra  was 
appointed  for  the  i-endezvous  of  the  allies ;  but  even  the  departure  of  the 
Athenian  annament  was  a  spectacle  imposing  in  the  extreme.  Of  the 
hundred  triremes,  sixty  were  equipped  as  men-of-war,  the  rest  as  trans- 
ports. Fifteen  hundred  chosen  Athenian  hoplites,  seven  hundred  of  the 
class  of  Thetes  to  act  as  marines,  together  with  five  hundred  Argive  and 
two  hundred  and  fifty  Mantinean  hoplites,  marched  at  daybreak  to  embark 
at  the  Peirajus,  accompanied  by  nearly  the  whole  of  the  population.  As 
the  ships  were  preparing  to  slip  their  .moorings,  tlie  sound  of  the  trumpet 
enjoined  silence,  and  the  voice  of  the  herald,  accompanied  by  that  of  the 
people,  was  lifted  up  in  prayer.  Then  followed  the  chanting  of  the  pa\an, 
whilst  the  officers  on  the  decks  of  their  respective  vessels  made  libations 
of  wine  to  the  gods  from  gold  and  silver  goblets.  At  length,  at  a  given 
signal,  the  whole  fleet  started  from  Peiiieus,  each  crew  striving,  as  in  a 
nautical  contest,  to  arrive  first  at  the  island  of  JEgina.  The  people  who 
lined  the  beach  watched  the  vessels  till  they  were  out  of  sight,  and  then 
returned  to  the  city  with  heavy  hearts  and  ominous  misgivings. 


B.  C.  415.] 


THE    SICILIAN  EXPEDITION. 


311 


'J 


Bust  of  Alcibiades. 


I 


CHAPTER  XXX. 


PELOPONNESIAN  WAR   CONTINUED.      THE   SICILIAN   EXPEDITION. 

4  1.  Armament  mustered  at  Corcyra.  §  2.  Its  Reception  in  Italy.  Proceedings  at  Syra 
cuse.  §  3.  Plans  of  the  Athenian  Generals.  §  4.  Tlie  Advice  of  Alcibiadel  adopted. 
He  gains  over  Naxos  and  Catana.  §  5.  Proceedings  at  Athens  respecting  the  lilutiJation 
of  the  Hermoe,  and  the  Profanation  of  the  Mysteries.  §  6.  Alcibiades  accused,  and 
ordered  to  return  to  Athens.  §  7.  Proceedings  of  Nicias  in  Sicily.  §  8.  Preparations  of 
the  Sicilians  for  Defence.  §  9.  Nicias  lays  Siege  to  Syracuse.  §  10.  He  seizes  Epipolae 
and  constructs  a  Fort  at  Sykc.  Attempt  of  tlie  Syracusans  against  it.  §  11.  Arrival  of 
the  Spartan  General  Gylippus.  Cliange  in  the  Athenian  Prospects.  §  12.  Invasion  of 
Attica  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  They  fortify  Deceleia.  §  13.  The  Syracusans  defeat 
the  Athenians  at  Sea.  §  14.  Demosthenes  and  Eurymedon  arrive  in  Sicily  with  Rein- 
forcements. Reverses.  The  Athenians  resolve  to  retreat.  §  15.  Naval  Engagement  in 
the  Great  Harbor.  Victory  of  the  Syracusans.  §  16.  Its  Effects.  Disastrous  Retreat  of 
the  Athenians.  Surrender  of  Demosthenes.  §  17.  Surrender  of  Nicias.  Treatment  of 
the  Prisouers.    Death  of  Nicias  and  Demosthenes.    §  18.  Their  Characters. 

§  1.  The  Athenian  fleet  destined  for  Sicily  was  joined  at  Corcyra  by 
the  other  allies  in  the  month  of  July,  415  b.  c.  The  whole  annament 
when  mustered  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  triremes  and  two 
Rhodian  penteconters,  and  had  on  board  five  thousand  one  hundred  hop- 
lites, four  hundred  and  eighty  bowmen,  of  whom  eighty  were  Cretans,  seven 
hundred  Rhodian  slingers,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  Megarian  exiles, 
who  served  as  light-armed  troops.  The  fleet  was  accompa-ned  by  no  fewer 
than  five  hundred  transports,  carrying  provisions,  warlike  stores,  and  ar- 
tificers, as  well  as  by  a  great  many  private  trading-vessels.  Three  fast- 
sailing  triremes  were  sent  in  advance  to  ascertain  the  dispositiori  of  Ihb 


i 


812 


BISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXX. 


Italian  and  Sicilian  towns,  and  to  notify  to  the  Egestajans  the  approach  of 
assistance.  The  fleet  then  made  for  the  lapygian  promontory,  in  three 
divisions,  commanded  by  Nicias,  Alcibiades,  and  Lamachus. 

§  2.  Their  reception  in  Italy  was  far  from  encouraging.  The  utmost 
they  could  obtain  was  permission  to  take  in  water,  and  even  this  was  re- 
fiised  by  the  Tarentines,  and  by  the  Epizephyrian  Locrians.  At  Rhegium, 
however,  they  were  allowed  to  land  and  to  purchase  provisions  ;  but  they 
were  not  pennitted  to  enter  the  town,  and  the  citizens  refused  to  join  or 
assist  them.  Here,  therefore,  they  awaited  the  return  of  the  three  explor- 
ing  vessels. 

Rumors  of  the  intended  expedition  prevailed  at  Syracuse,  but  were 
treated  as  incredible.  Hermocrates,  however,  was  better  informed  thiui  his 
fellow-citizens.  He  urged  them  to  summon  their  allies  and  to  prepare  for 
defence,  and  even  exhorted  them  to  sail  at  once  to  the  friendly  hai-bor  of 
Tarentum,  and  from  thence  to  offer  battle  to  the  Athenian  fleet  in  the 
Ionian  Gulf.  But  the  demagogue  Athenagoras  treated  the  whole  matter 
as  a  fiction  invented  to  sei-ve  the  interests  of  the  oligarchical  party.  At 
last  one  of  the  generals  put  an  end  to  the  debate  by  undertaking  to  place 
the  city  in  a  posture  of  defence. 

§  3.  Meantime  the  three  vessels  which  had  been  sent  to  Egesta 
returned  to  Rhegium,  with  the  discouraging  news  that  the  accounts 
respecting  the  wealth  of  Egesta  were  entirely  fictitious,  and  that  the  sum 
of  thirty  talents  was  all  the  assistance  that  could  be  hoped  for  from  that 
quarter.  A  council  of  war  was  now  held.  It  appears  that  the  Athenian 
generals  had  proceeded  thus  far  without  having  formed  any  definite  plan, 
and  each  now  pro^^sed  a  different  one.  Nicias  was  of  opinion,  that,  since 
no  effectual  help  could  be  expected  from  the  Egestagans,  the  objects  of  the 
expedition  should  be  confined  to  the  narrowest  possible  limits,  and,  with 
that  view,  tliat  they  should  sail  at  once  against  the  Selinuntines,  obtain 
from  them  the  best  tenns  possible,  and  then  return  home.  Alcibiades, 
whose  hopes  of  glory  and  profit  would  have  been  ruined  by  this  plan,  pro- 
posed to  gain  as  many  allies  as  they  could  among  the  Greek  cities  in 
Sicily,  and,  having  thus  ascertained  what  assistance  they  could  rely  upon, 
to  attack  Syracuse  and  Selinus.  Lamachus  was  for  bolder  measures. 
He  recommended  an  immediate  attack  upon  Syracuse,  whilst  it  was  yet 
unprepared  for  defence.  The  tenor  of  the  Syracusans  would  probably 
cause  them  to  surrender,  and  the  capture  of  their  city  would  determine  the 
conduct  of  the  rest  of  Sicily ;  but  if  they  lingered,  negotiated,  and  did 
nothing,  they  would  first  be  regarded  with  indifference  and  then  with 
contempt. 

§4.  The  advice  of  Lamachus  was  the  most  soldierlike,  and,  though 
seemingly  the  boldest,  would  undoubtedly  have  been  the  safest  and  most 
prudent  in  the  end.  But  neither  of  his  colleagues  approved  of  it,  and  a» 
Lamachus  was  poor,  and  possessed  no  great  political  interest,  he   was 


y:r 


B.  C.  415.] 


ACCUSATION   OF  ALCIBIADES. 


313 


obliged  to  give  way.  The  counsel  of  Alcibiades  was  adopted  as  a  mean' 
between  the  other  two.  Messana  refused  his  solicitations,  but  Naxos  cor- 
dially joined  the  Athenians.  Alcibiades  then  sailed  southwards  with  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  fleet,  and,  passing  Syracuse,  despatched  ten 
triremes  into  the  Great  Harbor,  for  the  purjoose  of  surveying  its  docks  and 
fortifications.  Nothing  further  was  attempted ;  but  as  they  sailed  back 
the  Athenians  obtained  possession  by  surprise  of  the  important  city  of 
Catana,  which  was  now  made  the  head-quarters  of  the  armament 

§  5.  An  unwelcome  message  greeted  Alcibiades  at  Catana.     After  his 
departure  from  Athens  fresh  inquiries  were  instituted  respecting  the  muti- 
lation of  the  Hermae,  and  the  offer  of  large  rewards  brouglit  forward 
additional  evidence.     The  public  agitation  and  anxiety  were  kept  alive  by 
the  demagogues  Peisander  and  Charicles,  two  of  the  commissioners  of 
inquiry,  who  denounced  the  affair  not  only  as  a  sacrilege,  but  also  as  a 
conspiracy  for  putting  down  the  democracy  and  establishing  a  tyi-anny. 
Numerous  arrests  were  made,  and  citizens  of  the  highest  character  were 
thrown  into  prison  on  the  testimony  of  hireling  wretches.     Terror  reigned 
in  the  city,  and  the  fear  of  being  informed  against  rose  to  such  a  pitch,  that 
the  convocation  of  the  Senate  by  the  herald  was  a  signal  to  the  crowd 
which  filled  the  market-place  to  disperse.     Among  the  persons  arrested 
was  Andocides,  the  orator,  who  was  induced  by  his   fellow-prisoners  to 
come  forward  and  state  what  he  knew  of  the  affair.     He  was  a  young  man 
of  rank,  and  his  evidence  was  imphcitly  believed,  especially  as  it  was  con- 
firmed by  his  slaves,  who  were  put  to  the  torture.     Those  whom  he 
denounced  were  executed.     He  saved  his  own  fife  by  turning  informer 
but  the  hatred  he  incurred  was  such  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the  city! 
His  evidence  w^as  most  probably  false,  and  the  whole  affair  has  ever 
remained  involved  in  mystery. 

§  6.  The  execution  of  the  supposed  criminals  had  the  effect  of  tranquil- 
lizing the  city  respecting  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermje ;  but  the  profana- 
tion of  the  Eleusinian  mysteries,  a  rite  regarded  with  the  deepest  rever- 
ence at  Athens,  still  remained  unexpiated.     The  Eumolpida;,  and  other 
great  fiimilies  who  held  hereditary  offices  in  the  celebration  of  the  mys- 
teries, looked  upon  themselves  as  personally  insulted.     The  public  excite- 
ment was  increased  by  the  appearance  of  a  Lacedasmonian  force  on  the 
frontier,  wliich,  it  was  suspected,  might  be  connected  with  some  internal 
conspii-acy.     Both  oligarchs  and  democrats  were  loud  in  demanding  the 
arrest  of  Alcibiades ;  and  Thessalus,  the  son  of  Cimon,  who  belonged  to 
the  former  party,  preferred  an  indictment  against  him.     In  pursuance  of 
this  step  the  public  trireme,  called  the  Salaminia,  was  despatched  to  Sicily, 
carrj'ing  the  decree  of  the  assembly  for  Alcibiades  to  come  home  and  take 
his  trial,  and  which  met  him,  as  before  related,  on  his  arrival  at  Catana. 
The  commander  of  the  Salaminia  was,  however,  instructed  not  to  seize  his 
person,  but  to  allow  him  to  sail  in  his  own  trireme.     Alcibiades  availed 


i 


I 


314 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXX 


himself  of  this  privilege  to  effect  his  escape.  Wlien  the  ships  arrived  at 
Thurii  in  Italy,  he  absconded,  and  contrived  to  elude  the  searcli  that  was 
made  after  him.  Nevertheless,  thougli  iibsent,  he  was  arraigned  at 
Athens,  and  condemned  to  death;  his  property  was  confiscated,  and  the 
Eumolpidte  pronounced  u{K)n  him  the  curses  of  the  gods.  On  hearing  of 
his  sentence  Alcibiades  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  "I  will  show  them  that 

I  am  still  alive.*' 

§  7.  Three  months  had  now  been  frittered  away  in  Sicily,  during  which 
the  Athenians  had  done  little  or  nothing,  if  we  except  the  acquisition  of 
Naxos  and  Catana.  The  Syracusans  began  to  look  uj)on  them  with  con- 
tempt. They  even  meditated  an  attack  upon  the  Athenians  at  Catana; 
and  Syracusan  horsemen  rode  up  and  insulted  theni  in  their  camp.  Nicias 
was  thus  absolutely  shamed  into  undertaking  something,  and  resolved  to 
make  an  attempt  upon  Syracuse.  By  a  false  message  that  the  Catanaians 
were  ready  to  assist  in  expelling  the  Athenians,  he  induced  the  Syracusans 
to  proceed  thither  in  great  force,  and  he  availed  himself  of  their  absence 
to  sail  with  his  whole  fleet  into  the  Great  Harbor  of  Syracuse,  where  he 
landed  near  the  mouth  of  the  Anapus,  in  the  neighloriiood  of  the  temple 
of  the  Olympian  Zeus.  Here  he  intrenched  himself  in  a  strong  position, 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Anapus,  breaking  down  the  bridge  over  the  river. 
The  Syracusans,  when  they  found  that  they  had  been  deceived  at  Catana, 
marched  back  and  offertd  Nicias  battle  in  his  new  position.  The  latter 
accepted  it,  and  gtiined  the  victor^' ;  after  which  he  retired  to  Catana,  and 
subsequently  to  Naxos  into  winter-quarters.  He  then  sent  messages  to 
Athens  for  fresh  supplies  of  cavalry  and  money,  and  to  his  Sicilian  allies 
for  reinfdreements. 

§  8.  The  Syracusans  employed  the  winter  in  preparations  for  defence. 
Tliey  built  a  new  wall,  covering  both  their  inner  and  outer  town  to  the 
westward  (see  Plan,  G,  H,  I),  and  rendering  any  attempt  at  circumvalla- 
tion  more  difficult.  They  fortified  and  garrisoned  the  temple  and  grove 
of  the  01ymi)ian  Zeus,  in  the  neighboriiood  of  the  city.  They  desi)atched 
envoys  to  Corintli  and  Sparta  to  solicit  assistance,  in  the  latter  of  wliich 
towns  they  found  an  unexpected  advocate.  Alcibiades,  having  crossed  from 
Thurii  to  Cyllene  in  Peloponnesus,  received  a  special  invitation  to  jiroceed 
to  Sparta.  Here  he  revealed  all  the  plans  of  Athens,  and  exhorted  the 
Lacedemonians  to  frustrate  them.  For  this  puqiose  he  advised  them  to 
send  an  anny  into  Sicily,  under  the  command  of  a  Spartan  general,  and, 
by  way  of  causing  a  diversion,  to  establish  a  fortified  ix)st  at  Decelea  in 
the  Attic  territories.  The  Spai-tans  fell  in  with  these  views,  and  resolved 
to  send  a  force  to  the  jissistance  of  Syracuse  in  the  spring,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Gylippus. 

§  9.  Nicias,  having  received  a  reinforcement  of  cavalry  from  Atliens,  as 
well  as  three  hundred  talents  in  money,  recommenced  hostilities  as  soon  as 
the  season  allowed  of  it,  and  resolved  on  besieging  Syracuse.    That  town 


B.  C.4U.] 


DESCRIPTION    OF    SYRACUSE. 


315 


consisted  of  two  parts,  the  inner  and  the  outer  city.     The  former  of  these 
—  the  original  settlement  —  was  comprised  in  the  island  of  Ortygia;  the 
latter,  afterwards  known  by  the  name  of  Achradina,  covered  the  hi<^h 
ground  of  the  peninsula  north  of  Ortygia,  and  was  completely  separate  from 
the  inner  city.     The  island  of  Ortygia,  to  which  the  modern  city  is  now 
confined,  is  of  an  oblong  shape,  about  two  miles  in  circumference,  lying 
between  the  Great  Harbor  on  the  west  and  the  Little  Harbor  on  the  east 
and  separated  from  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  channel.     The  Great  Har- 
bor is  a  splendid  bay,  about  five  miles  in  circumference,  the  entrance  of 
wliich  is  protected  on  the  left  hand  by  the  promontory  Plemmyrium,  and 
on  the  right  hand  by  a  projecting  cape  of  the  island  of  Ortygia.     The 
little  port,  also  called  Laccius,  wliich  lay  between  Ortygia  and  the  outer 
city,  was  spacious  enough  to  receive  a  large  fleet  of  ships  of  war.     The 
outer  city  was  surrounded  on  the  north  and  east  by  the  sea,  and  by  sea- 
walls, which  rendered  an  assault  on  that  side  almost  impracticable.     On 
the  land  side  it  was  defended  by  a  wall,  and  partly  also  by  the  nature  of 
the  ground,  which  in  some  parts  was  very  steep.     The  low  ground  between 
the  outer  city  and  Ortygia  seems  not  to  have  been  included  in  the  fortifi- 
cations of  either,  but  was  employed  partly  as  a  burial-ground,  partly  for 
games  and  religious  processions.     West  and  northwest  of.  the  wall  of  the 
outer  city  stood  two  unfortified  suburbs,  which  were  at  a  later  time  included 
within  the  walls  of  Syracuse  under  the  names  of  Tyclie  and  Neapolis. 
At  the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking,  the  latter  was  called  Temenites, 
from  having  within  it  the  statue  and  consecrated  ground  of  Apollo  Teme- 
nites.    Between  these  two  suburbs  the  ground  rose  hi  a  gentle  acclivity  to 
the  summit  of  the  ranges  of  hills  called  Epipola?. 

§  10.  It  was  from  the  high  ground  of  Epipolie  that  Syracuse  was  most 
exposed  to  attack.     The  Syracusan  generals  had  hitherto  neglected  this 
important  position,  and  were  on  the  point  of  occupying  it,  when  they  viere 
antici[)ated  by  Nicias.     Landing  at  Leon,  a  place  upon  the  Bay  of  Thapsus, 
at  the  distance  of  only  six  or  seven  stadia  from  P^pipohe,  the  Athenian 
troops  reached  the  summit  just  as  the  Syracusans  were  marching  towards 
the  heights.     They  made,  however,  an  attemj)t  to  dislodge  the  Athenians, 
which  was  repulsed;  and  on  the  following  morning,  Nicias  and  Lamachug 
mart*h(Ml  their  troops  down  the  ridge  and  offered  battle,  which  was  declined 
by  the  Syracusans.     On  the  summit  of  P][)ipoU«,  Nicias  constructed  a  fort 
called  Labdalum ;  and  then,  coming  farther  down  the  hill  towards  Syra- 
cuse, he  built  another  fort  of  a  circular  form  and  of  considerable  size  at 
a  place  called  Syke.     From  the  latter  point  h^  commenced  his  line  of 
circumvallation,  one  wall  extending  south wai*ds  from  Syke  to  the  Great 
Harbor,  and  the  other  wall  running  northwards  from  the  same  fortress 
to  the  outer  sea  at  Trogilus.    (See  Plan,  K,  L,  M.)     While  the  Athenians 
were  busy  upon  their  lines  towards  the  north,  the  Syracusans  ran  a  counter- 
wall  from  their  own  lines  up  the  slope  of  the  Epipolai  (see  Plan,  N,  O), 


i! 


ki 


I 


916 


HISTORY   OP  GREECE. 


I V/ II AP«   A  JV  A» 


B.C.414.] 


ARRIVAL    OF   GYLIPPUS. 


317 


but  after  a  sharp  conflict  it  was  taken  by  the  Athenians  and  destroyed. 
Not  disheartened  by  this  failure,  the  Syracusans  commenced  a  second 
counter-work,  and  succeeded  in  constructing  a  ditch  and  stockade,  which 
extended  again  from  their  own  lines  across  the  marsh  to  the  Anapus.  (See 
Plan,  P,  Q.)     From  this  new  position  they  were  also  dislodged  by  the 


Plan  of  Syracuse.    (From  Grote's  Greece.) 

A,  B,  C,  B.  Wall  of  the  Outer  City  of  Syracuse  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  Nicias  in  Sicily. 
E,  F.  Wall  of  Ortygia,  or  the  Inner  City  of  Syracuse,  at  the  same  time. 
G.  H,  I.  Additional  fortification  built  by  the  Syracusans  in  the  winter  of  415  -  414  B.  0. 

K.  Athenian  fortification  at  Syk6. 
K,  L,  M   Southern  portion  of  the  Athenian  circumvallation  from  Syk6  to  the  Great  Harbor. 
N,  0.  First  counter-work  erected  by  the  Syracusans. 
P,  Q.  Second  counter-work  constructed  by  the  Syracusans. 

K  R.  Intended,  but  unfinished,  circumvallation  of  the  Athenians  from  the  northern  side  oC 
Syke  to  the  outer  sea  at  Trogilus. 
8,  T,  U.  TWrd  Syracusan  counter-wall. 

V.  Outer  fort  constructed  by  Gylippus. 
V  W  T.  Wall  of  junction  between  this  outer  fort  and  the  third  Syracusan  counter-work. 

Athenians ;  but  in  the  assault,  which  was  led  by  Lamachus,  this  gallant 
officer  was  slain.  At  the  same  time  the  Athenian  fleet  entered  the  Great 
Harbor,  where  it  was  henceforth  permanently  established. 

Tlie  Syracusans  offered  no  further  opposition  to  the  progress  of  the 
circumvallation,  which  was  at  length  completed  towards  the  south.  It 
consisted  of  two  distinct  walls,  with  a  space  between  them,  which  was 
perhaps  partly  roofed  over,  in  order  to  afford  shelter  for  the  troops.    The 


northern  wall  towards  Trogilus  was  never  completed,  and  through  the  pas 
sage  thus  left  open,  the  besieged  continued  to  obtain  provisions. 

Nicias,  who,  by  the  death  of  Lamachus,  had  become  sole  commander, 
seemed  now  on  the  point  of  succeeding.  The  Syracusans  were  so  sensible 
of  their  inferiority  in  the  field,  that  they  no  longer  ventured  to  show  them- 
selves outside  the  walls.  They  began  to  contemplate  surrender,  and  even 
sent  messages  to  Nicias  to  treat  of  the  terms.  This  caused  the  Athenian 
commander  to  indulge  in  a  false  confidence  of  success,  and  consequent 
apathy;  and  the  army  having  lost  the  active  and  energetic  Lamachus, 
operations  were  no  longer  carried  on  with  the  requisite  activity. 

§  IL  It  was  in  this  state  of  affairs  that  the  Spartan  commander  Gylip- 
pus passed  over  into  Italy  with  a  Uttle  squadron  of  four  ships,  two  La- 
cedieinonian  and  two  Corinthian,  with   the   view  merely  of  preservino" 
the  Greek  cities  in  that  country,  supposing  that  Syracuse,  and,  with  her, 
the  other  Greek  cities  in  Sicily,  were  irretrievably  lost.    As  he  proceeded 
southwards  along  the  Italian  coast,  a  violent  storm  drove  him  into  Taren- 
tum.     Nicias,  though  informed  of  his  arrival,  regarded  his  little  squadron 
with  contempt,  and  took  no  measures  to  interrupt  his  progress.    From  the 
Epizephyrian  Locrians  Gylippus  learned,  to  his  great  surprise  and  satisfac- 
tion, that  the  Athenian  wall  of  circumvallation  at  Syracuse  had  not  yet 
been  completed  on  the  northern  §ide.     He  now  sailed  through  the  Straits 
of  Messana,  which  were  left  completely  unguarded,  and  arrived  safely 
at  Himera  on  the  north  coast  of  Sicily.     Here  he  announced  himself 
as  tlie  forerunner  of  larger  succors,  and  began  to  levy  an  army,  which 
the  magic   of  the   Spartan   name   soon   enabled   him  to  effect;  and  in 
a  few  days  he   was  in   a  condition  to  march   towards    Syracuse  with 
about  three  thousand  men.     His  approach  had  been  already  announced 
by   Gongylus,   a   Corinthian,   who   had  been   sent   forwards   fi-om   the 
Corinthian    fleet   then    assembled    at    Leucas.      The    Syracusans    now 
dismissed  all  thoughts  of  surrender,  and  went  out  boldly  to  meet  Gy- 
lippus, who  marched  into  Syracuse  over  the  heights  of  Epi|iola;,  which 
the  supineness  of  Nicias  had  left  unguarded.     Upon  arriving  in  the  city, 
Gylippus  sent  a  message  to  tlie  Athenians  allowing  them  a  five  days' 
truce  to  collect  their  effects  and  evacuate  the  island.     Nicias  returned  no 
answer  to  this  insulting  proposal ;  but  the  operations  of  Gylippus  soon 
showed  that  the  tide  of  affairs  was  really  turned.     His  first  exploit  wtxs  to 
cai)ture  the  Athenian  fort  at  Labalum,  which  made  him  master  of  Epi- 
pohe.     He  next  commenced  constructing  a  counter-wall  to  intersect  the 
Athenian  lines  on  the  northern  side.     This  third  counter-work  of  the 
Syracusans  extended  from  their  city  wall  to  the  northern  cliff"  of  Epipolse, 
and  Wiis  brought  to  a  successful  completion.     (See  Plan,  S,  U.)     Gylip- 
pus subsequently  buih  a  fort  (V)  upon  Epipolaj ;  and  from  this  fort  car- 
ried another  wall  which  joined  at  right  angles  the  counter-work  already 
erected.    (See  Plan,  V,  W,  U.)    This  turn  of  affairs  induced  those  Sicihan 


I 


318 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXX. 


B.  C.  413.] 


THE   ATHENIAN   FLEET    DEFEATED. 


319 


cities,  which  had  hitherto  hesitated,  to  embrace  the  side  of  Syracuse. 
Gylippus  was  also  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  thirty  triremes  from 
Corinth,  Leucas,  and  Ambracia.  Nicias  now  felt  that  the  attempt  to 
blockade  Syracuse  with  his  present  force  was  hopeless.  He  therefore 
resolved  to  occupy  the  headland  of  Plemmyrinm,  the  southernmost  point 
of  the  entrance  to  the  Great  Harbor,  which  would  be  a  convenient  station 
for  watching  the  enemy,  as  well  Jis  for  facilitating  the  introduction  of  sup- 
plies. Here  he  acconlingly  erected  three  forts  and  fonned  a  naval  station. 
Some  slight  affairs  occurred,  in  which  the  balance  of  advantage  was  in 
favor  of  the  Syracusans.  By  their  change  of  station  the  Athenians  were 
now  a  besieged  rather  than  a  besieging  force.  Tlieir  triremes  were  be- 
coming  leaky,  and  their  soldiers  and  sailors  were  constantly  deserting. 
Nicias  himself  had  fallen  into  a  bad  state  of  health ;  and  in  this  discour- 
aging posture  of  affairs  he  wrote  to  Athens  requesting  to  be  recalled,  and 
insisting  strongly  on  the  necessity  of  sending  reinforcements. 

§  12.  The  Athenians  refused  to  recall  Nicias,  but  they  determined  on 
sending  a  large  reinforcement  to  Sicily,  under  the  joint  command  of  De- 
mosthenes and  Eurymedon.  The  news  of  these  fresh  and  extensive  prep- 
anitions  incited  the  Lacediemonians  to  more  vigorous  action.  The  peace, 
if  such  it  can  be  called,  had  been  violated  in  the  year  414  b.  c,  when  the 
Lacedemonians  invaded  and  ravaged  tlie  Argive  territories,  whilst  the 
Athenians  assisted  tlie  Argives  with  a  fleet  of  thirty  triremes,  and  laid 
waste  Epidaurus,  and  some  neighlwring  phices.  But  in  the  spring  of  413 
B.C.,  the  Lacedamonians,  under  King  Agis,  invaded  Attica  itself,  and, 
following  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  established  themselves  pei-manently  at 
Decelea,  a  place  situated  on  the  ridge  of  Mount  Fames,  about  fourteen 
miks  north  of  Athens,  and  commanding  the  Athenian  plain.  The  city  was 
thus  placed  in  a  state  of  siege.  Scarcity  began  to  be  felt  within  the  walls; 
the  revenues  were  falling  off,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  expenses  were  in- 
creasing. Yet  even  under  these  circumstances  tlie  Athenians  had  no 
thoughts  of  abandoning  their  ambitious  enterprises.  It  was  resolved  not 
only  to  send  reinforcements  to  Sicily,  but  also  to  insult  the  coasts  of 
Liiconia.  For  this  purpose  Charicles  was  sent  thither  with  a  fleet  of  thirty 
triremes ;  and  being  assisted  by  Demosthenes  with  the  aimament  which 
he  was  conducting  to  Sicily,  Charicles  succeeded  in  establishing  himself 
on  the  coast  of  Laconia,  at  a  spot  opposite  to  the  island  of  Cythei-a,  in  a 
manner  somewhat  similar  to  the  Athenian  fort  at  Pylos. 

§  13.  Meanwhile  in  Sicily  the  Syracusans  had  gained  such  confidence 
that  they  even  ventured  on  a  naval  engagement  with  the  Athenians. 
A  battle  was  fought  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Harbor,  in  which  the 
Athenians  were,  indeed,  victorious ;  but  when  they  sailed  back  to  theu- 
station  at  Plemmyrium,  they  found  that  Gylippus  had  taken  advantage  of 
this  diversion  to  attack  and  take  their  forts  there,  and  that  a  great  quan- 
tity of  stores  and  provisions  had  fallen  into  his  hands.    Moreover,  the 


Syracusans  were  not  discouraged  by  their  defeat  from  venturing  on  an- 
other naval  engagement.  They  had  greatly  improved  the  construction  of 
their  vessels  by  strengthening  tlieir  bows,  and  had  learnt  how  to  meet  or 
evade  the  nautical  manoeuvres  of  the  Atlienians,  which  were  also  con- 
siderably impeded  by  the  narrow  limits  of  the  Great  Harbor,  now  the 
scene  of  conflict.  The  second  battle  lasted  two  days,  and  ended  in  the 
defeat  of  the  Athenians,  who  were  now  obliged  to  haul  up  their  ships  in 
the  innermost  part  of  the  Great  Harbor,  under  the  lines  of  their  fortified 
camp.  A  still  more  serious  disiister  tliaii  the  loss  of  the  battle  was  the 
loss  of  their  naval  rei)utation.  It  was  evident  that  the  Athenians  had 
ceased  to  l)e  invincible  on  the  sea ;  and  the  Syracusans  no  longer  de- 
spaired of  overcoming  them  on  tlieir  own  element. 

§  14.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when,  to  the  astonishment  of  the 
SjTacusans,  a  fresh  Athenian  fleet  of  seventy-five  triremes,  under  Demos- 
thenes and  Eurymedon,  entered  the  Great  Harbor  with  all  the  pomp 
and  circumstance   of  war.     It  had  on  board  a  force  of  five  thousand 
hoplites,  of  whom  about  a  quarter  were  Atlienians,  and  a  great  number 
of  light-armed  troops.     The  active  and  enterprising  character  of  Demos- 
thenes led  him  to  adopt  more  vigorous  measures  than  those  which  had 
been  hitherto  pursued.  He  saw  at  once  that  whilst  Epipola?  remained  in  the 
possession  of  the  Syracusans  there  was  no  hope  of  taking  their  city,  and  he 
therefore  directed  all  his  efforts  to  the  recapture  of  that  position.     But  all 
his  attempts  were  unavailing.     He  was  defeated,  not  only  m  an  open 
assault  upon  the  Syracusan  wall,  but  in  a  nocturnal  attempt  to  carry  it  by 
surprise.     These  reverses  were  aggravated  by  the  breaking  out  of  sick- 
ness among  the  troops.     Demosthenes  now  proposed  to  return  home  and 
assist  in  expelling  the  Lacedaemonians  from  Attica,  instead  of  pursuing  an 
enterprise  which  seemed  to  be  hopeless.     But  Nicias,  who  feared  to 
return  to  Athens  with  the  stigma  of  fliilure,  refused  to  give  his  consent  to 
this  step.     Demosthenes  then  urged  Nicias  at  least  to  sail  immediately 
out  of  the  Great  Harbor,  and  take  up  their  position  either  at  Thapsus  or 
Catana,  where  they  could  obtain  abundant  supplies  of  provisions,  and 
would  have  an  open  sea  for  the  manoeuvres  of  their  fleet.     But  even  to 
this  proposal  Nicias  would  not  consent ;  and  the  army  and  navy  remained 
in  their  former  position.     Soon  afterwai-ds,  however,  Gylippus  received 
such  large  reinforcements,  that  Nicias  found  it  necessary  to  adopt  the 
advice  of  his  colleague.     Preparations  were  secretly  made  for  their  de- 
parture ;  the  enemy  appear  to  liave  had  no  suspicion  of  their  intention, 
and  they  were  on  the  point  of  quitting  their  ill-fated  quarters  on  the 
following  morning,  when  on  the  very  night  before  (27  Aug.  413  b.  c.)  an 
eclipse  of  the  moon  took  place.    The  soothsayers  who  were  consulted  said 
that  the  army  must  wait  thrice  nine  days,  a  full  circle  of  the  moon,  before 
It  could  quit  its  present  position ;  and  the  devout  and  superstitious  Nicias 
forthwith  resolved  to  abide  by  this  decision. 


m 


I'  1 


I 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXX. 


iii 


MeanwMle  the  intention  of  the  Athenians  became  known  to  the  Syra- 
cusans,  who  determined  to  strike  a  blow  before  their  enemy  escaped. 
They  accordmgly  attacked  the  Athenian  station  both  by  sea  and  land. 
On  land  the  attack  of  Gylippus  was  repulsed;  but  at  sea  the  Athenian 
fleet  was  completely  defeated,  and  Eurymedon,  who  commanded  the  nght 

division,  was  slain. 

The  spirits  of  the  Syracusans  rose  with  their  victories,  and  though  they 
would  formerly  have  been  content  with  the  mere  retreat  of  the  Athenians, 
they  now  resolved  on  effecting  their  utter  destruction.  With  this  view 
they  blocked  up  the  entrance  of  the  Great  Harbor  with  a  line  of  vessels 
moored  across  it  All  hope  seemed  now  to  be  cut  off  from  the  Athenians, 
unless  they  could  succeed  in  forcing  this  line,  and  thus  effecting  their 
escape.  The  Athenian  fleet  still  numbered  one  hundred  and  ten  tri- 
remes, which  Nicias  furnished  with  grappling-irons,  in  order  to  bring  the 
enemy  to  close  quarters,  and  then  caused  a  large  proportion  of  his  land 
force  to  embark.  Before  they  set  off;  Nicias  addressed  the  most  earnest 
and  touching  appeals  both  to  the  crews  and  to  the  individual  commanders 
to  fight  with  bravery,  since  not  only  their  own  fate,  but  that  of  Athens 
itself,  depended  on  the  issue  of  that  da/s  combat.  He  himself  remamed 
on  shore,  where  the  army  was  drawn  up  to  witness  the  conflict. 

§  15.  Never  perhaps  was  a  battle  fought  under  circumstances  of  such 
intense  interest,  or  witnessed  by  so  many  spectators  vitally  concerned  m 
the  result.     The  basin  of  the  Great  Harbor,  about  five  miles  in  circum- 
ference, m  wliich  nearly  two  hmidred  ships,  each  with  crews  of  more  than 
two  hundred  men,  were  about  to  engage,  was  lined  with  spectators ;  whilst 
the  walls  of  Ortygia,  overhanging  the  water,  were  crowded  with  old  men, 
women,  and  children,  anxious  to  behold  a  conflict  which  was  to  decide  the 
fate  of  their  enemies,  if  not  their  own.    The  surface  of  the  water  swarmed 
with  Syracusan  small  craft,  many  of  them  manned  by  youthful  volunteers 
of  the  best  families,  ready  to  direct  their  services  wherever  they  might  be 
wanted.     The  whole  scene,  except  in  its  terrible  reality  and  the  momen- 
tous interests  depending  on  it,  resembled  on  a  large  scale  the  naumachue 
exhibited  by  the  Roman  emperors  for  the  amusement  of  their  subjects. 
The  Syracusan  fleet,  consisting  of  seventy-six  triremes,  was  the  fii-st  to 
leave  the   shore.     A  considerable  portion  was  detached  to  guard  the 
barrier  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor.     Hither  was  directed  the  first  and 
most  unpetuous  attack  of  the  Athenians,  who  sought  to  break  through  the 
narrow  opening  which  had  been  lefl  for  the  piu^sage  of  merchant-vessels. 
Their  onset  was  repulsed,  and  the  battle  tlien  became  general.     The 
shouts  of  the  combatants,  and  the  crash  of  the  iron  heads  of  the  vessels  as 
they  were  driven  together,  resounded  over  the  water,  and  were  answered 
an  shore  by  the  cheers  or  waihngs  of  the  spectators,  as  their  fnends 
were  victorious  or  vanquished.     For  a  long  time  the  battle  was  main- 
tained with  heroic  courage  and  dubious  result.     At  length,  as  the  Athe- 


B.C.413.]  DISASTROUS   RETREAT   OF   THE   ATHENIANS.  321 

nian  vessels  began  to  yield  and  make  back  towards  the  shore,  a  universal 
shriek  of  hornor  and  despair  arose  fi-om  tlie  Athenian  army,  whilst  shouts 
of  joy  and  victory  were  raised  from  the  pursuing  vessels,  and  were  echoed 
back  from  the  Syracusans  on  land.  As  the  Athenian  vessels  neared  the 
shore  their  crews  leaped  out,  and  made  for  the  camp,  whilst  the  boldest 
of  the  land  army  rushed  forward  to  protect  the  ships  from  bein-  seized 
by  the  enemy.  The  Athenians  succeeded  in  saving  only  sixty  ships  or 
about  half  their  fleet.  The  Syracusan  fleet,  however,  had  been  reduced 
to  fifty  ships ;  and  on  the  same  afternoon,  Nicias  and  Demosthenes,  as  a 
last  hope  of  escape,  exhorted  their  men  to  make  another  attempt  to  break 
the  enemy's  Hne,  and  force  their  way  out  of  the  harbor.  But  the  courage 
of  the  crews  was  so  completely  damped,  that  they  positively  refused  to 
re-embark. 

§  16.  The  Athenian  army  still  numbered  forty  thousand  men ;  and  as  all 
chance  of  escape  by  sea  was  now  hopeless,  it  was  resolved  to  retreat  by 
land  to  some  friendly  city,  and  there  defend  themselves  against  the  attacks 
of  the  Syracusans.     This  Hemiocrates  was  determined  to  prevent      The 
day  on  which  the  battle  was  fought  happened  to  be  sacred  to  Hercules 
and  a  festival  among  the  Syracusans.     This  circumstance,  in  addition  to 
the  joy  and  elation  naturally  resulting  from  so  great  a  victory,  had  thrown 
the  city  into  a  state  of  feasting  and  intoxication ;  and  had  the  Athenians 
taken  theu-  departure  that  niglit,  nobody  would  have  been  found  to  oppose 
them.     Hermocrates,  therefore,  when  darkness  had  set  in,  sent  down  some 
men  to  the  Athenian  wall,  who,  pretending  to  come  from  the  secret  corre- 
spondents  of  Nicias  m  Syracuse,  warned  liim  not  to  decamp  that  ni-ht, 
as  all  the  roads  were  beset  by  the  Syracusans.     Nicias  fell  mto  the  snire 
and  thus,  by  another  fatal  mistake,  really  aflbrded  the  Syracusans  an  op- 
portunity for  obstructing  his  retreat. 

It  was  not  till  the  next  day  but  one  after  the  battle  that  the  Athenian 
army  began  to  move.     Never  were  men  in  so  complete  a  state  of  prostra- 
tion.   Their  vessels  were  abandoned  to  the  enemy,  without  an  attempt  to 
save  them.     As  the  soldiers  turned  to  quit  that  fatal  encampment,  the  sense 
ot  their  own  woes  was  for  a  moment  suspended  by  the  sight  of  their  un- 
buned  comrades,  who  seemed  to  reproach  them  with  the  neglect  of  a  sacred 
duty;  but  still  more  by  the  waitings  and  entreaties  of  the  wounded,  who 
clung  around  their  knees,  and  implored  not  to  be  abandoned  to  certain 
destruction.     Amid  this  scene  of  universal  woe  and  dejection,  a  fresh  and 
unwonted  spirit  of  energy  and  heroism  seemed  to  be  infused  into  Nicias. 
1  hough  suffering  under  an  mcurable  complaint,  he  was  everywhere  seen 
marshalling  his  troops,  and  encouraging  them  by  his  exhortations.     The 
march  was  directed  towards  the  territory  of  the  Sicels  in  the  interior  of 
the  island.     The  army  was  formed  into  a  hollow  square,  with  the  baggage 
m  the  middle ;  Nicias  leading  the  van,  and  Demosthenes  bringing  up  the 
rear.     Having  forced  the  passage  of  the  river  Anapus,  they  marched  on 

41 


♦ 


•  I 


M 


822 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXX 


thie, first  day  about  five  mUes  to  the  westward,  on  the  second  day  about 
half  that  distance,  and  encamped  on  a  cultivated  plain.  From  this  place 
the  road  ascended  by  a  sort  of  ravine  over  a.  steep  hill  called  the  Acraean 
diff",  on  wliich  the  Syracusans  had  fortified  themselves.  After  spending 
two  days  in  vain  attempts  to  force  this  position,  Nicias  and  Demosthenes 
resolved  during  the  night  to  strike  off*  to  the  left  towards  the  sea.  Nicias, 
with  the  van,  succeeded  in  reaching  the  coast ;  but  Demosthenes,  who  had 
lost  his  way,  was  overtaken  by  the  Syracusans  at  noon  on  the  following 
day,  and  surrounded  in  a  narrow  pass.  Many  of  his  troops  had  disbanded 
during  the  night  march,  and  many  fell  in  the  conflict  which  now  ensued, 
till,  being  reduced  to  the  number  of  six  thousand,  they  surrendered,  on 
condition  of  their  lives  being  spared. 

§  17.  Meanwhile  Nicias,  with  the  van,  had  pursued  his  march,  and 
crossed  the  river  Erineus.  On  the  following  day,  however,  Gylippus 
overtook  him,  and,  having  informed  him  of  the  fate  of  his  colleague,  sum- 
moned him  to  surrender.  But  Nicias  was  incredulous,  and  pursued  his 
march  amidst  the  harassing  attacks  of  the  Syracusans.  The  attempt  to 
cross  the  river  Asinarus  decided  the  fate  of  his  army.  The  men  rushed 
into  the  water  in  the  greatest  disorder,  partly  to  escape  the  enemy,  but 
chiefly  from  a  desire  to  quench  the  burning  thirst  with  which  they  were 
tormented.  Hundreds  were  pressed  forwards  down  the  steep  banks  of  the 
river,  and  were  either  trodden  under  foot,  or  impaled  on  the  spears  of 
those  below,  or  carried  away  by  the  stream.  Yet  others  fi-om  behind  still 
kept  pressing  on,  anxious  to  partake  of  the  now  turbid  and  bloody  water. 
The  troops  thus  became  so  completely  disorganized,  that  all  further  resist- 
ance was  hopeless,  and  Nicias  surrendered  at  discretion. 

Out  of  the  forty  thousand  who  started  from  the  camp,  only  ten  thousand 
at  the  utmost  were  left  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  day*s  march ;  the  rest  had 
either  deserted  or  been  slain.  The  prisoners  were  sent  to  work  in  the 
stone-quarries  of  Achradina  and  Epipolae.  Here  they  were  crowded  to- 
gether without  any  shelter,  and  with  scarcely  provisions  enough  to  sustain 
life.  The  numerous  bodies  of  those  who  died  were  left  to  putrefy  where 
they  had  fallen,  till  at  length  the  place  became  such  an  intolerable  centre 
of  stench  and  infection,  that,  at  the  end  of  seventy  days,  the  Syracusans, 
for  their  own  comfort  and  safety,  were  obliged  to  remove  the  survivors. 
All  but  the  Athenians  and  the  Itahan  and  Sicilian  Greeks  were  sold  into 
slavery.  What  became  of  the  Athenians  we  are  not  informed,  but  they 
were  probably  employed  as  slaves  by  the  richer  Syracusans,  smce  the  story 
runs  that  many  succeeded  in  winning  the  affection  and  pity  of  their  mas- 
ters by  reciting  portions  of  the  dramas  of  Euripides.  Nicias  and  Demos- 
thenes were  condemned  to  death,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  Gylippus  and 
Hermocrates  to  save  them.  The  latter  contrived  to  spare  them  the  hu- 
miliation of  a  public  execution,  by  providing  them  with  the  means  of  com- 
mitting suicide. 


..It 


B.  C.  413.1 


NICIAS   AND   DEMOSTHENES. 


323 


§  18.  Such  was  the  end  of  two  of  the  largest  and  best  appointed  arma- 
ments that  had  ever  gone  forth  from  Athens.     Nicias,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  from  the  first  opposed  to  the  expedition  in  wliich  they  were  employed, 
as  pregnant  with  the  most  dangerous  consequences  to  Athens ;  and  though 
it  must  be  admitted  that  in  this  respect  his  views  were  sound,  it  cannot  at 
the  same  time  be  concealed,  that  his  own  want  of  energy,  and  his  incom- 
petence as  a  general,  were  the  chief  causes  of  the  failure  of  the  undertak- 
ing.    Possessing  much  fortitude  but  little  enterprise,  respectable  in  private 
life,  punctual  in  the  performance  of  his  religious  duties,  not  deficient  in  a 
certain  kmd  of  political  wisdom,  which,  however,  derived  its  color  rather 
from  timidity  and  over-caution  than  from  that  happy  mixture  of  boldness 
and  prudence  which  characterizes  the  true  statesman,  Nicias  had  by  these 
quahties  obtained  far  more  than  his  just  share  of  political  reputation  and 
influence,  and  had  thus  been  named  to  the  command  of  an  expedition  for 
which  he  was  qualified  neither  by  military  skill  nor  by  that  enthusiasm 
and  confidence  of  success  which  it  so  peculiarly  demanded.     His  mistakes 
involved  the  fall  of  Demosthenes,  an  officer  of  far  greater  resolution  and 
ability  than  himself,  and  who,  had  his  counsels  been  followed,  would  in  all 
probability  have  conducted  the  enterprise  to  a  safe  termination,  though 
there  was  no  longer  room  to  hope  for  success.     The  career  of  Demosthenes 
marks  him  as  one  of  the  first  generals  of  the  age,  but  unfortunately  he 
held  only  a  subordinate  rank  in  Sicily.     The  Athenians  became  sensible 
when  too  late  of  the  difference  between  the  two  commanders.     On  the 
pillar  erected  to  the  memory  of  the  >varriors  who  fell  in  Sicily,  the  name 
of  Demosthenes  found  a  place,  whilst  that  of  Nicias  was  omitted. 


\ 


H 


i! 


-^  \1 


884 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[G 


XXXL 


B.  C.  413.] 


DISMAT   OF  THE   ATHENIANS. 


325 


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street  of  the  Tripods  at  Athens,  from  a  bas-relief. 


CHAPTER  XXXL 

FROM  THE  END    OP   THE   SICILIAN   EXPEDITION    TO    THE    OVERTHROW 

OF   THE  FOUR  HUNDRED   AT  ATHENS. 

1 1.  Consternation  and  Hardshi!)s  at  Athens.  §  2.  Measures  for  Defence.  ^  S.  Revolt  of 
Chios,  Erythrae,  and  Clazomense.  §  4.  Spread  of  the  Revolt.  Defection  of  Teos,  Les- 
1)08,  and  Miletus.  Revolution  at  Snmos,  which  becomes  the  Head-quarters  of  the  Ath« 
nian  Fleet.  \  5.  Recovery  of  Lesbos  by  the  Athenians.  Dissatisfaction  of  the  Lacedsemo 
nians  with  Tissaphemes.  \  6.  Schemes  of  Alcibiades.  §  7.  He  proposes  a  League  be- 
tween the  Athenians  and  Persians,  and  the  Establishment  of  an  Oligarchy  at  Athens.  §  8. 
Agitation  for  an  Oligarchy  at  Athens.  \  9.  Conference  of  Peisander  with  Alcibiades. 
Artifices  of  the  Latter.  Fresh  Treaty  between  Tissaphemes  and  the  Lacedaemonians. 
1 10.  Progress  of  the  Oligarchical  Conspiracy  at  Athens  and  Samos.  §  11.  Establishment 
of  the  Four  Hundred  §  12.  Their  Proceedings.  §  13.  Proceedings  at  Samos.  Alcibi- 
ades joins  the  Democracy  there.  ^  14.  The  Athenian  Envoys  at  Samos.  §  15.  Dissen- 
nons  among  the  Four  Hundred.  They  negotiate  with  Sparta.  §  16.  Counter  Revolution 
at  Athens.  Defeat  of  the  Athenian  Fleet  and  Capture  of  Euboea  by  the  Laceda;monians. 
\  17.  The  Four  Hundred  deposed  and  Democracy  re-established  at  Athens. 

§  1.  The  first  intelligence  of  the  destruction  of  the  Sicilian  armament 
IS  said  to  have  been  communicated  by  a  stranger,  in  a  barber's  shop  in  the 
Peineus.  Big  with  the  eventful  news,  the  unfortunate  barber  hastened 
up  to  Athens  to  communicate  it  to  the  archons  and  the  public ;  but  he  was 
treated  as  a  talebearer  and  impostor;  and  being  unable  to  corroborate 
his  story,  in  consequence  of  the  disappearance  of  his  informant,  he  was 
put  to  the  torture.  The  tidings  were,  however,  soon  confirmed  by  the 
arrival  of  fugitives  who  had  managed  to  escape  from  the  disastrous  scene. 
Athens  was  now  filled  with  affliction  and  dismay.  To  private  grief  for 
the  loss  of  friends  was  added  despair  of  the  public  safety.  There  seemed 
to  be  no  means  of  pfeventing  the  city  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 


Lacedemonians.  The  popular  fury  vented  itself  in  abusing  the  orators 
who  had  recommended  the  expedition,  and  the  soothsayers  who  liad  fore- 
told its  success. 

The  aflfairs  of  the  Athenians  wore  indeed  a  most  tlireatening  aspect. 
The  Lacedaemonian  post  at  Decelea  was  a  constant  source  of  annoyance. 
No  part  of  Attica  escaped  the  forays  which  were  made  from  thence.    All 
the  cattle  were  destroyed,  and  the  most  valuable  slaves  began  to  desert  in 
great  numbers  to  the  enemy.     Athens  was  ahnost  in  a  state  of  siege. 
The  fatigue  of  guarding  the  large  extent  of  wall  became  very  onerous  on 
the  reduced  number  of  citizens.     The  knights  or  horsemen  were  on  con- 
stant duty  in  order  to  repress  the  enemy's  marauders ;  but  their  horses 
were  soon  lamed  and  rendered  inefficient  by  the  liard  and  stony  nature  of 
the  soil.     But  what  chiefly  excited  the  despondency  of  the  Athenians  was 
the  visible  decline  of  their  naval  superiority.     An  engagement  with  the 
Corinthian  fleet  near  Naupactus,  in  the  summer  of  413  b.  c,  had  ended 
witli  neither  side  gaining  the  advantage,  though  the  forces  were  nearly 
equal;  but  to  the  Athenians  the  moral  eflfects   were  equivalent  to  a 
defeat, 

§  2.  Yet  that  cheerfuhiess  and  energy  under  misfortune  which  form  such 
striking  and  excellent  traits  in  the  character  of  the  Athenians,  did  not  long 
desert  them.  After  the  first  movements  of  rage  and  despair,  they  began  to 
contemplate  their  condition  more  calmly,  and  to  take  the  necessary  meas- 
ures for  defence.  A  board  of  elders  was  appointed,  under  the  name  of 
Probuli,*  to  watch  over  the  public  safety.  The  splendor  of  the  pubhc 
ceremonies  was  curtailed  in  order  to  raise  funds  for  the  necessities  of 
the  state ;  the  garrison  recently  established  on  the  coast  of  Laeonia  was 
recalled  ;  the  building  of  a  new  fleet  was  commenced;  and  Cape  Sunium 
was  fortified  in  order  to  insure  an  unmterrupted  communication  between 
Peiraeus  and  Euboea,  from  which  island  the  Athenians  principaUy  drew 
their  provisions. 

§  3.  Whilst  the  unperial  city  was  thus  driven  to  consult  for  her  very 
existence,  it  seemed  a  chimerical  hope  that  she  could  retam  her  widely 
scattered  dependencies.  Her  situation  inspired  her  enemies  with  new 
vigor;  stiitcs  hitherto  neutral  declared  against  her;  her  subject  allies  pre- 
pared to  throw  off  the  yoke ;  even  the  Persian  satraps  and  the  court  of 
Susa  bestirred  themselves  against  her.  The  first  blow  to  the  Athenian 
empire  was  struck  by  the  wealthy  and  populous  island  of  Chios.  This 
again  was  the  work  of  Alcibiades,  the  implacable  enemy  of  his  native 
land.  In  the  winter  following  the  overthrow  of  the  Athenian  armament 
in  Sicily,  several  of  the  most  powerful  allies  of  Athens,  among  whom  were 
the  Eub(cans,  Chians,  and  Lesbians,  had  solicited  Sparta  to  ^ist  them  in 
throwing  oflf  the  Athenian  yoke.    At  the  same  time  envoys  appeared  at 

*  JJpo^ovXoi, 


i 


326 


HISTORY  OP  GREECB. 


IChaf.  XXXI. 


m 


Sparta  from  Tissapheraes,  the  Persian  satrap  of  Ionia,  Caria,  and  the 
adjacent  coasts,  and  from  Pharnabazus,  whose  satrapy  extended  from  the 
Euxine  to  the  Gulf  of  Etea,  inviting  the  Lacedaimonians  to  co-operate 
with  them  in  destroying  tlie  Athenian  empire  in  Asia,  and  promising  to 
provide  the  necessary  funds.    . 

By  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  the  Lacedaemonians  resolved  that  the 
Chians  should  have  the  preference,  and  that  a  fleet  should  be  sent  to  their 
assistance.  Impatient  of  delay,  Alcibiades  shortly  afterwards  crossed  over 
to  Chios  with  a  Lacedaemonian  squadron  of  five  ships,  under  the  command 
of  Chalcideus.  The  oligarcliical  party  at  Chios  had  matured  all  their 
plans  for  the  revolt,  and  the  arrival  of  Alcibiades  caused  them  to  be  put 
into  execution.  The  people  were  taken  by  surprise,  and  were  reluctantly 
induced  to  renounce  their  alliance  with  Athens.  Their  example  was 
almost  immediately  followed  by  Erythrae  and  Clazomenae. 

§  4.  The  reserve  of  one  thousand  talents,  set  apart  by  Pericles  to  meet 
the  contingency  of  an  actual  invasion,  still  remained  untouched ;  but  now 
by  a  unanimous  vote  the  penalty  of  death,  wliich  forbade  its  appropriation 
to  any  other  purpose,  was  abolished,  and  the  fund  applied  in  fitting  out  a 
fleet  against  Chios.  Meantime,  Alcibiades  was  indefatigable  in  fanning 
the  flames  of  revolt,  which  now  spread  rapidly  through  the  Athenian 
allies.  Teos,  Lesbos,  and  Miletus  proclaimed  their  independence  of 
Athens.  At  Miletus,  Clialcideus,  on  the  part  of  Sparta,  concluded  an 
infamous  treaty  with  Tissaphemes,  stipulating  that  the  Greek  cities  and 
territory  formerly  belonging  to  Persia  should  be  restored  to  her ;  that  the 
Athenians  should  not  be  pennitted  to  derive  any  revenue  from  them ;  and 
that  Persia  and  the  Lacedaemonians  should  jointly  carry  on  the  war 
against  Athens.  To  conclude  the  bargain,  Miletus  was  handed  over  to 
Tissaphemes. 

Samos  still  remained  faithful  to  the  Athenians,  and,  amidst  the  general 
defection  of  their  Asiatic  allies,  had  become  of  the  last  importance  to  them. 
This  island,  like  Chios,  was  governed  by  an  oligarchy ;  but,  warned  by  the 
revolution  in  tliat  island,  the  Samians  rose  against  the  oligarchs,  slew  two 
hundred  of  them,  and  banished  four  hundred  more.  The  Athenians  at 
once  recognized  the  newly  established  democracy,  and  secured  the  adhe- 
sion of  the  Samians  by  putting  them  on  the  footing  of  equal  and  indepen- 
dent allies.  Samos  became  the  head-quarters  of  the  Athenian  fleet,  and 
the  base  of  their  operations  during  the  remainder  of  the  war. 

§  5.  The  tide  of  success  at  length  began  to  turn  in  favor  of  the  Athe- 
nians. They  had  succeeded  in  collecting  a  considerable  fleet  at  Samos, 
with  which  they  recovered  Lesbos  and  Clazomenae,  defeated  the  Chians,  and 
laid  waste  their  territory.  They  also  gained  a  victory  over  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  at  Miletus,  but  this  powerful  city  still  remained  in  the  hands  of 
Tissaphemes  and  the  Peloponnesians. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year,  Astyochus,  the  Lacedaemonian  com- 


B.  C.  412.] 


SCHEMES    OF   ALCIBIADES. 


327 


mander,  received  large  reinforcements  from  Peloponnesus,  and  was  now  at 
the  head  of  so  imposing  an  armament  that  he  was  enabled  to  modify  the 
former  treaty  with   Tissaphemes,  of  which   the   Lacedaemonians   were 
heartily  ashamed.     The  new  treaty,  however,  differed  from  the  previous 
one  rather  in  terms  than  substance,  and  appears  to  have  been  far  from 
giving  satisfaction  at   Sparta»      The  conduct  of  Tissapheraes  afforded 
another  reason  for  discontent     He  had  given  notice  that  he  could  no 
longer  continue  the  high  rate  of  payment  of  a  dracluna  per  day  for  the 
seamen's  wages,  the  sum  agreed  upon  in  the  first  treaty,  without  express 
mstructions  from  the  court  of  Susa;  and  though  he  had  reduced  that  sum 
by  one  half,  it  was  very  irregularly  paid ;  whilst  his  whole  behavior  dis- 
played a  great  want  of  hearty  co-operation   with   the  Lacedaimonians. 
Another  Peloponnesian  squaxiron  was  therefore  despatched  to  tlie  coast  of 
Asia,  having  on  board  Lichas  and  ten  other  Spartans,  for  the  purpose  of 
remonstrating  with  Tissaphemes  and  opening  fresh  negotiations.     Having 
obtained  an  interview  with  Tissaphemes  at  Cnidus,  Lichas  took  exceptions 
to  the  two  former  treaties ;  of  which  the  first  expressly,  the  second  by 
implication,  recognized  the  claims  of  Persia,  not  only  to  the  islands  of  the 
^gean,  but  even  to  Thessaly  and  Boeotia.     Lichas,  therefore,  proposed  a 
new  treaty ;  but  Tissaphemes  was  so  indignant  at  the  proposition,  that  he 
immediately  broke  off"  the  negotiation. 

§  6.  The  conduct  of  Tissaphemes  towards  the  Lacedsemonians  was  the 
result  of  the  counsels  of  Alcibiades,  who  was  scheming  to  effect  his  return 
to  Athens  by  means  of  his  intrigues  with  the  Persian  satrap.     In  the 
course  of  a  few  months  Alcibiades  had  completely  forfeited  the  confidence 
of  the  Lacedemonians.    His  ultra-Athenian  temperament  and  manners 
must  have  been  as  unwelcome  to  them  as  their  own  slowness  and  gravity 
were  to  him.     The  Spartan  King  Agis,  whose  wife  he  had  seduced,  was 
his  personal  enemy ;  and  the  Ephor  Endius,  his  chief  protector,  went  out 
of  office  in  412  b.  c.     To  the  preceding  causes  for  private  dishke  was 
now  added  the  want  of  that  rapid  success  which  he  had  promised  to  the 
Lacediemonians  in  the  East.    In  a  man  whose  character  for  deceit  was 
notorious  it  is  not  surprising  that  this  failure  should  excite  a  suspicion  of 
treachery.     After  the  defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Miletus,  King  Agis 
denounced  Alcibiades  as  a  traitor,  and  persuaded  the  new  Ephors  to  send 
out  instructions  to  put  hun  to  death.     Of  this,  however,  he  was  informed 
time  enough  to  make  liis  escape  to  Tissaphemes  at  Magnesia.     Here  he 
began  to  play  an  anti-Hellenic,  instead  of  his  former  anti-Athenian  game. 
He  ingratiated  himself  into  the  confidence  of  the  satrap,  and  persuaded 
him  that  it  was  not  for  the  interest  of  Persia  that  either  of  the  Grecian 
parties  should  be  successful,  but  rather  that  they  should  wear  each  other 
out  in  their  mutual  struggles,  when  Persia  would  in  the  end  succeed  in 
expelling  both.     This  advice  was  adopted  by  the  satrap ;  and  in  order  to 
'Arry  it  into  execution,  steps  were  taken  to  secure  the  inactivity  of  the 


^'iH 


328 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[ChA7.  XXXI. 


Peloponnesian  armament,  which,  if  vigorously  employed,  was  powerfiil 
enough  to  put  a  speedy  end  to  the  war.  With  this  view  the  Lacedae- 
monian commanders  were  first  persuaded  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 
Phoenician  fleet,  which,  however,  was  never  intended  to  appear.  But  as 
this  was  a  pretext  which  could  not  be  made  available  for  any  length  of 
time,  the  next  argument  was  in  the  more  solid  shape  of  pecuniary  bribes 
administered  to  Astyochus  and  the  other  Spartan  leaders.  Spartan 
virtue,  which  exists  rather  in  imagination  than  reahty,  was  not  proof 
against  this  seduction.  The  Syracusan,  Hermocrates,  —  for  a  Sicilian 
squadron  was  co-operating  with  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  —  was  alone 
i>und  to  be  incorruptible. 

§7.  Alcibiades,  having  thus  in  some  degree  detached  Tissaphemes 
from  the  Lacedaemonians,  now  endeavored  to  persuade  him  that  it  was 
more  for  the  Persian  interest  to  conclude  a  league  with  Athens  than  with 
Sparta ;  since  the  former  state  sought  only  to  retain  her  maritime  depen- 
dencies, wliilst  Sparta  had  held  out  promises  of  liberty  to  every  Grecian 
city,  from  which  she  could  not  consistently  recede.  The  only  part  of  his 
advice,  however,  which  the  satrap  seems  to  have  sincerely  adopted,  was 
tiiat  of  playing  off  one  party  against  the  other.  But  about  this  Alcibiades 
did  not  at  all  concern  himself.  It  wm  enough  for  his  views,  which  had 
merely  the  selfish  aim  of  his  own  restoration  to  Athens,  if  he  could  make  it 
appear  that  he  possessed  sufficient  influence  with  Tissaphemes  to  procure 
his  assistance  for  the  Athenians ;  and  for  this  the  intimate  terms  on  which 
lie  lived  with  the  satrap  seemed  a  sufficient  guaranty.  He  therefore 
began  to  communicate  with  the  Athenian  generals  at  Samos,  and  held  out 
the  hope  of  a  Persian  alliance  as  the  price  of  his  restoration  to  his  country. 
But  as  he  both  hated  and  feared  the  Athenian  democracy,  he  coupled  his 
offer  with  the  condition  that  a  revolution  should  be  effected  at  Athens,  and 
an  oligarchy  established.  Tlie  Athenian  generals  greedily  caught  at  the 
proposal ;  and  though  the  great  mass  of  the  soldiery  were  violently  op- 
posed to  it,  they  were  silenced,  if  not  satisfied,  when  told  that  Athens 
could  be  saved  only  by  means  of  Persia.  The  oligarchical  conspirators 
formed  themselves  into  a  confederacy,  and  Peisander  was  sent  to  Athens 
to  organize  the  clubs  in  that  city.  But  the  conspirators  overlooked  the 
fact  that  the  word  of  Alcibiades  was  their  only  security  for  the  co-oi)era- 
tion  of  Persia.  Phrynichus  alone  among  the  Athenian  generals  opposed 
the  scheme ;  not  that  he  disliked  oligarchy,  but  that  he  hated  Alcibiades, 
and  saw  through  his  designs. 

§  8.  The  proposition  for  an  oligarchy  which  Peisander  made  in  the 
Athenian  assembly  met  with  the  most  determined  opposition ;  whilst  the 
personal  enemies  of  Alcibiades,  especially  the  sacred  families  of  the 
Enmolpida;  and  Ceryces,  violently  opposed  the  return  of  the  man  who  had 
pro&ned  the  mysteries.  The  single  but  unanswerable  reply  of  Peisander 
was,  the  necessities  of  the  republic    A  reluctant  vote  for  a  change  of  con- 


i 


B.  C.  412.1 


SCHEMES    OF   ALCIBIADES. 


329 


Stitution  was  at  length  extorted  from  the  people.  Peisander  and  ten 
others  were  despatched  to  treat  with  Alcibiades  and  Tissaphemes  At 
the  same  time  Phrynichus  and  Iiis  colleague  Scironides  were  deposed  from 
their  command  at  Samos,  and  their  places  supplied  by  Diomedon  and 
Leon.  Before  his  departure  Peisander  had  brought  all  the  oli-archical 
clubs  m  Athens  into  full  activity.  During  his  absence  the  same  Lk  was 
undertiiken  by  Antiphon,  the  rhetorician.  He  was  assisted  by  Tliera- 
menes,  and  subsequently  by  Phrynichus,  who,  ailer  his  arrival  at  Athens 
had  become  a  violent  partisan  of  the  oligarchy. 

§  9.  Wlien  Peisander  and  his  colleagues  arrived  in  Ionia,  they  infomied 
Alcibiaxies  that  measures  had  been  taken  for  establishing  an  oli-archical 
form  of  govemment  at  Athens,  and  required  him  to  fulfil  his  piTrt  of  the 
engagement  by  procuring  the  aid  and  alliance  of  Persia.     But  Alcibiades 
knew  that  he  had  undertaken  what  he  could  not  perform,  and  now  resolved 
to  escape  from  the  dilemma  by  one  of  his  habitual  artifices.     He  received 
the  Athenian  deputation  in  the  presence  of  Tissaphemes  himself,  and 
made  such  extravagant  demands  on  behalf  of  the  satrap  that  Peisander 
and  his  colleagues  indignantly  broke  off"  the  conference.     They  attributed, 
however,  the  duplicity  of  Alcibiades  to  his  want  of  will,  and  not  to  his 
want  of  power,  to  serve  them;  and  they  now  began  to  suspect  that  his 
oligarchical  scheme  was  a  mere  trick,  and  that  in  reality  he  desired  the 
democracy  to  remain,  and  to  procure  his  restoration  to  its  bosom. 

Tissaphemes,  who  did  not  wish  absolutely  to  break  with  the  Lacedi». 
monians,  now  began  to  fear  that  he  was  pushing  matters  too  fiir;  and,  as 
they  already  felt  the  pinch  of  want,  he  fumished  them  with  some  pay,  and 
concluded  a  new  treaty  with  them,  by  which  they  agreed  to  abandon  aH 
the  continent  of  Asia,  and  consequently  the  Greek  cities  in  that  quarter, 
lo  this  treaty  Pharnabazus  wa^  also  a  party.  Persia  did  not  waive  her 
claim  to  the  islands,  but  nothing  was  stipulated  respecting  them.  On 
these  conditions  the  aid  of  a  Phoenician  fleet  was  promised  to  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians. 

§  10.  Notwithstanding  the  conduct  of  Alcibiades,  the  oligarchical  con- 
spirators proceeded  with  the  revolution  at  Athens,  in  which  they  had  -^ne 
too  far  to  recede.     Peisander,  with  five  of  the  envoys,  returned  to  Athens 
to  complete  the  work  they  had  begun ;  the  rest  were  sent  to  establish 
ohgarchies  among  the  allies.    The  leaders  of  the  army  at  Samos  be<^m  a 
similar  movement  in  that  island.    Their  first  step  was  the  gratuitous  mur- 
der of  Ilyperbolus,  an  Athenian  demagogue  who  had  been  ostnwized  some 
years  before,  and  who  was  now  residing  at  Samos,  though  apparently 
without  possessing  any  influence  there.     But  the  new  commanders,  Dic^ 
medon  and  Leon,  were  favorable  to  the  democracy,  and  they  found  by 
pergonal  inquiry  that  the  great  majority  of  the. crews,  and  especially  thsU 
of  the  public  trireme  called  the  Paralus,  were  ready  to  support  the  ancient 
constitution.    Accordingly,  when  the  oligarchs  rose,  they  were  over,x)wered 


i 


330 


HISTOBT   OF   GREECE. 


I  v/HAP>   aa\  |i» 


B.  C.  411.] 


THE   FOUR    HUNDRED   AT   ATHENS. 


331 


by  superior  numbers ;  thirty  of  them  were  killed  in  the  contest,  and  three 
were  subsequently  indicted  and  banished. 

Meanwhile  at  Athens,  after  the  departure  of  Peisander,  the  council 
of  Probiili,  as  well  as  many  leading  citizens,  had  joined  the  oligarchs. 
Their  attacks  upon  the  democracy  were  not  open,  but  were  conducted  by 
means  of  depreciating  speeches  respecting  its  costliness,  through  the  pay 
given  to  the  dicasts  and  others  discharging  civil  offices,  which,  it  was 
represented,  the  state  could  no  longer  afford.  They  did  not  venture  to 
pi-opose  the  entire  abolition  of  the  democracy,  but  merely  a  modification  of 
it,  by  restricting  the  number  of  those  entitled  to  the  franchise  to  five 
thousand.  But  even  this  proposition  was  never  intended  to  be  carried 
into  execution.  Those  who  stood  forward  to  oppose  the  scheme  were 
privately  assassinated.  A  reign  of  terror  now  commenced.  Citizens  were 
continually  falling ;  yet  no  man  could  tell  whose  hand  struck  the  blow,  or 
whose  turn  might  come  next. 

§  11.  The  return  of  Peisander  was  the  signal  for  consummating  the 
revolution.  He  proposed  m  the  assembly,  and  carried  a  resolution,  that  a 
committee  often  should  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  new  constitution,  which 
was  to  be  submitted  to  the  approbation  of  the  people.  But  when  the  day 
appointed  for  that  purpose  arrived,  the  assembly  was  not  convened  in  the 
Pnyx,  but  in  the  temple  of  Poseidon  at  Colonus,  a  village  upwards  of  a 
mile  from  Athens.  Here  the  conspirators  could  plant  their  own  partisans, 
and  were  less  likely  to  be  overawed  by  superior  numbers.  The  Graphi 
JParanomon  {ypa<t>fi  irapav6iuov),  or  action  against  those  who  proposed  any 
unconstitutional  measure,  having  first  been  repealed,  Peisander  obtained 
the  assent  of  the  meeting  to  the  following  revolutionary  changes :  —  1.  The 
abolition  of  an  the  existing  magistracies ;  2.  The  cessation  of  all  payments 
for  the  discharge  of  civil  functions ;  3.  The  appointment  of  a  committee  of 
five  persons,  who  were  to  name  ninety-five  more ;  each  of  the  hundred 
thus  constituted  to  choose  three  persons ;  the  body  of  Four  Hundred  thus 
formed  to  be  an  irresponsible  government,  holdmg  its  sittings  in  the 
Senate-House.  The  Four  Hundred  were  to  convene  the  select  body  of 
five  thousand  citizens  whenever  they  thought  proper.  Nobody  knew  who 
these  five  thousand  were,  but  they  answered  two  purposes,  namely,  to 
give  an  air  of  greater  popularity  to  the  government,  as  well  as  to  overawe 
the  people  by  an  exaggerated  notion  of  its  strength. 

§  12.  The  government  thus  constituted  proceeded  to  estabhsh  itself  by 
force.  A  body  of  hoplites  having  been  posted  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Senate-House,  the  Four  Hundred  entered  it,  each  with  a  dagger  concealed 
under  his  garment,  and  followed  by  their  body-guard  of  a  hundred  and 
twenty  youths,  the  instruments  of  the  secret  assassinations  already  men- 
tioned. The  ancient  Senate  was  dismissed,  but  the  pay  due  to  the  mem- 
bers was  offered,  and  basely  accepted.  Thus  perished  the  Athenian 
sidemocracy,  after  an  existence  of  nearly  a  century  since  its  establishment 


by  Cleisthenes.  The  revolution  was  begun  from  despair  of  the  foreign 
relations  of  Athens,  and  from  the  hope  of  assistance  from  Persia ;  but  it 
was  carried  out  through  the  machinations  of  Antiphon  and  his  accomplices 
after  that  delusion  had  ceased. 

Having  divided  themselves  into  Prytanias  or  sections,  and  instaUed 
themselves  with  sacrifice  and  prayer,  the  Four  Hundred  proceeded  to  put 
to  death  or  imprison  the  most  formidable  of  their  political  enemies.  Their 
next  step  was  to  make  overtures  for  peace  to  Agis.  The  Spartan  king, 
however,  believed  that  the  revolution  was  not  safely  established,  and  pre- 
ferred an  attempt  to  capture  the  city  during  the  dissensions  by  which  he 
supposed  it  to  be  torn.  But  on  marching  up  to  the  walls  he  found  them 
carefiilly  guarded,  and  his  troops  were  repulsed  by  a  sally  of  the  besieged. 
A  second  application  of  the  Four  Hundred  met  with  a  better  reception, 
and  they  were  encouraged  to  send  to  Sparta, 

§  13.  The  failure  of  the  revolution  at  Samos  was  highly  unfavorable  to 
the  success  of  the  revolution  at  Athens ;  but  the  Four  Hundred  despatched 
envoys  to  that  island,  with  instructions  to  make  the  matter  as  palatable 
as  possible.     These,  however,  had  been  forestalled  by  Choreas.     Under 
the  impression  that  the  democracy  still  existed  at  Athens,  Chajreas  had 
been  sent  to  the  city  from  Samos  in  the  Paralus  with  the  news  of  the 
counter-revolution  in  the  island.     But  when  the   Paralus   arrived,  the 
Four  Hundred  had  ah-eaxJy  been  installed;  whereupon  some  of  her  demo- 
cratic  crew  were  imprisoned,  and  the  rest  transferred  to  an  ordinary 
trireme.     Chasreas  liimself  found  means  to  escape,  and  returned  to  Samos, 
where  he  aggravated  the  proceedings  at  Athens  by  additions  of  his  own, 
and  fiUed  the  army  with  uncontrollable  wrath.     At  the  instance  of  Thrasy- 
bulus  and  Thrasyllus,  a  meeting  was  called  in  which  the  soldiers  pledged 
themselves  to  maintain  the  democracy,  to  continue  the  war  against  Pelo- 
ponnesus,  and  to  put  down  the  usurpers  at  Athens.     The  whole  army, 
even  those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  oligarchical  movements,  were  sworn 
to  uphold  these  principles ;  and  to  every  male  Samian  of  military  age  a 
similar  oath  was  administered.     Thus  the  Athenian  democracy  continued 
to  exist  at  Samos  alone.     The  soldiers,  laymg  aside  for  a  while  their  mili- 
tary character,  constituted  themselves  into  an  assembly  of  the  people, 
deposed  several  of  their  officers,  and  appointed  others  whom  they  could 
better  trust.     The  meeting  resounded  with  patriotic  speeches.     Thrasy- 
bulus  and  ThrasyUus  were  appomted  to  the  chief  command ;  the  former  of 
whom  proposed  the  return  of  Alcibiades,  who,  it  was  beUeved,  was  now 
able  and  willing  to  aid  the  democratic  cause  with  the  gold  ^d  forces  of 
Persia.     After  considerable  opposition  the  proposal  was  agreed  to;  Alci- 
biades was  brought  to  Samos  and  introduced  to  the  assembly,  where,  by 
his  magnificent  promises,  and  extravagant  boasts  respecting  his  influence 
with  Tissaphemes,  he  once  more  succeeded  in  deceiving  the  Athenians. 
The  accomplished  traitor  was  elected  one  of  the  generals,  and,  in  pur- 


1132 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


I  V^HAFt    -^  -^  -^  ■■ 


fiuance  of  his  artful  policy,  began  to  pass  backwards  and  forwards  between 
Samos  and  Magnesia,  with  the  view  of  inspiring  both  the  satrap  and  the 
Athenians  with  a  reciprocal  idea  of  his  influence  with  either,  and  of 
instilling  distrust  of  Tissaphemes  into  the  minds  of  the  Peloponnesians. 

§  14.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  at  Samos  when  the  envoys  from  the 
Four  Hundred  arrived.     They  were  invited  by  the  generals  to  make  then* 
communication  to  the  assembled  troops ;  but  so  great  was  the  antipathy 
manifested  towards  them,  that  they  could  hardly  obtain  a  hearing.     Their 
presence  revived  a  proposition  which  had  been  started  before,  —  to  sail  at 
once  to  Athens,  and  put  down  the  oligarchy  by  force.     By  the  advice  of 
Alcibiades,  seconded  by  Thrasybulus,  this  proposal  was,  however,  again 
discarded.     The  envoys  were  sent  back  to  Athens  with  the  answer  that 
the  army  approved  of  the  five  thousand,  but  that  the  Four  Hundred  must 
resign  and  reinstate  the  ancient  Senate  of  Five  Hundred. 
-  §  15.  At  the  first  news  of  the  re-establishment  of  democracy  at  Samos, 
distrust  and  discord  had  broken  out  among  tlie  Four  Hundred.     Antiphon 
and  Phrynichus,  at  the  head  of  the  extreme  section  of  the  oligarchical 
party,  were  for  admitting  a  Lacedremonian  garrison ;  and,  with  a  view  to 
further  that  object,  actually  caused  a  fort  to  be  erected  at  Eetionea,  a 
tongue  of  land  commanding  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  of  the  Peineus.* 
But  others,  discontented  with  their  shai-e  of  i)ower,  began  to  affect  more 
popular  sentiments.     Conspicuous  among  these  were   Tlieramenes   and 
Aristocrates,  the  former  of  whom  began  to  insist  on  the  necessity  for  call- 
ing the  shadowy  body  of  five  thousand  into  a  real  existence.     As  the 
answer  from  Samos  very  much  strengthened  this  party,  their  opponents 
found  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost ;  and  Antiphon,  Phrj-nichus,  and  ten 
others,  proceeded  in  all  haste  to  Sparta,  with  offers  to  put  the  Lacedae- 
monians in  possession  of  the  Peirieus.     The  latter,  however,  with  their 
usual  slowness,  or  perhaps  from  a  suspicion  of  treachery,  let  slip  the 
golden  opportunity^    All  they  could  be  induced  to  promise  was,  that  a  fleet 
of  forty-two  triremes  should  hover  near  the  Peii-a;us,  and  watch  a  favor- 
able occasion  for  seizing  it.     The  failure  of  this  mission  was  another  blow 
to  the  party  of  Phrynichus ;  and  shortly  afterwards  that  leader  himself 
was  assassinated  in  open  daylight  whilst  leaving  the  Senate-House.     Some 
hoplites,  of  the  same  tribe  as  Aristocrates,  now  seized  the  fort  at  p:etionea- 
Theramenes  gave  his  sanction  to  the  demolition  of  the  fort,  wliich  was 
forthwith  accomplished ;  whilst  the  inability  of  the  Four  Hundred  to  pre- 
vent it  betrayed  the  extent  of  their  power,  or  rather  of  their  weakness. 

§  16.  Th»  Four  Hundred  now  appear  to  have  taken  some  steps  to  call 
the  ^Ye  thousand  into  existence.  But  it  was  too  late.  Tlie  leaders  of  the 
counter-revolution,  entering  armed  into  the  theatre  of  Dionysus  at  the 
Peirseus,  formed  a  d^emocratic   assembly  under  the   old  forms,  which 


B.C.41L]       OVERTHROW  OF  THE  POUR  HUNDRED.  333 

adjourned  to  the  Anaceum,  or  temple  of  the  Dioscuri,  immediately  under 
the  Acropolis.     Here  the  Four  Hundred  sent  deputies  to  negotiate  with 
them,  and  another  assembly  was  appointed  to  be  held  in  the  theatre  of 
Dionysus ;  but  just  as  they  were  meeting  the  news  arrived  that  the  Lace- 
daemonian fleet  was   approaching  the   Peineus.     The   Athenians   were 
immediately  on  the  alert,  and  the  Laeed^monian  admiml,  perceiving  no 
signs  of  assistance  from  within,  doubled  Cape  Sunium  and  pn)ceeded  to 
Oropus.     It  was  now  plain  that  their  object  was  to  excite  a  revolt  m 
Euboea.     In  all  haste  the  Athenians  launched  an   inadequate  fleet  of 
^rty-six   triremes,   manned   by   inexperienced    crews.     At   Eretria  in 
EubcBa  It  wa^  encountered  by  the  Laeed^monian  fleet,  and  completely 
defea^d,  with  the  loss  of  twenty-two  ships.     Eubcea,  supported  by  the 
Lacedaemonians  and  Boeotians,  then  revolted  from  Athens. 

§  17.  Great  was  the  dismay  of  the  Athenians  on  receiving  this  news. 
The  loss  of  Euboea  seemed  a  death-blow.     The  Laeed^monians  midit  now 
^ily  blockade  the  ports  of  Athens  and  starve  her  into  surrender  r  whilst 
the  partisans  of  the  Four  Hundred  would  doubtless  co-operate  with  the 
enemy.     But  from  this  fate  they  were  again  saved  by  the  characteristic 
slowness  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  confined  themselves  to  securing  the 
conquest  of  Euboea.     Thus  left  unmolested,  the  Athenians  convened  an 
assembly  m  the  Pnyx.     Votes  were  passed  for  deposing  the  Four  Hun- 
dred, and  placing  the  government  in  the  hands  of  the  five  thousand,  of 
whom  every  citizen  who  could  furnish  a  panoply  might  be  a  member.    In 
short,  the  old  constitution  was  restored,  except  that  the  fi-anchise  was 
restricted  to  five  thousand  citizens,  and  paynyent  for  the  discharc-e  of  civil 
functions  abolished.     In  subsequent  assemblies,  the  Archons,  the  Senate 
and  other  institutions  were  revived;  and  a  vote  was  passed  to  recall  Alci- 
biades and  some  of  his  friends.     The  number  of  the  five  thousand  was 
never  exactly  observed,  and  was  soon  enlarged  into  universal  citizenship. 
1  hus  the  Four  Hundred  were  overthrown  after  a  reign  of  four  months, 
llieramenes  stood  forward  and  impeached  the  leaders  of  the  extreme 
oligarchical  party,  on  the  ground  of  their  embassy  to  Sparta.     Most  of 
them  succeeded  in  making  their  escape  from  Athens;  but  Antiphon  and 
Arch.ptolemus  were  apprehended,  condemned,  and  executed,  in  spite  of  the 
admiration  excited  by  the  speech  of  the  former  in  his  defence.     The  rest 
were  arraigned  in  their  absence  and  condemned,  their  houses  luzed,  and 
their  property  confiscated.* 


beL  hlrJ  f  ^:  i.    J       ^i'u"^'  '^"'  ^"''P^""  "^"^^  *^«  ^^^^«*  ^«^«°<^«  th»t  had  ever 
tuTj^^d    '7       1       ";    ^""^  *^""'''  ^'  Archiptolemus  and  Antiphon  were  mzed  to 

Z  Td     «  A    ,  '".  ""Tt  ™''^"^  '^''  ^"""^^"^^  ^^  '^'^  ^^  wei^  inscribed 

toe  words,     Archiptolemus  and  Antiphon,  the  two  traitors."  -  Ed. 


♦  On  the  left  to  one  entering  the  harbor,  i.  e.  on  the  northern  side. —En. 


NN 


SM 


HISTORY  OF  GBEECE. 


[Chat.  XXXIL 


I 


One  of  the  Caryatides  supporting  the  southern  portico  of  the  Erechthgum. 


CHAPTER    XXXn. 

VBOM  THE  FALL  OF  THE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS  TO  THE  BATTLE 

OF  iEGOSPOTAMI. 

f  1.  State  of  the  BelHgercnts.  4  2.  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Cynossema.  §  3.  Cap- 
ture of  Cyzicus  by  the  Athenians,  and  Second  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Abydos. 
§  4.  Arrest  of  Alcibiades  by  Tissaphemee,  and  hia  subsequent  Escape.  Signal  Defeat  of 
the  Peloponnesians  at  Cyzicus.  §  6.  The  Athenians  Masters  of  the  Bosporus.  The 
Lacediemonians  propose  a  Peace,  which  is  rejected.  ^  6.  Pharnabazus  assists  the  Lace- 
dicmonians.  §  7.  Capture  of  Chalcedon  and  Byzantium  by  the  Athenians.  4  8.  Return 
of  Alcibiades  to  Athens.  §  9.  He  escorts  the  Sacred  Procession  to  Eleusis.  §  10.  Cyrus 
comes  down  to  the  Coast  of  Asia.  Lysander  appointed  Commander  of  the  Peloponnesian 
Fleet.  §  11.  Interview  between  Cyrus  and  Lysander.  §  12.  Alcibiades  at  Samos. 
Defeat  of  Antiochus  at  Notium.  §  13.  Alcibiades  is  dismissed.  §  14.  Lysander  super- 
•eded  by  CaUicratidas.  Energetic  Measures  of  the  Latter.  §  15.  Defeat  of  Conon  at 
Mytilene,  and  Investment  of  that  Town  by  CaUicratidas.  ^  16.  Excitement  at  Athens, 
and  Equipment  of  a  large  Fleet.  §  17.  Battle  of  Arginusa.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Calh- 
cratidas.  ^  18.  Arraignment  and  Condemnation  of  the  Athenian  Generals.  §  19.  Re- 
appointment of  Lysander  as  Navarchut.  §  20.  Siege  of  Lampsacus,  and  Battle  of 
fgospotami. 

§  1.  It  is  necessary  now  to  revert  to  the  war,  and  the  state  of  the  con- 
tending parties.    The  struggle  had  become  wholly  maritime.    Although 


B.C.41L]    DEFEAT   OF   THE   PELOPONNESIANS  AT  CYNOSSEMA.  335 

the  Lacedaemonians  occupied  at  Decelea  a  strong  post  within  sight  of 
Athens,  yet  their  want  of  skill  in  the  art  of  besieging  towns  prevented 
them  from  making  any  regular  attempt  to  capture  that  city.     On  the  other 
hand,  the  great  reverses  sustained  by  the  Athenians  in  Sicily  disabled 
them  from  carrying  the  war,  as  they  had  formerly  done,  into  the  enemy's 
country.     Yet  they  still  possessed  a  tolerable  fleet,  with  which  they  were 
endeavoring  to  maintain  their  power  in  the  ^gean  and  on  the  coasts  and 
islands  of  Asia  Minor.     This  was  now  become  the  vital  point  where  they 
had  to  struggle  for  empire,  and  even  for  existence ;  for,  since  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  the  maritime  power  of  the  Spartans  and  their  allies  had 
become  ahnost  equal  to  the  maritime  power  of  Athens.     They  now  put  to 
sea  with  fleets  generally  larger  than  the  fleets  of  the  Athenians ;  and  their 
ships  were  handled,  and  naval  manoeuvres  executed,  with  a  skill  equal  to 
that  of  their  rivals.     The  great  attention  which  the  Lacedc-emonians  had 
bestowed  on  naval  affairs  is  evinced  by  the  importance  into  which  the  new 
office  of  the  NavarcUa  *  had  now  risen  amongst  them.     The  Navarchm  * 
enjoyed  a  power  even  superior,  whilst  it  lasted,  to  that  of  the  Spartan 
kings,  since  he  was  wholly  uncontrolled  by  the  Ephoi-s ;  but  his  tenure  of 
office  was  limited  to  a  year.     From  this  state  of  things  it  resulted  that  the 
remainder  of  the  war  had  to  be  decided  on  the  coasts  of  Asia;  and  it  wiU 
assist  the  memory  to  conceive  it  divided  into  four  periods  :  1.  The  war  on 
the  Hellespont  (which  must  be  taken  to  include  the  Propontis,  whither  it 
was  transferred  soon  after  the  oligarchical  revolution  at  Athens)  ;  2.  From 
the  Hellespont  it  was  transferred  to  Ionia ;  3.  From  Ionia  t^  Lesbos ; 
4  Back  to  the  Hellespont,  where  it  was  finally  decided. 

§2.  Mindarus,  who   now  commanded  the   Peloponnesian   fleet,   dis- 
gusted at  length  by  the  often-broken  promises  of  Tissaphemes,  and  the 
scanty  and  irregular  pay  which  he  furnished,  set  sail  from  Miletus  and 
proceeded  to  the  Hellespont,  with  the  intention  of  assisting  the  satrap 
Pharnabazus,  and  of  effecting,  if  possible,  the  revolt  of  the  Athenian 
dependencies  in  that  quarter.     Hither  he  was  pursued  by  the  Athenian 
fleet  under  Thrasyllus.     In  a  few  days  an  engagement  ensued  (in  August, 
411  B.  c),  in  the  famous  straits  between  Sestos  and  Abydos,  in  which  the' 
Athenians,  though  with  a  smaller  force,  gained  the  victory,  and  erected  a 
^ophy  on  the  promontory  of  Cynossema,  near  the  tomb  and  chapel  of  the 
Trojan  queen,  Hecuba.     After  this  defeat  Mindarus  sent  for  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  fleet  at  Euboea,  which,  however,  was  overtiiken  by  a  violent  storm 
near  the  headland  of  Mount  Athos,  and  totally  destroyed.     But  thou-h 
this  circumstance  afforded  some  relief  to   Athens,  by  withdrawing  In 
annoying  enemy  from  her  shores,  it  did  not  enable  her  to  regain  possession 
of  Euboea.     The  Euboeans,  assisted  by  the  Bceotians,  and  by  the  inhabit- 
ants  of  Chalcis  and  other  cities,  constructed  a  bridge  across  the  narrowest 
part  of  the  Euripus,  and  thus  deprived  Euboea  of  its  insular  character. 


•  "Savapxia  :  Navapxos. 


jpiiyp^ 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXTI. 


I 


One  of  the  Caryatides  supporting  the  soutliern  portico  of  the  ErechthSum. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

FROM  THE  FALL  OF  THE  FOUR  HUNDRED  AT  ATHENS  TO  THE  BATTLE 

OP  JEGOSPOTAMI. 

4  1.  State  of  the  Belligerents.  §  2.  Defeat  of  the  Peloponncsians  at  Cynossema.  §  3.  Cap- 
ture of  Cyzicus  by  the  Athenians,  and  Second  Defeat  of  the  Peloponnesians  at  Abydos. 
4  4.  Arrest  of  Alcibiades  by  Tissaphenies,  and  his  subsequent  Escape.  Signal  Defeat  of 
the  Peloponnesians  at  Cyzicus.  ^  6.  The  Athenians  Masters  of  the  Bosporus.  The 
Lacedemonians  propose  a  Peace,  which  is  rejected.  §  6.  Pharnabazus  assists  thc^Lace- 
diemonians.  §  7.  Capture  of  Chalcedou  and  Byzantium  by  the  Athenians.  §  8.  Return 
of  Alcibiades  to  Athens.  §  9.  He  escorts  the  Sacred  Procession  to  Eleusis.  §  10.  Cyrus 
comes  down  to  the  Coast  of  Asia.  Lysandcr  appointed  Commander  of  the  Peloponnesian 
Fleet.  §  11.  Interview  between  Cyms  and  Lysander.  §  12.  Alcibiades  at  Samos. 
Defeat  of  Antioclms  at  Notiura.  §  13.  Alcibiades  is  dismissed.  §  14.  Lysander  super- 
seded by  Callicratidas.  Energetic  Measures  of  the  Latter.  §  15.  Defeat  of  Conon  at 
Mytilene,  and  Investment  of  that  Town  by  Callicratidas.  §  16.  Excitemeiit  at  Athens, 
and  E(iuipment  of  a  large  Fleet.  §  17.  Battle  of  Arginus^e.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Ctdli- 
cratidas.  §  18.  Arraignment  and  Condemnation  of  the  Athenian  Generals.  §  19.  Re- 
appointment of  Lysander  as  Navarchm,  §  20.  Siege  of  Lanipsacus,  and  Battle  ol 
iCgospotamu 

§  1.  It  is  necessary  now  to  revert  to  the  war,  and  the  state  of  the  con- 
tendmg  parties.    The  struggle  had  become  wholly  maritime.    Although 


B.  C.411.]    DEFEAT   OF   THE   PELOPONxNESIANS  AT  CYNOSSEMA.  335 

the  Lacediemonians  occupied  at   Decelea  a  strong  post  within  sight  of 
Athens,  yet  their  want  of  skill  in  the  art  of  besieging  towns  prevented 
them  from  making  any  regular  attempt  to  capture  that  city.     On  the  other 
land,  the  great  reverses  sustained  by  the  Athenians  in  Sicily  disabled 
them  from  carrying  the  war,  as  they  had  formerly  done,  into  the  encin/s 
country.     Yet  they  still  iwssessed  a  tolerable  fleet,  with  which  they  were 
endeavoring  to  maintain  their  power  in  the  JEgean  and  on  the  coasts  and 
islands  of  Asia  Minor.     This  was  now  become  the  vital  point  where  they 
had  to  struggle  for  empire,  and  even  for  existence ;  for,  since  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  the  maritime  power  of  the  Spartans  and  their  allies  had 
become  almost  equal  to  the  maritime  power  of  Athens.     They  now  put  to 
sea  with  fleets  generally  larger  than  the  fleets  of  the  Athenians;  and  their 
ships  were  handled,  and  naval  manauivres  executed,  with  a  skill  equal  to 
that  of  their  rivals.     The  great  attention  which  the  Lacedaemonians  had 
bestowed  on  naval  affairs  is  evinced  by  the  importance  into  which  the  new 
office  of  the  NavarcMa  *  had  now  risen  amongst  them.     The  Navarvhus  * 
enjoyed  a  power  even  sui)erior,  whilst  it  lasted,  to  that  of  the  Spartan 
kings,  since  he  was  wholly  uncontrolled  by  the  Ephors ;  but  his  tenure  of 
office  was  linuted  to  a  year.     From  this  state  of  things  it  resulted  that  the 
remainder  of  the  war  had  to  be  decided  on  the  coasts  of  Asia ;  and  it  will 
assist  the  memory  to  conceive  it  divided  into  four  jjeriods  :  1.  The  war  on 
the  Hellespont  (which  nmst  be  taken  to  include  the  Projiontis,  whither  it 
was  transferred  soon  after  the  oligarchical  revolution  at  Athens)  ;  2.  From 
the  Hellespont  it  was  transfen-ed  to  Ionia ;  3.  From  Ionia  t^  Lesbos ; 
4.  Back  to  the  Hellespont,  where  it  was  finally  decided. 

§2.  Mindarus,  who   now   commanded   the    Peloponnesian   fleet,   dis- 
gusted at  length  by  the  often-broken  pi-omises  of  Tissaphernes,  and  the 
scanty  and  irregular  pay  which  he  furnished,  set  sail  from  Miletus  and 
proceeded  to  the  Hellespont,  with  the  intention  of  assisting  the  satrap 
Pharnabazus,  and  of  effecting,  if  possible,  the  revolt  of  the  Athenian 
dependencies  in  that  quarter.     Hither  he  was  pursued  by  the  Athenian 
fleet  under  Thrasyllus.     Li  a  few  days  an  engagement  ensued  (in  August, 
411  li.c),  in  the  famous  straits  between  Sestos  and  Abydos,  in  which  the 
Athenians,  though  with  a  smaller  force,  gained  the  victory,  and  erected  a 
trophy  on  the  promontory  of  Cynossema,  near  tlie  tomb  and  chapel  of  the 
Trojan  queen,  Hecuba.     After  tliis  defeat  Mindarus  sent  for  the  Pelopon- 
nesian fleet  at  Euboea,  which,  however,  was  overtaken  by  a  violent  storm 
near  the  headland  of  Mount  Athos,  and  totally  destroyed.     But  thou-h 
tins  circumstance  afforded  some  relief  to   Athens,  by  withdrawinrr  an 
annoying  enemy  from  her  shores,  it  did  not  enable  her  to  regain  possession 
of  Eubcjca.     The  Eubteans,  assisted  by  the  Boeotians,  and  by  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Chalcis  and  other  cities,  constructed  a  bridge  across  the  narrowest 
part  of  the  Euripus,  and  thus  deprived  Euboea  of  its  insular  character. 


•  'Savapxia  :   TSavapxos. 


886 


BISTORT  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXII. 


{  8.  The  Athenians  followed  up  their  victory  at  Cynossema  by  the 
reduction  of  Cyzicus,  which  had  revolted  from  them.  A  month  or  two 
afterwards  another  obstinate  engagement  took  place  between  the  Pelopon- 
Besian  and  Athenian  fleets  near  Abydos,  which  lasted  a  whole  day,  am! 
was  at  length  decided  in  favor  of  the  Athenians  by  the  arrival  of  Alcibi- 
mdes  with  his  squadron  of  eighteen  ships  from  Samos.  The  Pelopon- 
nesian  ships  were  run  ashore,  where  they  were  defended,  with  great  per- 
sonal exertion,  by  Phamabazus  and  his  troops. 

§  4.  Shortly  after  this  battle  Tissaphernes  arrived  at  the  Hellespont 
with  the  view  of  conciliating  the  offended  Peloponnesians.  He  was  not 
only  jealous  of  the  assistance  which  the  latter  were  now  rendering  to 
Phamabazus,  but  it  is  also  evident  that  his  temporizing  policy  had  dis- 
pleased the  Persian  court.  This  a[>pears  from  his  conduct  on  the  present 
occasion,  as  weU  as  from  the  subsequent  appointment  of  Cyrus  to  the 
supreme  command  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  as  we  shall  presently  have  to 
relate.  When  Alcibiades,  who  imagined  that  Tissaphernes  was  still 
favorable  to  the  Athenian  cause,  waited  on  him  with  the  customary 
presents,  he  was  arrested  by  order  of  the  satrap,  and  sent  in  custody  to 
Sardis.  At  the  end  of  a  month,  however,  he  contriVed  to  escape  to 
Oazomenae,  and  again  joined  the  Athenian  fleet  early  in  the  spring  of 
410  B.C.  Mindarus,  with  the  assistance  of  Phamabazus  on  the  land  side> 
was  now  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Cyzicus,  w^hich  the  Athenian  admirals 
determined  to  relieve.  Having  passed  up  the  Hellespont  in  the  night, 
they  assembled  at  the  island  of  Proconnesus.  Here  Alcibiades  addressed 
the  seamen,  telling  them  that  they  had  nothing  further  to  expect  from  the 
Persians,  and  must  be  prepare<l  to  act  with  the  greatest  vigor  both  by  sea 
and  land.  He  then  sailed  out  with  liis  squadron  towards  Cyzicus,  and  by 
a  pretended  flight  inveigled  Mindarus  to  a  distance  from  the  harbor; 
whilst  the  other  two  divisions  of  the  Athenian  fleet,  under  Thrasybulus 
and  Thrasyllus,  being  favored  by  hazy  weather,  stole  between  JSIindarus 
and  the  harbor,  and  cut  off*  his  retreat.  In  these  circumstances  the  Spar- 
tan commander  ran  his  vessels  ashore,  where,  with  the  assistance  of 
Phamabazus,  he  endeavored  to  defend  them  against  the  attacks  of  the 
Athenians.  Alcibiades  having  landed  his  men,  a  battle  ensued,  in  which 
Mindarus  was  slain,  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Persians  routed,  and  the 
whole  Peloponnesian  fleet  captured,  with  the  exception  of  the  Syracusan 
ships,  which  Hermocrates  caused  to  be  burnt.  The  severity  of  this  blow 
was  pictured  in  the  laconic  epistle  in  which  Hippocrates,  the  second  in 
command,*  amiounced  it  to  the  Ephors:  **Our  good  luck  is  gone;  Minda- 
rus is  slain ;  the  men  are  starving ;  we  know  not  what  to  do.'' 

§  5.  The  results  of  this  victory  were  most  important     Perinthus  and 
Selymbria,  as  well  as  Cyzicus,  were  recovered ;  and  the  Athenians,  once 

*  Called  Epiddem  ('EintrroKtvs)  or  "Secretary  '*  in  the  Lacedaemoman  fleet. 


B.  C.  407.] 


ALCIBIADES    RETURNS    TO    ATHENS. 


337 


more  masters  of  the  Propontis,  fortified  the  town  of  Chrysopolis,  over 
against  Byzantium,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Bosporus ;  re-established  their 
toll  of  ten  per  cent,  on  all  vessels  passing  from  the  Euxine ;  and  left  a 
squadron  to  guard  the  strait  and  collect  the  dues.  So  great  was  the  dis- 
couragement  of  the  Lacedaemonians  at  the  loss  of  their  fleet,  that  the 
Ephor,  Endius,  proceeded  to  Athens  to  treat  for  peace  on  the  basis  of  both 
parties  standing  just  as  they  were.  The  Athenian  assembly  was  at  this 
time  led  by  the  demagogue  Cleophon,  a  lamp-maker,  known  to  us  by  the 
later  comedies  of  Aristophanes.  Cleophon  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of 
considerable  ability ;  but  the  recent  victories  had  inspired  him  with  too  san- 
guine hopes,  and  he  advised  the  Athenians  to  reject  the  terms  proposed 
by  Endius.  Athens  thus  threw  away  the  golden  opportunity  of  recruiting 
her  shattered  forces,  of  which  she  stood  so  much  in  need ;  and  to  this  un"^ 
fortunate  advice  must  be  ascribed  the  calamities  which  subsequently  over- 
took her. 

§  6.  Meanwhile  Phamabazus  was  active  in  afFoixling  the  Lacedtemo- 
nians  all  the  assistance  in  his  power.    He  clothed  and  armed  their  seamen, 
furnished  them  with  provisions  and  pay  for  two  months,  opened  to  them 
the  forests  of  Mount  Ida  for  supplies  of  timber,  and  assisted  them  in  build- 
ing new  ships  at  Antandros.     He  helped  them  to  defend  Chalcedon,  now 
besieged  by  Alcibiades,  and  by  his  means  that  town  was  enabled  to  hold 
out  for  a  long  time.     But  the  Athenians  had  already  obtained  tlieir  prm- 
cipal  object.     The  possession  of  the  Bos|X)rus  reopened  to  them  the  trade 
of  the  Euxine.     From  his  lofty  fortress  at  Decelea,  the  Spartan  king, 
Agis,  could  descry  the  corn-ships  from  the  Euxine  sailing  into  the  harbor 
of  the  Peineus,  and  felt  how  fruitless  it  was  to  occupy  the  fields  of  Attica 
whilst  such  abundant  supplies  of  provisions  were  continually  finding  their 
way  to  the  city. 

§  7.  The  year  409  b.  c.  was  not  marked  by  any  njemorable  events ; 
but  in  the  following  year  Chalcedon  at  lengtli  surrendered  to  the  com- 
bined Athenian  forces,  in  spite  of  an  attempt  of  Phamabazus  to  save  it 
Selymbria  was  also  taken  by  Alcibiades  about  the  same  time.  Byzan- 
tium fell  next.  After  it  had  been  besieged  by  Alcibiades  for  some 
months,  the  gates  were  opened  to  the  Athenians  towards  the  close  of  the 
year  408  n.  c,  through  the  treachery  of  a  party  among  its  inhabitants. 

§  8.  These  great  achievements  of  Alcibiades  naturally  paved  the  way 
for  his  return  to  Athens.  In  the  spring  of  407  b.  c.  he  proceeded  with 
the  fleet  to  Samos,  and  from  thence  sailed  to  Peineus.  His  reception  was 
fiir  more  favorable  than  he  had  ventured  to  anticii)ate.  The  whole  popula- 
tion of  Athens  flocked  down  to  Peiraeus  to  welcome  him,  and  escoi-ted  him 
to  the  city.  In  the  Senate  and  in  the  assembly  he  protested  his  innocence 
of  the  impieties  imputed  to  him,  and  denoimced  the  injustice  of  his  enemies. 
His  sentence  was  reversed  without  a  dissentient  voice ;  his  confiscated 
property  restored ;  the  curse  of  the  Eumolpidae  revoked,  and  the  leaden 

43 


V 


f/1 


338 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXII. 


B.C.  407.J 


ARRIVAL    OF   CYRUS    ON   THE    COAST. 


339 


plate  on  which  it  was  engraven  thrown  into  the  sea.  He  seemed  to  be  in 
the  present  juncture  the  only  man  capable  of  restoring  the  grandeur  and 
the  empire  of  Athens ;  he  was  accordingly  named  general  with  unlimited 
powers,  and  a  force  of  one  hundred  triremes,  fifteen  hundred  hoplites, 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty  cavalry  placed  at  his  disposal. 

§  9.  But  whatever  change  eight  years  of  exile  and  his  recent  achieve- 
ments had  produced  in  the  public  feeling  towards  Alcibiades,  it  was  one 
of  forgiveness  rather  than  of  love,  and  rested  more  on  the  hopes  of  the 
future  than  on  the  remembrance  of  the  past.  The  wounds  which  he  had 
inflicted  on  Athens  in  the  affairs  of  Syracuse  and  Decelea,  in  the  revolts 
of  Chios  and  Miletus,  and  in  the  organization  of  the  conspiracy  of  the 
Four  Hundred,  were  too  severe  to  be  readily  forgotten ;  and  he  had  still 
many  enemies,  who,  though  silent  amid  the  general  applause,  did  not  cease 
to  whisper  their  secret  condemnation.  Alcibiades,  however,  disbelieved  or 
disregarded  their  machinations,  and  yielded  himself  without  reserve  to  the 
breeze  of  popular  favor  which  once  more  filled  his  sails.  Before  his  de- 
parture, he  took  an  opportunity  to  atone  for  the  impiety  of  which  he  had 
been  suspected.  Although  his  armament  was  in  perfect  readiness,  he 
delayed  its  sailing  till  after  the  celebration  of  the  Eleusinian  mysteries  at 
the  beginning  of  September.  For  seven  years  the  customary  procession 
across  the  Thriasian  plain  had  been  suspended,  owing  to  the  occupation  of 
Decelea  by  the  enemy,  which  compelled  the  sacred  troop  to  proceed  by 
am.  Alcibiades  now  escorted  them  on  their  progress  and  return  with 
his  forces,  and  thus  succeeded  in  reconciling  himself  with  the  offended 
goddesses  and  with  their  holy  priests,  the  Eumolpidae. 

§  10.  Meanwhile,  a  great  change  had  been  going  on  in  the  state  of 
affairs  in  the  East.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  Great  King  was  dis- 
pleased with  the  vacillating  policy  of  Tissaphemes,  and  had  determined  to 
adopt  more  energetic  measures  against  the  Athenians.  During  the  ab- 
sence of  Alcibiades,  Cyrus,  the  younger  son  of  Darius,  a  prince  of  a  bold 
and  enterprising  spirit,  and  animated  with  a  lively  hatred  of  Athens,  had 
arrived  at  the  coast  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  altered  policy  of 
the  Persian  court ;  and  with  that  view  had  been  invested  with  the  satra- 
pies of  Lydia,  the  Greater  Phrygia,  and  Cappadocia,  as  well  as  with  the 
military  command  of  all  those  forces  which  mustered  at  Castolus.  The 
arrival  of  Cyrus  opens  the  last  phase  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Another 
event,  in  the  highest  degree  unfavorable  to  the  Athenian  cause,  was  the 
accession  of  Lysander,  as  Navarchm,  to  the  command  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian fleet.  Lysander  was  the  third  of  the  remarkable  men  whom 
Sparta  produced  during  the  isiu*.  In  ability,  energy,  and  success  he  may 
be  compared  with  Brasidas  and  Gylippus,  though  immeasurably  inferior 
to  the  former  in  every  moral  quality.  He  was  bom  of  poor  parents,  and 
was  by  descent  a  mothax,  or  one  of  those  Lacedaemonians  who  could  nevei 
enjoj  the  full  rights  of  Spartan  citizenship.    The  allurem'vits  of  money 


and  of  pleasure  had  no  influence  over  him;  but  his  ambition  was  bound- 
less,  and  he  was  wholly  unscrupulous  about  the  means  which  he  em- 
ployed to  gratify  it.  In  pursuit  of  his  objects  he  hesitated  at  neither 
deceit,  nor  perjury,  nor  cruelty,  and  he  is  reported  to  have  laid  it  do^^  as 
one  of  his  maxims  in  life,  to  avail  himself  of  the  fox's  skin  where  the 
lion's  failed. 

§  11.  Lysander  had  taken  up  his  station  at  Ephesus,  with  the  Lacedre- 
monian  fleet  of  seventy  triremes ;  and  when  Cyrus  arrived  at  Sardis,  in 
the  spring  of  407  b.  c,  he  hastened  to  pay  his  court  to  the  young  prince 
and  was  received  with  every  mark  of  favor.    A  vigorous  line  of  action  was' 
resolved  on.     Cyrus  at  once  offered  five  hundred  talents,  and  affirmed 
that.  If  more  were  needed,  he  was  prepared  to  devote  his  private  funds  to 
the  cause,  and  even  to  coin  into  money  the  very  throne  of  gold  and  silver 
on  which  he  sat.     In  a  banquet  which  ensued,  Cyrus  drank  to  the  health 
of  Lysander,  and  desired  him  to  name  any  wish  which  he  could  gratify. 
Lysander  unmediately  requested  an  addition  of  an  obolus  to  the  daily 
pay  of  the  seamen.     Cyrus  was  surprised  at  so  disinterested  a  demand, 
^d  from  that  day  conceived  a  high  degree  of  respect  and  confidence  for 
the  Spartan  commander.     Lysander  on  his  return  to  Ephesus  employed 
hunself  m  refitting  his  fleet,  and  in  organizing  clubs  in  the  Spartan  in- 
terest in  the  cities  of  Asia. 

§  12.  Alcibiades  set  sail  from  Athens  in  September.    He  first  proceeded 
to  Andros,  now  occupied  by  a  Lacedaemonian  force ;  but,  meeting  with  a 
stouter  resistance  than  he  expected,  he  left  Conon  with  twenty  ships  to 
prosecute  the  siege,  and  proceeded  with  the  remainder  to  Samos.    It  waa 
here  that  he  first  learnt  the  altered  state  of  the  Athenian  relations  with 
Persia.     Bemg  ill  provided  with  funds  for  carrying  on  the  war,  he  was 
^iven  to  make  predatory  excursions  for  the  purpose  of  raising  money. 
He  attempted  to  levy  contributions  on  Cym^,  an  unoffending  Athenian 
dependency,  and,  being  repulsed,  ravaged  its  territory ;  an  act  which  caused 
loud  complaints  against  him  to  be  lodged  at  Athens.     During  his  absence 
on  this  expedition,  he  intrusted  ihe  bulk  of  the  fleet  at  Samos  to  his  pilot, 
Antiochus,  with  strict  injunctions  not  to  venture  on  an  action.     Notwith- 
standing these  orders,  however,  Antiochus  sailed  out  and  brought  the  Pe- 
loponnesian fleet  to  an  engagement  off  Notium,  in  which  the  Athenians 
were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  fifteen  ships,  and  Antiochus  himself  was 
slam.     Among  the  Athenian  armament  itself  great  dissatisfaction  was 
growmg  up  against  Alcibiades.     Though  at  the  head  of  a  splendid  force, 
he  had  in  three  months'  time  accomplished  literally  nothing.     His  debauch- 
eries and  dissolute  conduct  on  shore  were  charged  against  him,  as  weU 
as  his  selecting  for  confidential  posts  not  the  men  best  fitted  for  them,  but 
those  who,  like  Antiochus,  were  the  boon  companions  and  the  ohosen  as- 
Bociates  of  his  revels. 

§  13.  These  accusations  forwarded  to  Athens,  strengthened  by  com- 


840 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIL 


B.  C.  406.] 


BATTLE    OF   ARGINUSiE. 


341 


plaints  from  Cyme,  and  fomented  by  his  secret  enemies,  soon  produced  an 
entire  revukion  in  the  public  feeling  towards  Alcibiades.  It  was  seen 
that  he  was  still  the  same  man,  and  that  he  had  relapsed  into  all  his  former 
habits,  in  the  confidence  that  his  success  and  two  or  three  years  of  good 
behavior  had  succeeded  in  recovering  for  him  the  favor  and  esteem  of 
his  countrymen.  The  Atlienians  voted  tliat  he  should  be  dismissed  from 
his  command,  and  appointed  in  his  place  ten  new  generals,  with  Conon  at 
their  head. 

§  14.  The  year  of  Lysander*s  command  expired  about  the  same  time 
as  the  appointment  of  Conon  to  the  Athenian  command.     Through  the 
intrigues  of  Lysander^  his  successor,  Callicratidas,  was  received  with  dis- 
satisfaction both  by  the  Lacedaemonian  seamen  and  by  Cyrus.     Loud 
complaints  were  raised  of  the  impolicy  of  an  annual  cliange  of  commanders. 
Lysander  threw  all  sorts  of  difficulties  into  the  way  of  his  successor,  to 
whom  he  handed  over  an  empty  chest,  having  first  repaid  to  Cyrus  all 
the  money  in  his  possession,  under  the  pretence  that  it  was  a  private  loan. 
The  straightforward  conduct  of  Callicratidas,  however,  who  summoned  the 
Lacedaemonian  commanders,  and,  after  a  dignified  remonstrance,  plainly 
put  the  question  whether  he  should  return  home  or  remain,  silenced  all 
opposition.     But  he  was  sorely  embarrassed  for  funds.     Cyrus  treated 
him  with  haughtiness ;  and  when  he  waited  on  that  prince  at  Sai-dis,  he 
was  dismissed,  not  only  without  money,  but  even  without  an  audience. 
Callicratidas,  however,  had  too  mucli  energy  to  be  daunted  by  such  obsta- 
cles.    Sailing  with  his  fleet  from  Ephesus  to  Miletus,  he  laid  before  the 
assembly  of  that  city,  in  a  spirited  address,  all  the  ills  they  had  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  and  exhorted  them  to  bestir  themselves  and 
dispense  with  their  alliance.     He  succeeded  in  pei-suading  the  Milesians 
to  make  him  a  large  grant  of  money,  whilst  the  leading  men  even  came 
forward  with  private  subscriptions.     By  means  of  this  assistance  he  was 
enabled  to  add  fifty  triremes  to  the  ninety  delivered  to  him  by  Lysander ; 
and  the  Chians  further  provided  him  with  ten  days'  pay  for  the  seamen. 
He  now  sailed  for  Lesbos,  and,  taking  the  town  of  Methymna  by  stonn, 
delivered  it  over  to  be  plundered  by  his  men.     He  likewise  caused  all 
the  slaves  to  be  sold  for  their  benefit,  but  lie  nobly  refused  to  follow  the 
example  of  his  predecessors,  in  selling  the  Athenian  garrison  and  Me- 
thymnajan  citizens  as  slaves ;  declaring  that,  so  long  as  he  held  the  com- 
mand, no  Greek  should  ever  be  reduced  to  shwojry. 

§  15.  The  fleet  of  Callicratidas  was  now  double  that  of  Conon.  Like 
the  Dosjeof  Yenice  in  modem  times,  he  claimed  the  sea  as  his  lawful  bride, 
and  wanied  Conon  by  a  message  to  abstain  from  his  adulterous  intercourse. 
The  latter,  who  had  ventured  to  ap|)roach  Methymna,  was  compelled  to 
run  before  the  superior  force  of  Callicratidas.  Both  fleets  entered  the 
harbor  of  Mytilene  at  the  same  time,  where  a  battle  ensued  in  which  Co- 
non lost  thirty  ships,  but  he  saved  the  remaining  forty,  by  hauling  them 


ashore  under  the  walls  of  the  to^^i.  Callicratidas  then  blockaded  Myti- 
lene both  by  sea  and  land ;  whilst  Cyrus,  on  learning  his  success,  imme- 
diately fumished  him  with  supplies  of  money.  Conon,  however,  contrived 
to  despatch  a  trireme  to  Athens  with  the  news  of  his  desperate  position. 

§  16.  As  soon  as  the  Athenians  received  intelligence  of  the  blockade 
of  Mytilene,  vast  efforts  were  made  for  its  relief;  and  we  learn  with  sur- 
prise, that  in  thirty  days  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  ten  triremes  was 
equipped  and  despatched  from  Peirajus.  The  armament  assembled  at 
Samos,  where  it  was  reinforced  by  scattered  Athenian  ships,  and  by  con- 
tingents from  the  allies,  to  the  extent  of  forty  vessels.  The  whole  fleet 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  sail  then  proceeded  to  the  small  islands  of  Argi- 
nusjc,  near  the  coast  of  Asia,  and  facing  Malea,  the  southeastern  cape  of 
Lesbos.  Callicratidas,  who  went  out  to  meet  them,  took  up  his  station  at 
the  latter  point,  leaving  Eteonicus  with  fifty  ships  to  maintain  the  blockade 
of  Mytilene.  He  had  thus  only  one  hundred  and  twenty  ships  to  oppose 
to  the  one  hundred  and  fifly  of  the  Athenians,  and  his  pilot,  Hei-mon,  ad- 
vised him  to  retire  before  the  superior  force  of  the  enemy.  But  Callicra- 
tidas re[)lied,  tliat  he  would  not  disgrace  himself  by  flight,  and  that  if  he 
should  perish,  Sparta  would  not  feel  his  loss. 

§  17.  The  greatest  precautions  were  taken  in  drawing  up  the  Athenian 
fleet.     The  main  strength  was  thrown  into  the  wings,  each  of  which  con- 
sisted of  sixty  Athenian  ships,  divided  into  four  squadrons  of  fifteen  each, 
ranged  in  a  double  line.     The  Peloponnesian  fleet,  on  the  contrary,  was' 
drawn  up  in  a  single  extended  line ;  a  circumstance  displaying  great  con- 
fidence of  superiority,  and  which  denoted  a  vast  change  in  the  relative 
naval  skill  of  the  parties ;  for  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  their  tactics  * 
had  been  precisely  the  reverse.     It  must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind,  that 
the  far  greater  part  of  the  Athenian  fleet  was  on  this  occasion  manned  by 
hastily  raised  crews,  who  had  never  been  to  sea  before ;  whilst  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian sailors  had  been  well  trained  by  several  years'  experience. 

The  battle  was  long  and  obstinate.  All  order  was  speedily  lost,  and 
the  ships  fought  singly  with  one  another.  Li  one  of  these  contests,  Calli- 
cratidas, who  stood  on  the  prow  of  his  vessel  ready  to  board  the  enemy,  was 
thrown  overboard  by  the  shock  of  the  vessels  as  they  met,  and  perished. 
At  length  victory  began  to  declare  for  the  Athenians.  The  Lacedsemo- 
nians,  after  losing  seventy-seven  vessels,  retreated  with  the  remainder  to 
Chios  and  Phocaea.     The  loss  of  the  Athenians  was  twenty-five  vessels. 

Eteonicus  was  now  in  jeopardy  at  Mytilene.  When  informed  of  the 
defeat  of  his  countrymen,  he  directed  the  vessel  which  brought  the  news 
to  put  to  sea  again,  and  to  return  with  wreaths  and  shouts  of  triumph ; 
whilst,  taking  advantage  of  the  false  impression  thus  raised  in  the  minds 
of  the  Athenians,  he  hastily  got  ready  for  sea,  and  reached  Chios  in  safety. 
At  the  same  time  the  blockading  army  was  \vithdrawn  to  Methymna. 
Conon,  thus  unexpectedly  Uberated,  put  to  sea,  and  the  united  fleet  took 
up  their  station  at  Samos. 


v.t 


I 


342 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXII. 


§  18.  The  battle  of  Arginusae  led  to  a  deplorable  event,  which  has  for 
ever  sullied  the  pages  of  Athenian  history.  At  least  a  dozen  Athenian 
vessels  were  left  floating  about  in  a  disabled  condition  after  the  battle ;  but, 
owing  to  a  violent  stonn  that  ensued,  no  attempt  was  made  to  rescue  the 
survivors,  or  to  collect  the  bodies  of  the  dead  for  burial.  Eight  of  the 
ten  generals  were  summoned  home  to  answer  for  this  conduct ;  Conon,  by 
his  situation  at  Mytilene,  was  of  course  exculpated,  and  Archestratus  had 
di6d.  Six  of  the  generals  obeyed  the  summons,  and  were  denounced  in 
the  assembly  by  Theramenes,  formerly  one  of  the  Four  Hundred,  for 
neglect  of  duty.  The  generals  replied,  that  they  had  commissioned  Thera- 
menes himself  and  Thrasybulus,  each  of  whom  commanded  a  trireme  in 
the  engagement,  to  undertake  the  duty,  and  had  assigned  forty-eight  ships 
to  them  for  that  purpose.  This,  however,  was  denied  by  Theramenes ; 
and  unluckily  the  generals,  fix>m  a  feeling  of  kindness  towards  the  latter, 
had  made  no  mention  of  the  circumstance  in  their  public  despatches,  but 
had  attributed  the  abandonment  of  the  foundering  vessels  solely  to  the 
violence  of  the  storm.  There  are  discrepancies  in  the  evidence,  and  we 
have  no  materials  for  deciding  positively  which  statement  was  true ;  but 
probability  inclines  to  the  side  of  the  generals.  Public  feeling,  however, 
ran  very  strongly  against  them,  and  was  increased  by  an  incident  which 
occurred  during  their  trial.  After  a  day*s  debate  the  question  was  ad- 
journed ;  and  in  the  interval  the  festival  of  the  Apatiiria  was  celebrated, 
in  which,  according  to  annual  custom,  the  citizens  met  together  according 
to  their  families  and  phratries.  Those  who  had  perished  at  Arginusae 
were  naturally  missed  on  such  an  occasion ;  and  the  usually  cheerful  char- 
acter of  the  festival  was  deformed  and  rendered  melancholy  by  the  rela- 
tives of  the  deceased  appearing  in  black  clothes  and  with  shaven  heads. 
The  passions  of  the  people  were  violently  roused.  At  the  next  meeting 
of  the  Assembly,  Callixenus,  a  senator,  proposed  that  the  people  should 
at  once  proceed  to  pass  its  verdict  on  the  generals,  *though  they  had  been 
only  partially  heard  in  their  defence ;  and,  moreover,  that  they  should  all 
be  included  in  one  sentence,  though  it  was  contrary  to  a  rule  of  Attic 
law,  known  as  the  psephisma  of  Cannonus,  to  indict  citizens  otherwise  than 
individually.  Callixenus  carried  his  motion  in  spite  of  the  threat  of  Euryp- 
tolemus  to  indict  him  for  an  illegal  proceeding  under  the  Grophe  Para- 
nmnon.  The  Prytanes,  or  senators  of  the  presiding  tribe,  at  first  refused 
to  put  the  question  to  the  Assembly  in  this  illegal  way  ;  but  their  opposi- 
tion was  at  length  overawed  by  clamor  and  violence.  There  was,  how- 
ever, one  honorable  exception.  The  philosopher  Socrates,  who  was  one 
of  the  Prytanes,  refused  to  withdraw  his  protest*     But  his  opposition 


♦  Socrates  happened  to  be  President  QEmararris)  of  the  Prytanes  on  that  day;  and,  as 
presiding  oflBcer,  refiued  to  put  the  rote.  The  decision  was  therefore  adjourned  to  the  next 
day,  when  a  more  pliant  officer  put  the  vote  and  the  generals  were  condemned.  —  Ed. 


B.  C.  406.1 


EXECUTION   OF  THE   GENERALS. 


343 


was  disregarded,  and  the  proposal  of  Callixenus  was  carried.  The  gen- 
erals were  condemned,  deUvered  over  to  the  Eleven  for  execution,  and 
compelled  to  drink  the  fatal  hemlock.  Among  them  was  Pericles,  the  son 
of  the  celebrated  statesman.  The  Athenians  afterwards  repented  of  their 
rash  precipitation,  and  decreed  that  Callixenus  and  his  accomplices  should 
in  their  turn  be  brought  to  trial;  but  before  the  appointed  day  they  man- 
aged to  escape. 

§  19.  After  the  battle  of  Arginusae  the  Athenian  fleet  seems  to  have 
remained  inactive  at  Samos  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  Through  the 
influence  of  Cyrus,  and  the  other  allies  of  Sparta,  Lysander  again  ob- 
tained the  command  of  the  Peloponnesian  fleet  at  the  commencement  of  the 
year  405  b.  c.  ;  though  nominally  under  Aracus  as  admii-al ;  since  it  was 
contrary  to  Spartan  usage  that  the  same  man  should  be  twice  Navarchus.* 
His  return  to  power  was  marked  by  more  vigorous  measures.  Fresh  fiinds 
were  obtained  from  Cyrus ;  the  arrears  due  to  the  seamen  were  paid  up ; 
and  new  triremes  were  put  upon  the  stocks  at  Antandrus.  Oligarchical 
revolutions  were  effected  in  Miletus  and  other  towns.  Summoned  to  visit 
his  sick  father  in  Media,  Cyrus  even  delegated  to  Lysander  the  manage- 
ment of  his  satrapy  and  revenues  during  his  absence.  Lysander  was  thus 
plaeed  in  possession  of  power  never  before  realized  by  any  Lacedemonian 
commander.  But  the  Athenian  fleet  under  Conon  and  his  coadjutors  was 
still  superior  in  numbers,  and  Lysander  carefully  avoided  an  engagement. 
He  contrived,  however,  to  elude  the  Athenian  fleet,  and  to  cross  the 
-^gean  to  the  coast  of  Attica,  where  he  had  an  interview  with  Agis ;  and, 
proceeding  thence  to  the  Hellespont,  which  Conon  had  left  unguarded,  he 
took  up  his  station  at  Abydoa. 

§  50.  The  Athenians  were  at  this  time  engaged  in  ravaging  Chios ;  but 
when  they  heard  of  this  movement,  and  that  Lysander  had  commenced  the 
siege  of  Lampsaeus,  they  immediately  sailed  for  the  Hellespont.  They 
arrived  too  late  to  save  the  town,  but  they  proceeded  up  the  strait  and 
took  post  at  ^gospotami,  or  the  "  Goat's  River " ;  a  place  which  had 
nothing  to  recommend  it,  except  its  vicinity  to  Lampsacus,  from  which  it 
was  separated  by  a  channel  somewhat  less  than  two  miles  broad.  It  was 
a  mere  desolate  beach,  without  houses  or  inhabitants,  so  that  all  the  sup- 
plies had  to  be  fetched  from  Sestos,  or  from  the  surrounding  country,  and 
the  seamen  were  compelled  to  leave  their  ships  in  order  to  obtam  their 
meals.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Athenians  were  very  desirous  of 
bringing  Lysander  to  an  engagement.  But  the  Spartan  commander, 
who  was  in  a  strong  position,  and  abundantly  supplied  with  provisions, 
was  in  no  hurry  to  run  any  risks.  In  vain  did  the  Athenians  sail 
over  several  days  in  succession  to  offer  him  battle ;  they  always  found 
his   ships  ready   manned,  and   drawn  up  in  too   strong   a   position   to 


/I 


*  Lysander  received  the  title  of  Epistokus.    See  note  on  p.  336. 


>f  ' 


B44' 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXn. 


,  I 


warrant  an  attaxk;  nor  could  they  by  all  their  manoeuvres  succeed  in 
enticing  him  out  to  combat.  This  cowardice,  as  they  deemed  it,  on 
the  part  of  the  LacedaBmonians,  begat  a  corresponding  negligence  on 
theirs :  discipline  was  neglected,  and  the  men  allowed  to  straggle  almost 
at  will.  It  was  in  vain  that  Alcibiades,  who  since  his  dismissal  re- 
sided in  a  fortress  in  that  neighborhood,  remonstrated  with  the  Athenian 
generals  on  the  exposed  nature  of  the  station  they  had  chosen,  and 
advised  them  to  proceed  to  Sestos.  His  counsels  were  received  with 
taunts  and  insults.  At  length,  on  the  fifth  day,  Lysander,  having  watched 
an  opportunity  when  the  Athenian  seamen  had  gone  on  shore  and  were 
dispersed  over  the  country,  rowed  swiftly  across  the  strait  with  all  his 
ships.  He  found  the  Athenian  fleet,  with  the  exception  of  ten  or  twelve 
vessels,  totally  unpreim-ed,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  nearly  the  whole  of 
it,  without  having  occasion  to  strike  a  single  blow.  Of  the  hundred  and 
eighty  ships  which  comj^sed  the  fleet,  only  the  trireme  of  Couon  himself, 
the  Paralus,  and  eight  or  ten  other  vessels,  succeeded  in  escaping.  Conon 
was  afraid  to  return  to  Athens  after  so  signal  a  disaster,  and  took  refu"-e 
with  Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis,  in  Cyprus.  All  the  Athenian  prisoners, 
amountmg  to  three  or  four  thousand,  together  with  the  generals,  were  put 
to  death  by  order  of  Lysander,  in  retaliation  for  the  cruelty  with  which  the 
Athenians  had  treated  the  prisoners  they  had  lately  made. 

By  this  momentous  victoiy,  which  was  suspected  to  have  been  achieved 
through  the  corrupt  connivance  of  some  of  the  Athenian  generals,  the  con- 
test on  the  Hellesj)ont,  and  virtually  the  Peloponnesian  war,  was  brought 
to  an  end.  The  closing  scene  of  the  catastrophe  was  enacted  at  Athens 
itself;  but  the  fate  of  the  imperial  city  must  be  reserved  for  another 
chapter. 


Hi! 


Bust  of  the  Poet  Eurlpidee. 


'  I 


B.  C.  405.] 


ALARM  AT  ATHENS. 


34^ 


ViewofPhyld. 


CHAPTER  XXXni. 

FROM  THE  BATTLE  OP  ^GOSPOTAMI  TO  THE  OVERTHROW  OP  THE 
THIRTY  TYRANTS  AND  THE  RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OF  DEMOCRACY  AT 
ATHENS. 


I 


i  1.  Alarm  at  Athens.    §2.  Proceedings  of  Lysander.    Capture  of  the  Athenian  Depcnden 
cies.    M.  Measures  of  the  Athenians.    Athens  invested.    M-  Embassy  of  Theraraenes 
Conditions  of  Capitulation.    §  5.  Lysander  takes  Possession  of  Athens.    Destruction  of 
the  Long  Walls,  &c.    §  6.  Retuni  of  the  Oligarchical  Exiles.    Establishment  of  the  Thirty 
\  'i  ^''"*'"'^*''*  °^  S'^'^««  ^"^  Triumph  of  Lysander.    §  8.  Proceedings  of  the  Thirty  at 
Athens.    ^  9.  Opposition  of  Theramenes.    §  10.  Proscriptions.     Death  of  Theramenes. 
I  11.   Suppression  of    Intellectual    Culture.      Socrates.     ^2.   Death    of   Alcibiades. 
§  13.  Jealousy  of  the  Grecian  States  towards  Sparta  and  Lv^aiuler.    §  14    Tln-isybulus 
atPhyle.    ^5-  Seizure  and  Massacre  of  t!.c  I  -  /     i,.  Thras\%du.  occupies 

Peir^u^.    Death  of  Critias.    §17.  Deposition  u  ,i,.    xitlrr.,    a.d  EstaWMurient  of  tiie 
len.    Return  of  Lysander  to  Athens,  and  Arrival  of  Pausanius.    §18.  P  ••■•(.  with  Thrasy 
bulus,  and  Evacuation  of  Attica  by  the  Peloponne^ians.    <s  1  a  JJtst. .,     ^y  i  .jf  r'he  Democ- 
racy.   §20.  ArchonshipofEuclides.    Reduett.u.  of  Cfcu^i^ 

§  1.  The  defeat  of  ^gospotami,  which  int^K  pluc^  ^bout  September, 
405  B.  c,  was  announced  at  Peirseus  in  Uk-  nigut,  by  the  arrival  of  the 
Paralus.  «0n  that  night,"  says  Xenophon,.  "  no  man  slept."  The  dis- 
aster, indeed,  was  as  sudden  and  as  authentic  as  it  was  vast  and  irre- 
trievable.    The  proceedings  of  the  dejected  assembly  which  met  on  the 

44 


vSl 


)- 


M4: 


HISTORY   OF   ORtECE. 


[Chap.  XXXH. 


B.  C.  405.] 


ALARM   AT   ATHENS. 


345 


warrant  an  mmk;  nm*  cmM  th^  hy  all  their  manccuvres  succeed  in 
enticing  liiin  out  to  com!)at.  This  cowardice,  as  tliey  deemed  it,  on 
the  part  of  the  Lacedainioiiians,  bc'rat  a  corres|>onding  nej^lijrence  on 
theire :  discipline  was  neglected,  and  the  men  allowed  to  strajrjrle  almost 
at  will  It  was  in  vain  that  Alcibiades,  who  since  his  dismissal  re- 
sided in  a  fortress  in  that  neighlmrhood,  remonstnited  with  the  Athenian 
generals  on  the  exi^ised  natuie  of  the  station  they  had  chosen,  and 
advised  them  to  pnx*eed  to  Sestos.  His  counsels  were  received  with 
tounts  and  insults.  At  len-jcth,  on  the  fifth  day,  Lysander,  having  watched 
an  opportunity  when  the  Athenian  seamen  had  gone  on  shore  and  were 
dispersed  over  the  country,  rowed  swiftly  acmss  the  strait  with  all  his 
ships.  He  tbun<l  the  Athenian  fleet,  with  the  exception  of  ten  or  twelve 
vessels,  totally  unprepared,  luid  succeeded  in  capturing  nearly  the  whole  of 
it,  without  having  occasion  to  strike  a  single  blow.  Of  the  hundred  and 
eighty  ships  which  comijosed  the  fleet,  only  the  trireme  of  Conon  himself, 
the  Parahis,  and  eight  or  ten  other  vessels,  succeeded  in  escai>ing.  Conon 
was  afraid  to  return  to  Alliens  after  so  signal  a  disaster,  and  took  refuge 
with  Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis,  in  Cyprus.  All  the  Athenian  i)risoners, 
amounting  to  three  or  four  thousand,  together  with  the  generals,  were  put 
to  deatli  l)y  order  of  Lysander,  in  retaliation  for  tlie  cruelty  with  which  the 
Atlienians  had  treated  the  prisoners  they  had  lately  made. 

By  this  momentous  victtay,  whicli  was  sus{)ected  to  have  been  achieved 
through  the  corrui>t  connivance  of  some  of  the  Atbenian  generals,  the  con- 
test on  the  IlellesiMjut,  and  virtually  the  Peloponnesian  war,  was  brought 
to  an  end.  The  closing  scene  of  the  catastrophe  was  enacted  at  Athens 
itself;  but  the  fate  oi  Ihe  imperial  city  must  be  reserved  for  another 
chapter. 


View  of  Phyld. 


CHAPTER  XXXni. 

FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  J2G0SP0TAMI  TO  THE  OVERTHROW  OP  THE 
THIRTY  TYRANTS  AND  THE  RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OP  DEMOCRACY  AT 
ATHENS. 


Bust  of  tlie  Poet  Euripides. 


^  1.  Alarm  at  Athens.    §  2.  Proceedings  of  Lysander.    Capture  of  the  Athenian  Dependen- 
cies.   §3.  Measures  of  the  Athenians.    Athens  invested.    M-  Kmbassy  of  Tlieramenes 
Conditions  of  Capitulation.     §  5.  Lysander  takes  Possession  of  Athens.    Destruction  of 
the  Lou-  \\  alls,  &c.     §  6.  Return  of  the  Oligarchical  Exiles.    Establishment  of  the  Thirty 
^7.  Surrender  of  Samos  an<l  Triumph  of  Lysander.    §  8.  Proceedings  of  the  Thirty  at 
Athens.     §  9.  Opposition  of  Theramenes.    §  10.  Proscriptions.     De:,th  of  Theramenes 
§  11.   Suppression  of    Intellectual    Culture.      Socrates.      §  12.   Death    of   Alcibi'ides' 
§  13.  Jealousy  of  the  Grecian  States  towards  Spart;.  and  Lv^ander.     §  14.  Tl-r.svbulus* 
nt  Phyle.     §  15.  Seizure  and  Massacre  of  tlu-  I  :,    Thrasvl>'  i:     .ccunies 

leu-a3us.     Death  of  Critias.     §  17.  Dcpositiu,    .  ,   •    ^     ,,i  Kstabl-s   ...t  of  the 

Ten.     Return  of  Lysander  to  Athens,  and  Arrival  of  Pnusaiii .  -.     ;^  is.  '       ,.  n  ,>',  Tbr  hv 
bulus,  and  Evacuation  of  Attica  by  the  Pelopoi,nc'-i;ois.        !  y.  ij,.,s  ,   ,   .V-  1 1  ...S 


racy.    §  20.  Archonship  of  Euclides.    Redii 


.  a  I 


•k^V' 


§1.  The  defeat  of  iEgospotami,  wliich  t.AK  p:,.  .,bout  Septemher, 
405  B.  c,  was  announced  at  Peh'ieus  m  tlu-  .u-ut,  l.y  the  arrival  of  the 
Parahjs.  "On  that  night,"  says  Xeno]>Iion,.  -  no  man  slept."  The  dis- 
aster, indeed,  was  as  sudden  and  as  autluMitie  ns  it  was  vast  and  irre- 
trievable.    The  proceedings  of  the  dejected  assembly  which  met  on  the 


44 


im 


r 


846 


HISTOKT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIU. 


B.C.  404.] 


CAPITULATION   OP  ATHENS. 


347 


t 


Mowing  day  at  once  showed  that  the  remaining  struggle  was  one  for 
bare  existence.  In  order  to  make  the  best  preparations  for  a  siege,  it  wag 
resolved  to  block  up  two  of  the  three  ports  of  Athens,  —  a  plain  confession 
that  maritime  supremacy,  the  sole  basis  of  her  power,  had  departed  from 

her. 

§  2.  Lysander,  secure  of  an  easy  triumph,  was  in  no  haste  to  gather  it  by 
force.  The  command  of  the  Euxine  enabled  him  to  control  the  supplies  of 
Athens ;  and,  sooner  or  later,  a  few  weeks  of  famine  must  decide  her  fall. 
With  the  view  of  hastening  the  catastrophe,  he  compelled  the  garrisons  of 
all  the  towns  which  surrendered  to  proceed  to  the  capital.  The  question 
was  not  one  of  arms,  but  of  hunger ;  and  an  additional  garrison,  so  far 
from  adding  to  her  strength,  would  complete  her  weakness.  A  strong 
proof  of  the  insecure  foundation  of  her  power !  A  naval  defeat  in  a 
remote  quarter  had  not  only  deprived  her  of  empire,  but  was  about  to 
render  her  in  turn  a  captive  and  a  subject. 

Lysander  now  sailed  forth  to  take  possession  of  the  Athenian  towns, 
which  fell  one  after  another  intojiis  power  as  soon  as  he  appeared  before 
them.  In  all  a  new  form  of  government  was  established,  consisting  of  an 
oligarchy  of  ten  of  the  citizens,  called  a  decarchy,  under  a  Spartan  bar- 
most  Chalcedon,  Byzantium,  Mytilene,  surrendered  to  Lysander  him- 
self;  whilst  Eteonicus  was  despatched  to  occupy  and  revolutionize  the 
Athenian  towns  in  Thrace.  Amidst  the  general  defection,  Samos  alone 
remained  faithful  to  Athens.  All  her  other  dependencies  at  once  yielded 
to  the  Lacediemonians ;  whilst  her  cleruchs  were  forced  to  abandon  their 
possessions  and  return  home.  In  many  places,  and  especially  in  Thasos, 
these  revolutions  were  attended  with  violence  and  bloodshed. 

§  3.  The  situation  of  Athens  was  now  more  desperate  even  than  when 
Xerxes  was  advancing  against  her  with  his  countless  host.  The  juncture 
demanded  the  hearty  co-operation  of  all  her  citizens;  and  a  general 
amnesty  was  proposed  and  carried  for  the  purjxjse  of  releasing  all  debtors, 
accused  persons,  and  state  prisoners,  except  a  few  of  the  more  desperate 
criminals  and  homicides.  The  citizens  were  then  assembled  in  the 
Acropolis,  and  swore  a  solemn  oath  of  mutual  forgiveness  and  harmony. 

About  November  Lysander  made  his  appearance  at  ^gina,  with  an 
overwhelming  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  triremes,  and  proceeded  to  de- 
Tflstate  Salamis  and  blockade  Peu^us.  At  the  same  time  the  whole  Pelo- 
ponnesian  army  was  marched  into  Attica,  and  encamped  in  the  precincts  of 
the  Academia,  at  the  very  gates  of  Athens.*  Famine  soon  began  to  be 
felt  within  the  walls.  Yet  the  Athenians  did  not  abate  of  their  pretensions. 
In  their  proposals  for  a  capitulation,  they  demanded  the  preservation  of 
their  long  walls,  and  of  the  port  of  Peiraeus.     But  the  Spartan  Ephors,  to 


«  The  words  of  Xenophon  are  rrpos  ti/v  iroKw  iarparofribivatv  iv  tJ  *AKatrjiii^,  Tf 
XoXov/ifv^  yvftvturi^'    It  was  about  a  mile  north  of  the  city.  —  Ed. 


whom  the  Athenian  envoys  had  been  referred  by  King  Agis,  refused  to 
listen  to  such  terms,  and  insisted  on  the  demolition  of  the  long  walls  for 
the  space  of  ten  stadia  at  least.     The  spirit  of  the  people,  however,  was 

still  so  unsubdued  —  though  some  of  them  were  actually  dying  of  hun*i%r 

that  the  senator  Archesti-atus  was  imprisoned  for  proposing  to  accept  the 
terms  offered  by  the  Ephors ;  and  on  the  motion  of  Cleophon,  it  was  for- 
bidden to  make  any  such  proposal  in  future. 

§  4  Theramenes,  formerly  one  of  the  Four  Hundred,  now  offered  to 
proceed  to  Lysander  for  the  purpose  of  learning  his  real  intentions  with 
regard  to  tlie  fate  of  Athens ;  and  as  he  pretended  that  his  personal  con- 
nections would  afford  him  great  facilities  in  such  an  undertaking,  his  offer 
was  accepted.     After  wasting  three  months  with  Lysander,  —  three  months 
of  terrible  suffering  to  the  Athenians,  —  he  said  that  Lysander  had  then 
informed  him  for  the  first  time  that  the  Ephors  alone  had  iK)wer  to  treat. 
The  only  consti-uction  that  can  be  put  on  this  conduct  of  Theramenes  is, 
that  he  designed  to  reduce  the  Athenians  to  the  last  necessity,  so  that  they 
should  be  compelled  to  purchase  peace  at  any  price.     K  such  was  his 
object  he  completely  succeeded.     When  he  returned  to  Athens  the  famine 
had  become  so  dreadful,  that  he  was  immediately  sent  back  to  conclude  a 
peace  on  whatever  terms  he  could.     In  the  debate  which  ensued  at  Sparta, 
the  Thebans,  the  Corinthians,  and  others  of  the  more  bitter  enemies  of 
Athens,  urged  the  very  extinction  of  her  name  and  the  sale  of  her  whole 
population  into  slavery.     But  this  proposition  was  resolutely  opposed  by 
the  Lacedajmonians,  who  declared,  with  great  appearance  of  magnanimity, 
though  probably  with  a  view  to  their  own  interest  in  converting  Athens 
into  a  useful  dependency,  that  they  would  never  consent  to  enslave  or  an- 
nihilate a  city  which  had  rendered  such  eminent  services  to  Greece.     The 
terms  which  the  Ephors  dictated,  and  which  the  Athenians  were  in  no 
condition  to  refuse,  were,  that  the  long  walls  and  the  fortifications  of 
Peiroeus  should  be  demolished ;  that  the  Athenians  should  give  up  all  their 
foreign  possessions,  and  confine  themselves  to  their  own  territory ;  that 
they  should  surrender  all  their  ships  of  war;  that  they  should  readmit  all 
their  exiles  ;  and  that  tliey  should  become  allies  of  Sparta.     As  Thera- 
menes re-entered  Athens,  bearing  in  his  hand  the  roll,  or  scytale,  which 
contained  these  terms,  he  was  pressed  upon  by  an  anxious  and  haggard 
crowd,  who,  heedless  of  the  terms,  gave  loud  vent  to  their  joy  that  peace 
was  at  length  concluded.     And  though  there  was  still  a  small  minority  for 
holding  out,  the  vote  for  accepting  the  conditions  was  carried,  and  notified 
to  Lysander. 

§  5.  It  was  about  the  middle  or  end  of  March,  b.  c.  404,  that  Lysander 
sailed  into  Peineus,  and  took  formal  possession  of  Athens ;  the  war,  in 
singular  conformity  with  the  prophecies  current  at  the  beginning  of  it, 
having  lasted  for  a  period  of  thrice  nine,  or  twenty-seven  years.  The 
Lacedaemonian  fleet  and  army  remained  in  possession  of  the  city  till  the 


848 


HISTORY    OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXDI. 


m 


n 


conditions  of  its  capitulation  had  been  executed.  Lysander  carried  away 
aU  the  Athenian  triremes  except  twelve,  destroyed  the  naval  arsenals,  and 
burned  the  ships  on  the  stocks.  The  insolence  of  the  victors  added  anoth- 
er blow  to  the  feelings  of  the  conqnere<l.  The  work  of  destruction,  at 
which  Lysander  presided,  was  converted  into  a  sort  of  festival.  Female 
flute-players  and  wreathed  dancers  inaugurated  the  demolition  of  the  strong 
and  proud  bulwaiks  of  Alliens ;  and  as  the  massive  walls  fell  piece  by 
piece,  exclamations  arose  from  the  ranks  of  the  Teloponnesians  that  free« 
dom  had  at  length  begun  to  dawn  upon  Greece.  The  solidity  of  the  works 
rendered  the  task  of  demolition  a  laborious  one.  After  some  little  prog- 
ress had  been  made  in  it,  Lysander  withdrew  with  his  fleet  to  pi-osecutc 
the  siege  of  Samos. 

Thus  fell  imperial  Athens,  in  the  seventy-third  year  after  the  fonnation 
of  tlie  Confederacy  of  Delos,  the  origin  of  her  subsequent  empire.  Dur- 
ing  that  interval  she  had  doubtless  committed  many  mistakes  and  much 
injustice ;  had  uniformly,  periiaps,  overrated  the  real  foundations  of  her 
strength,  and  frequently  employed  unjustifiable  means  in  order  to  support 
it.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  recollected  that  in  that  brief  career 
she  had  risen  by  her  genius  and  her  valor  from  the  condition  of  a  small 
and  subordinate  city  to  be  the  leading  power  in  Greece ;  that  in  the  first 
instance  empire  had  not  been  sought  by  her  ambition,  but  laid  at  her  feet, 
and  in  a  manner  thrust  upon  her;  that  it  had  been  accepted,  and  success- 
fully employed,  for  the  most  noble  of  human  purposes,  and  to  avert  an 
overwhelming  deluge  of  barbarism ;  and  that  Gi-eece,  and  more  particu- 
larly Athens  herself,  had  been  thus  enabled  to  become  the  mother  of  re- 
finement, the  nurse  of  litemture  and  art,  and  the  founder  of  European 
civilization. 

§  6.  The  fall  of  Athens  brought  back  a  host  of  exiles,  all  of  them  the 
enemies  of  her  democratical  constitution.  Of  these  the  most  distinguished 
was  Critias,  a  man  of  wealth  and  family,  the  uncle  of  Plato  and  once  the 
intimate  friend  of  Socrates,  distinguished  both  for  liis  literary  and  political 
talents,  but  of  unmeasured  ambition  and  unscrupulous  conscience.  Critias 
and  his  companions  soon  found  a  party  with  which  they  could  co-operate. 
A  large  portion  of  the  senators  were  favorable  to  the  establishment  of  an 
oligarchy ;  of  which  Theramenes  had  already  laid  the  foundation  during 
his  residence  with  Lysander.  Scarcely  was  the  city  surrendered,  when 
this  faction  began  to  organize  its  plans.  The  political  clubs  met  and  named 
a  committee  of  five,  who,  in  compliment  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  were  called 
Ephors.  Their  first  step  was  to  seize  the  leaders  of  the  democratical  par- 
ty, whom  they  accused  of  a  design  to  overturn  the  peace.  Cleophon  had 
abeady  fallen,  on  an  accusation  of  neglect  of  military  duty,  but  in  reality 
from  his  perseverance  in  opposing  the  surrender  of  Athens.  The  way 
being  thus  prepared,  Critias  and  Theramenes  invited  Lysander  from  Sa- 
HOfi,  in  order  that  his  presence  might  secure  the  success  of  the  movement. 


V 


B.  C.  404.] 


THE    THIRTY   TYRANTS. 


349 


It  was  then  proposed  in  the  assembly,  that  a  committee  of  thirty  should 
be  named  to  draw  up  laws  for  the  future  government  of  the  city,  and  to 
undertake  its  temporary  administration.  Among  the  most  prominent  of 
the  thirty  names  were  those  of  Critias  and  Theramenes.  The  proposal 
was  of  course  carried.  Lysander  himself  addressed  the  assembly,  and 
contemptuously  told  them  that  they  had  better  take  thought  for  their  per- 
sonal safety,  which  now  lay  at  his  mercy,  than  for  their  political  constitu- 
tion. The  committee  thus  appointed  soon  obtained  the  title  of  the  Thirty 
Tyrants,  the  name  by  which  they  have  become  known  in  all  subsequent 
time. 

§  7.  After  completing  the  revolution  at  Athens,  Lysander  returned  to 
Samos.  The  island  surrendered  towards  the  end  of  summer,  when  an 
oligarcliical  government  was  established,  as  in  the  other  conquered  states. 
Never  had  Greek  commander  celebrated  so  great  a  triumph  as  that  which 
adorned  the  return  of  Lysander  to  Sparta.  He  brought  with  him  all  the 
prow  ornaments  of  the  numerous  ships  he  had  taken  ;  he  was  loaded  with 
golden  crowns,  the  gifts  of  various  cities ;  and  he  ostentatiously  displayed 
the  large  sum  of  four  hundred  and  seventy  talents,  the  balance  which  still 
remained  of  the  sums  granted  by  Cyrus  for  prosecuting  the  war. 

§  8.  Meanwhde,  the  Thirty  at  Athens,  having  named  an  entirely  new 
Senate,  and  appointed  fresh  magistrates,  proceeded  to  exterminate  some 
of  their  most  obnoxious  opponents.     In  order  to  insure  their  condemnation 
the  Thirty  presided  in  person  in  the  place  formerly  occupied  by  the  Pry- 
tanes ;  and  the  senators  were  obliged  to  deposit  their  voting  pebbles  on 
tables  placed  unmediately  before  them.     Frequently  even  this  show  of 
legality  was  dispensed  with,  and  the  accused  were  put  to  death  by  the 
mere  order  of  the  Thirty.     But  Critias,  and  the  more  violent  party  among 
them,  still  called  for  more  blood ;  and,  with  the  view  of  obtaining  it,  pro- 
cured a  Spartan  garrison,  under  the  harmost  Callibius,  to  be  installed  in"* 
the  Acropolis.     Besides  this  force,  they  had  an  organized  band  of  assas- 
sms  at  their  disposal.     Blood  now  flowed  on  all  sides.     Many  of  the  lead- 
ing men  of  Athens  fell,  others  took  to  flight.     A  still  greater  refinement 
of  cunning  and  cruelty  was,  to  implicate  distinguished  citizens  in  their 
own  crimes  by  making  them  accomplices  in  tlieir  acts  of  violence.     Thus, 
on  one  occasion,  they  sent  for  five  citizens  to  the  government  house,  and' 
ordered  them  with  horrible  menaces  to  proceed  to  Salamis,  and  bring  back 
as  a  prisoner  an  eminent  Atlienian  named  Leon.     Socrates  was  one  of 
the  five,  and  again  did  himself  immortal  honor  by  refusing  to  participate 
in  such  an  act  of  violence. 

§  9.  Thus  the  reign  of  terror  was  completely  established.  In  tlie  bosom 
of  the  Thirty,  however,  there  was  a  party,  headed  by  Tlieramenes,  who 
disapproved  of  these  proceedings.  Theramenes  was  long-sighted  and 
cunning,  as  we  have  seen  from  his  former  acts,  and  so  shifting  and  unstable 
in  his  political  views  as  to  have  obtained  tlie  nickname  of  Cothurnus, 


\ 


"J 


350 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIH 


from  resembling  a  shoe  that  would  fit  either  foot  But  he  was  not  unne- 
cessarily and  gratuitously  cruel ;  and  though  he  had  appi-oved  of  the  slaugh- 
ter of  those  citizens  whom,  from  their  fonner  political  conduct,  he  deemed 
dangerous  and  irreconcilable  enemies  to  the  new  state  of  things,  yet  he 
was  not  disposed  to  sanction  murder  merely  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  the 
wealth  of  the  victims.  He  was  also  inclined  to  give  the  new  government 
a  more  constitutional  form ;  and  it  was  at  his  suggestion  that  the  Thirty 
were  induced  to  bestow  the  franchise  on  three  thousand  citizens,  chosen, 
however,  as  much  as  possible  from  their  own  adherents.  But  this  show 
of  liberality,  as  managed  by  the  majority  of  the  Thirty,  was  in  reality 
only  a  vehicle  for  greater  oppression  towards  the  remainder  of  the  citizens. 
All  except  the  chosen  three  thousand  were  considered  to  be  without  the 
pale  of  the  law,  and  might  be  put  to  death  without  form  of  trial  by  the 
simple  fiat  of  the  Thirty ;  whilst,  in  order  to  render  them  incapable  of  re- 
sistance, they  were  assembled  under  pretence  of  a  review,  during  which 
their  arms  were  seized  by  a  stratagem. 

§  10.  The  Thirty  now  proceeded  moriEJ  unsparingly  than  ever.  A  regu- 
lar proscription  took  place.  A  list  was  made  out  of  those  who  were  to 
be  slam  and  plundered ;  and  the  adherents  of  the  Thirty  were  permitted 
to  insert  in  it  whatever  names  they  pleased.  So  httle  was  the  proscription 
of  a  political  character,  that  it  extended  to  metics  (resident  aliens)  as  well 
as  to  citizens ;  and  under  the  metics  were  included  Lysias,  the  celebrated 
orator,  and  his  brother,  Polemarchus.  Theramenes  stood  aloof  from 
these  atrocities ;  and  when  offered  the  choice  of  a  victim  among  the 
metics,  to  be  destroyed  and  plundered  for  his  own  especial  benefit,  he  in- 
dignantly rejected  the  offer.  His  moderation  cost  him  his  life.  One  day, 
as  he  entered  the  Senate-House,  Critias  rose  and  denounced  him  as  a 
public  enemy,  struck  his  name  out  of  the  privileged  three  thousand,  and 
ordered  him  to  be  carried  off  to  instant  death.  Upon  hearing  these  words 
Theramenes  sprang  for  refuge  to  the  altar  in  the  Senate-House ;  but  he 
was  dragged  aw^ay  by  Satyrus,  the  cruel  and  unscrupulous  head  of  the 
**  Eleven,"  a  body  of  otiicers  who  carried  into  execution  the  penal  sentence 
of  the  law.  Being  conveyed  to  prison,  he  was  compelled  to  drink  the 
fatal  hemlock.  The  constancy  of  his  end  might  have  adorned  a  better 
life.  After  swallowing  the  draught,  he  jerked  on  the  floor  a  drop  which 
remsuned  in  the  cup,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  game  called  coUahos, 
exclaiming,  "  This  to  the  health  of  the  gentle  Critias !  ** 

§  11.  Thus  released  from  all  check,  the  tyranny  of  Critias  and  his 
colleagues  raged  with  tenfold  violence.  It  has  been  affirmed  by  sub- 
sequent orators,  that  no  fewer  than  fifteen  hundred  victims  were  put  to 
death  without  trial  by  the  Thirty ;  and  though  this  is  probably  an  ex- 
aggeration, the  number  was  undoubtedly  prodigious.  Measures  were 
isiken  to  repress  all  intellectual  culture,  and  to  convert  the  government 
into  one  of  brute  force.    A  decree  was  promulgated,  forbidding  the  teach 


B.  C.  404.] 


^  DEATH   OF   ALCIBIADES. 


351 


ing  of  "the  art  of  words";  a  phrase  which,  in  its  comprehensive  Greek 
meaning,  included  logic,  rhetoric,  and  literature  in  general,  and  was  more 
particularly  levelled  at  those  ingenious  and  learned  men  who  went  by  the 
name  of  "  Sophists."  ♦  Socrates,  the  most  distinguished  among  them,  had 
commented  with  just  severity  on  the  enormities  perpetrated  by^he  Thirty. 
He  was  summoned  before  Critias,  and  prohibited  in  future  from  all  con- 
versation with  youths.  Socrates  exposed,  in  his  usual  searching  style,  the 
vagueness  of  the  command,  and  the  impossibiUty  of  its  execution;  but' this 
only  provoked  the  more  the  rage  of  the  tyrants,  who  dismissed  him  with 
the  hint  that  they  were  not  ignorant  of  the  censures  he  had  passed  upon 
them. 

§  12.  Alcibiades  had  been  included  by  the  Thirty  in  the  list  of  exiles; 
but  the  fate  which  now  overtook  him  seems  to  have  sprung  from  the  fears' 
of  the  Lacedaemonians,  or  perhaps  from  the  personal  hatred  of  Agis. 
After  the  battle  of  ^gospotami  Alcibiades  felt  himself  insecure  on  the 
Thracian  Chersonese,  and  fled  to  Phamabazus  in  Phrygia,  not,  however, 
without  the  loss  of  much  of  his  wealth.     He  solicited  from  the  satrap  a 
safe-conduct  to  the  court  of  Susa,  in  the  hope,  perhaps,  of  playmg  the 
same  part  as  Themistocles.     Phamabazus  refused  this  request,  but°per- 
mitted  him  to  live  in  Phrygia,  and  assigned  him  a  revenue  for  his  main- 
tenance.    But  a  septals,  or  despatch,  came  out  from  Sparta  to  Lysander, 
directing  that  Alcibiades  should  be  put  to  death.    Lysander  communicated 
the  order  to  Phamabazus.     The  motives  of  the  latter  for  carrying  it  into 
execution  are  not  altogether  clear.     It  seems  probable  that  the  demands 
of  the  Spartans  were  supported  by  Cyrus,  who  was  now  forming  desi^ms 
against  his  brother's  throne,  and  feared  perhaps  that  Alcibiades  would 
reveal  them  at  Susa.     Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that  the 
murder  was  undertaken  under  the  superintendence  of  the  uncle  and  broth- 
er of  Phamabazus.     They  surrounded  the  house  of  Alcibiades  with  a 
band  of  assassins,  and  set  it  on  fire.     Alcibiades  rushed  out  w^ith  drawn 
sword  upon  his  assailants,  who  shrank  from  his  attack,  but  who  slew  him 
from  a  distance  with  their  javelins  and  arrows.     Timandra,  a  female  with 
whom  he  lived,  performed  towards  his  body  the  last  offices  of  duty  and 
affection.     Thus  perished  miserably,  in  the  vigor  of  his  age,  one  of  the 
most  remarkable,   but  not  one  of  the  greatest,  characters  in   Grecian 
history.    Alcibiades  was  endowed  with  most  of  those  qualities  which  serve 
to  constitute  greatness.     He  possessed  talent,  ambition,  enterprise,  cour- 
age,  great  presence  of  mind,  and  inexhaustible  resources  in  emergencies; 
hut  all  these  were  marred  and  rendered  pernicious,  instead  of  profitable,  to' 


fi  J I  I  ^^l  ' '"  *^^  ""^  ^*'°'^^''  generally  designated  the  character  now  signi- 
ned  by  the  word.  In  earlier  times  it  was  applied  to  those  who  studied  wisdom  and  science, 
ftocrates  was  the  most  formidable  opponent  of  the  Sophists  of  his  age.  The  Thirty  Tyrants 
Classed  all  thmkers  under  this  name,  as  Napoleon  contemptuously  calls  those  of  his  time 


•  V 


M2 


HISTORT  OF  OBEECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIH 


ill 


liimself  and  to  Ms  country,  by  profligacy,  selfishness,  pride,  rapacity,  and 
utter  want  of  principle.  With  qualities  which,  properly  applied,  might 
have  rendered  him  the  greatest  benefactor  of  Athens,  he  contrived  to 
attain  the  infamous  distinction  of  being  that  citizen  who  had  inflicted  upon 
her  the  most  signal  amount  of  damage. 

§  13.  Meantime  an  altered  state  of  feelmg  was  springing  up  in  Greece. 
Athens  had  ceased  to  be  an  object  of  fear  or  jealousy,  and  those  feelings 
began  now  to  be  directed  towards  Sparta.  That  state  persisted  in  retain- 
ing the  large  amount  of  booty  acquired  by  the  war ;  and  when  the  The- 
bans  and  Corinthians  sent  in  their  claim,  it  was  resented  almost  as  an 
insult.  Yet  in  the  monument  erected  at  Delphi  in  commemoration  of  the 
victory  at  JEgospotami,  Lysander  had  not  only  caused  his  own  statue  in 
bronze  to  be  erected,  but  also  that  of  each  commander  of  the  allied  con- 
tingents. Lysander  had  risen  to  a  height  of  unparalleled  power.  He 
was  in  a  manner  idolized.  Poets  showered  their  praises  on  him,  and 
even  altars  were  raised  in  his  honor  by  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  The  Ephe- 
sians  set  up  his  statue  in  the  famous  temple  of  their  goddess  Artemis ;  the 
Samians  did  the  like  at  Olympia,  and  altered  the  name  of  their  principal 
festival  from  Henea  to  Lysandria.  In  the  name  of  Si>arta  he  exercised 
almost  uncontrolled  authority  in  the  cities  he  had  reduced,  including 
Athens  itself.  But  it  was  soon  discovered  that,  instead  of  the  freedom 
promised  Ity  the  Spartans,  only  another  empire  had  been  established,  whilst 
Lysander  was  even  meditating  to  extort  from  the  subject  cities  a  yearly 
tribute  of  one  thousand  talents.  And  all  these  oppressions  were  rendered 
still  more  intolerable  by  the  overweening  pride  and  harslmess  of  Lysan- 
der's  demeanor. 

§  14.  Even  in  Sparta  itself,  the  conduct  of  Lysander  was  beginning  to 
inspire  disgust  and  jealousy.  Paustinias,  son  of  Plistoanax,  who  was  now 
king  witli  Agis,  as  well  as  the  new  Ephoi*s  appointed  in  September,  B.  c. 
404,  disapproved  of  his  proceedings.  The  Tliebans  and  Corintliians  them- 
selves were  beginning  to  sympathize  with  Athens,  and  to  regard  the  Tliirty 
as  mere  instruments  for  supporting  the  Spartan  dominion ;  whilst  Sparta 
in  her  turn  looked  ujwn  them  as  the  tools  of  Lysandor's  ambition.  Many 
of  the  Athenian  exiles  had  found  refuge  in  Bceotia ;  and  one  of  them, 
Thrasybulus,  with  the  aid  of  Ismenias  and  other  Tlieban  citizens, 
starting  from  Thebes  at  the  head  of  a  small  band  of  exiles,  seized  the 
fortress  of  Phyle,  in  the  passes  of  Mount  Parnes  and  on  the  direct  rojid  to 
Athens.  The  Thirty  marched  out  to  attack  Thrasybulus,  at  tlie  head  of 
the  Lacedaemonian  garrison,  the  three  thousand  enfranchised  citiztMis,  and 
all  the  Athenian  knights.  But  their  attack  was  repulsed  with  considerable 
loss.  A  timely  snow-storm,  by  compelling  the  Thirty  to  retreat,  relieved 
Thrasybulus  and  the  exiles  from  a  threatened  blockade,  and  enabled  him 
to  obtain  reinforcements  which  raised  his  little  garrison  to  the  number  of 
seven  hundred.    In  a  subsequent  rencontre  Thrasybulus  suii>rised  at  day- 


B.C.  403.| 


THE   THIRTY   DEPOSED. 


353 


break  a  body  of  Spartan  hoplites  and  Athenian  horse  that  had  been  sent 
against  him;  and,  after  killing  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  Spartans 
carried  off*  a  considerable  store  of  arras  and  provisions  to  Phyle. 

§  15.  Symptoms  of  wavering  now  began  to  be  perceptible,  not  only 
among  the  three  thousand,  but  ev^n  among  the  Thirty  tliemselves ;  and 
Critias,  fearful  that  power  was  slipping  from  his  grasp,  resolved  to  secure 
Salamis  and  Eleusis  as  places  of  refuge.  All  the  Eleusinians  capable  of 
bearing  arms  were  accordingly*  seized  and  carried  to  Athens,  and  their 
town  occupied  by  adherents  of  the  Thirty.  The  same  was  done  at  Salamis. 
Critias  then  convoked  the  three  thousand  and  the  knights  in  the  Odeum, 
which  lie  had  partly  filled  with  Lacedaemonian  soldiers,  and  compelled 
them  to  pass  a  vote  condemning  the  Eleusinians  to  death.  This  was  done, 
as  he  plainly  told  them,  in  order  the  more  thoroughly  to  identify  their 
interests  with  those  of  the  Thirty.  The  prisoners  were  immediately  led 
off*  to  execution. 

I. 

§  16.  Thrasybulus,  whpse  forces  were  now  a  thousand  strong,  incited 
probably  by  this  enormity,  and  reckoning  on  support  from  the  i^slHj  of 
the  reaction  at  Athens,  marched  from  Phyle  to  Peirseus,  which  was  now 
an  open  town,  and  seized  upon  it  without  opposition.     When  the  whole 
force  of  the  Thirty,  including  the  Lacedaemonians,  marched  on  the  follow- 
ing day  to  attack  him,  he  retired  to  the  hill  of  Munychia,  the  citadel  of 
Peiraeus,  the  only  approach  to  which  was  by  a  steep  ascent.     Here  he 
drew  up  his  hopHtes  in  files  of  ten  deep,  posting  behind  them  his  slmgers 
and  dartmen,  whose  missiles,  owing  to  the  rising  ground,  could  be  hurled 
over  the  heads  of  the  foremost  ranks.     Agiinst  them  Critias  and  his  con- 
federates advanced  in  close  array,  his  hoplites  formed  in  a  column  of  fifty 
deep.     Thrasybulus  exhorted  his  men  to  stand  patiently  till  the  enemy 
came  within  reach  of  the  missiles.     At  the  first  discharge  the  assaiUng 
column  seemed  to  waver;  and  Thrasybulus,  taking  advantage  of  theb 
confusion,  charged  down  the  hill,  and   completely  routed   them,  killing 
seventy,  among  whom  was  Critias  himself. 

§  17.  The  partisans  of  the  Thirty  acknowledged  the  victory  by  begging 
a  truce  to  bury  their  dead.     The  loss  of  their  leader  had   thro\vn  °the 
majority  into  the  hand^  of  the  party  formerly  led  by  Tlieramenes,  who 
resolved  to  depose  the  Thirty  and  constitute  a  new  oligarchy  of  Ten. 
Some  of  the  Thirty  were  re-elected  into  this  body ;  but  the  more  violent 
colleagues  of  Critias  were  deposed,  and  retired  for  safety  to  Eleusis.    The 
new  government  of  the  Ten  sent  to  Sparta  to  solicit  further  aid ;  and  a 
similar  application  was  made  at  the  same  time  from  the  section  of  the 
Thirty  at  Eleusis.     Their  request  was  complied  with ;  and  Lysander  once 
more  entered  Athens  at  the  head  of  a  Lacedemonian  force,  whilst  his 
brother  Libys  blockaded  Peiraeus  with  forty  ti-iremes.     Fortunately,  how- 
ever, the  jealousy  of  the  Lacedaemonians  towards  Lysander  led  them  at 
this  critical  juncture  to  supersede  him  in  the  command.     King  Pausanias 


*'l 


ii 


45 


Ii< 

i 


•I 


354 


mSTORT   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIH. 


was  appointed  to  lead  an  army  into  Attiea,  and  when  he  encamped  in  the 
Academia  he  was  joined  by  Lysander  and  his  forces.  It  was  known  at 
Athens  that  the  views  of  Pausanias  were  unfavorable  to  the  proceedings 
of  Lysander;  and  his  presence  elicited  a  vehement  reaction  against  the 
oligarchy,  which  fear  had  hitherto  suppressed.  At  first,  however,  Pausa- 
nias made  a  show  of  attacking  Thrasybulus  and  his  adherents,  and  sent 
a  hendd  to  require  them  to  disband  and  return  to  their  homes.  As  this 
order  was  not  obeyed,  Pausanias  made  an  attack  on  Peirieus,  but  was 
repulsed  with  loss.  Retiring  to  an  eminence  at  a  little  distance,  he  rallied 
his  forces  and  formed  them  into  a  deep  phalanx.  Thrasybulus,  elated  by 
his  success,  was  rash  enough  to  venture  a  combat  on  the  plain,  in  which 
his  troops  were  completely  routed  and  driven  back  to  Peiraius,  with  the 
Ices  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

§  18.  Pausanias,  content  with  the  advantage  he  had  gained,  began  to 
listen  to  the  entreaties  for  an  accommodation  which  poured  in  on  all  sides; 
and  when  Thrasybulus  sent  to  sue  for  peace,  he  gi-anted  him  a  truce  for 
the  purpose  of  sending  envoys  to  Sparta.  The  Ten  also  despatched 
envoys  thither,  offering  to  submit  themselves  and  tlie  city  to  the  absolute 
discretion  of  Sparta.  The  Ephors  and  the  Lacedaemonian  assembly 
referred  the  question  to  a  committee  of  fifteen,  of  whom  Pausanias  was 
one.  The  decision  of  this  board  was,  that  the  exiles  in  Peiraeus  should 
be  readmitted  to  Athens ;  and  that  there  should  be  an  anmesty  for  all  that 
had  passed,  except  as  regarded  the  Thirty,  the  Eleven,  and  the  Ten. 
Eleusis  was  recognized  as  a  distinct  government,  in  ordfer  to  serve  as  a 
refuge  for  those  who  felt  themselves  compromised  at  Athens. 

§  19.  When  these  terms  were  settled  and  sworn  to,  the  Peloponnesians 
quitted  Attica ;  and  Thrasybulus  and  the  exiles,  marching  in  solemn  pro- 
cession from  PeiKeus  to  Athens,  ascended  to  the  AcropoUs  and  offered  up 
a  solemn  sacrifice  and  thanksgiving.  An  assembly  of  the  people  was  then 
held,  and  after  Thrasybulus  had  addressed  an  animated  reproof  to  the 
oligarchical  party,  the  democracy  was  unanimously  restored.  This  impor- 
tant counter-revolution  appears  to  have  taken  place  m  the  spring  of 
403  B.  c.  The  archons,  the  Senate  of  five  hundred,  the  public  assembly, 
and  the  dicasteries,  seem  to  have  been  reconstituted  in  the  same  form  as 
before  the  capture  of  the  city.  *  All  the  acts  of  the  Thirty  were  annulled, 
and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  revise  the  laws  of  Draco  and  Solon,  and 
to  exhibit  their  amendments  at  the  statues  of  the  eponymous  heroes. 
These  kws,  as  afterwards  adopted  by  the  whole  body  of  five  hundred 
nomothetse,  and  by  the  Senate,  were  ordered  to  be  inscribed  on  the  walls 
of  the  Pcecile  Stoa,  on  which  occasion  the  fuU  Ionic  alphabet  of  twenty- 
four  letters  was  for  the  first  time  adopted  in  public  acts,  though  it  had 
long  been  m  private  use.  The  old  Attic  alphabet,  of  sixteen  or  eighteen 
letters,  had  been  previously  employed  in  public  documents. 

f  20.  Thus  was  terminated,  after  a  sway  of  eight  months,  the  despotism 

I 


B.  a  403.] 


RESTORATION    OF   THE   DEMOCRACY. 


355 


of  tlie  Thirty.  The  year  which  contained  their  rule  was  not  nam£d  after 
the  archon,  but  was  termed  « the  year  of  anarchy."  The  first  archon 
drawn  after  theu*  fall  was  Eucleides,  who  gave  his  name  to  a  year 
ever  afterwards  memorable  among  the  Athenians.  The  democracy, 
though  smarting  under  recent  wrongs,  behaved  with  great  moderation; 
a  circumstance,  however,  which  may  in  some  degree  be  accounted  for  by 
the  facts,  that  three  thousand  of  the  more  influential  citizens  had  been 
more  or  less  implicated  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Thirty,  and  that  the 
number  of  those  entitled  to  the  franchise  was  now  reduced  by  its  bemg 
restricted  to  such  only  as  were  bom  of  an  Athenian  mother  as  well  as 
father.  Eleusis  was  soon  afterwards  brought  back  into  community  with 
Athens.  The  only  reward  of  Thrasybulus  and  his  party  were  wreaths  of 
oUve,  and  one  thousand  draclima^  given  for  a  common  sacrifice. 

But  though  Athens  thus  obtained  internal  peace,  she  was  left  a  mere 
shadow  of  her  former  self.  Her  fortifications,  her  fleet,  her  revenues,  and 
the  empire  founded  on  them,  had  vanished ;  and  her  history  henceforwards 
consists  of  struggles,  not  to  rule  over  others,  but  to  mamtain  her  own 
independence. 


Clio,  the  Mase  of  Histoiy. 


j 


356 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.] 


DESCRIPTION    OF  ATHENS. 


357 


0 


The  Erechtheum  restored,  viewed  from  the  southwest  angle. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

ATHENS,   AND   ATHENIAN   AND    GRECIAN    ART    DURING   THE   PERIOD    OF 

HER   EMPIRE. 

1 1.  Situation  of  Athens.  ^  2.  Origin  and  Progress  of  the  Ancient  City.  §  3.  Extent  of  the 
New  City.  Peineus  and  the  Ports.  §  4.  General  Appearance  of  Athens.  Population. 
I  6.  Periods  and  General  Character  of  Attic  Art.  §  6.  Sculptors  of  the  First  Period. 
Ageladas,  Onatas,  and  others.  §  7.  Second  Period.  Pheidias.  ^  8.  Polycletus  and 
Myron.  ^  9.  Painting.  Polygnotus.  ^  10.  Apollodorus,  Zeuxis,  and  Parrhasius. 
§  11.  Architecture.  Monuments  of  the  Age  of  Cimon.  The  Temple  of  Xik«5  Apteros, 
the  Theseum,  and  the  Pcecilc  Stoa.  §  12.  The  Acropolis  and  its  Monuments.  Tlie 
PropylsBa,  §  1^  The  Parthenon.  4  14.  Statues  of  Athena.  §  15.  The  ErechthcMmj. 
§  16.  Monuments  in  the  Asty.  The  Dionysiac  Theatre.  The  Odeum  of  Pericles.  The 
Areopagus.  The  Pnyx.  The  Agora  and  Cerameicus.  §  17.  Monuments  out  of  Attica. 
The  Temple  of  Zeus  at  Olympia.    §  18.  The  Temple  of  Apollo  near  Phigalia. 

§  I.  In  the  present  book,  we  have  beheld  the  rise  of  Athens  from  the 
condition  of  a  second  or  third  nite  city  to  the  headship  of  Greece  :  we  are 
now  to  contemplate  her  triumphs  in  the  peaceful  but  not  less  glorious  pur- 
suits of  art,  and  to  behold  her  establishing  an  empire  of  taste  and  genius, 
not  only  over  her  own  nation  and  age,  but  over  the  most  civihzed  portion 
of  the  world  throughout  all  time. 

First  of  all,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  give   a  brief  description  of 


Atliens  itself,  the  repository,  as  it  were,  in  which  the  most  precious 
treasures  of  art  were  preserved.  Athens  is  situated  about  five  miles  from 
the  sea-coast,  in  the  central  plain  of  Attica,  which  is  inclosed  by  mountains 
on  every  side  except  the  southwest,  where  it  is  open  to  the  sea.  In  the 
southern  part  of  the  plain  rise  several  eminences.  Of  these  the  most 
prominent  is  a  lofty  insulated  mountain,  with  a  conical  peaked  summit, 
now  called  the  Hill  of  St.  George,  and  which  bore  in  ancient  times  the 
name  of  Lycahettus,  This  mountain,  which  was  not  mcluded  within  the 
ancient  walls,  hes  to  the  northeast  of  Athens,  and  forms  the  most  striking 
feature  in  the  environs  of  the  city.  It  is  to  Athens  what  Vesuvius  is  to 
Naples,  or  Arthur's  Seat  to  Edinburgh.  Southwest  of  Lycabettus  there 
are  four  hills  of  moderate  height,  all  of  which  formed  part  of  the  city.  Of 
these  the  nearest  to  Lycabettus,  and  at  the  distance  of  a  mile  from  the 
hitter,  was  the  Acropolis,  or  citadel  of  Athens,  a  square  craggy  rock  rising 
abruptly  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  witli  a  flat  summit*  of  about 
eleven  hundred  feet  long  from  east  to  west,  by  four  hundred  and  fifty 
broad  from  north  to  south.  Immediately  west  of  the  Acropolis  is  a  second 
hill,  of  irregular  form,  the  Areopagm,  To  the  southwest  there  rises  a 
thhd  hill,  the  Fnyx,  on  which  the  assemblies  of  the  citizens  were  held; 
and  to  the  south  of  the  latter  is  a  fourth  hill,  known  as  the  Museum,  On 
the  eastern  and  western  sides  of  the  city  there  run  two  small  streams, 
which  are  nearly  exhausted  before  they  reach  the  sea,  by  the  heats  of 
summer  and  by  the  channels  for  artificial  irrigation.  That  on  the  east  is 
the  Ilissus,  which  flowed  through  the  southern  quarter  of  the  city:  that  on 
the  west  is  the  Cephissus.  South  of  the  city  was  seen  the  Saronic  Gulf, 
with  the  harbors  of  Athens.  The  ground  on  which  Athens  stands  is  a 
bed  of  hard  hmestone  rock,  which  the  ingenuity  of  the  inhabitants  con- 
verted to  architectural  purposes,  by  hewing  it  mto  walls,  levelling  it  into 
pavements,  and  forming  it  into  steps,  seats,  cisterns,  and  other  objects  of 
utiUty  or  ornament. 

The  noblest  description  of  Athens  is  given  by  IVIilton  m  his  Paradise 
Regained :  — 

"  Look  once  more,  ere  we  leave  this  specular  mount, 
Westward ;  much  nearer  by  southwest  behold, 
Where  on  the  jEgean  shore  a  city  stands, 
Built  nobly;  pure  the  air,  and  light  the  soil; 
Athens,  the  eye  of  Greece,  mother  of  arts 
And  eloquence,  native  to  famous  wits, 
Or  hospitable,  in  her  sweet  recess. 
City  or  suburban,  studious  walks  and  shades. 
See  there  the  olive  grove  of  Academe, 
Plato's  retirement,  where  the  Attic  bird 
Trills  her  thick-warbled  notes  the  summer  long; 
There  flowery  hill  Hymettus,  with  the  sound 


*  The  summit  is  three  hundred  feet  above  the  town,  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  above 
tae  surrounding  plain.  —  Ed. 


1156 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[CllAP.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.] 


DESCRIPTION    OP   ATHENS. 


a57 


The  Erechtheum  restored,  viewed  from  the  southwest  angle. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

ATHEKS,  AND    ATHENIAN   AND    GRECIAN    ART    DURING   THE    PERIOD    Of 

PER   EMPIRE. 

^  1,  Sitnation  of  Athons'.  ^  2.  Orifrin  and  Projrrcss  of  the  Ancient  City.  §  3.  Extent  of  the 
New  City.  Peineiis  and  the  Ports.  §  4.  General  Appetirnncc  of  Athens.  Population. 
§  5.  I*eriod:4  and  Geneml  Clumicter  of  Attic  Art.  §  6.  S<;uli)tors  of  tlic  First  Period. 
Ageladas,  Onatus,  and  otlicr^.  §  7.  Secon<l  Period.  Pheidias.  ^  8.  Polyelctus  nnd 
Myron.  §  U.  Puintinsi.  PolvLrnotns.  ^  10.  Ap)llodonis  Zeuxis,  anrl  Pairlinsius. 
1 11.  Architecture.  Momunolit>  of  tlie  Age  of  Cimon.  Tlie  Temple  of  Xike  Ai)tor..>, 
the  Theseum,  and  the  run-ilc  Stoa.  §  12.  The  Acropolis  and  iu  Momunents.  The 
Propvlaia.  §  LX  The  Parthenon.  §  14.  Statues  of  Athciia.  §  15.  The  KreehtlifMini. 
§  16.' Monuments  in  the  Asty.  The  Dionysiac  Theatre.  Tiie  O.ieuni  of  Pericle*.  Tlie 
Areopa<^is.  The  Pnyx.  Tiie  Aj^ora  and  Ceramcicus.  §  17.  Monuments  out  of  Attica. 
The  Temple  of  Zeus  at  Olympia.    i  18.  The  Temple  of  Aj)ollo  near  Plii(;alia. 

§  1.  In  the  present  boi)k,  we  have  beheld  the  rise  of  xVthens  from  tlie 
condition  of  a  second  or  third  rate  eity  to  the  lieadship  of  Grcect* :  we  are 
now  to  eontemphite  her  triuniplks  in  the  peaceful  but  not  less  <rlorious  pur- 
suits of  art,  and  to  behold  her  establishinnj  an  empire  of  taste  and  n^enius, 
not  only  over  her  own  nation  and  age,  but  over  the  most  civilized  portion 
of  the  world  throughout  all  time. 

First  of  all,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  give   a  brief  de.scription  (»f 


Athens  itself,  the   reposltdtf,  as  it  were,  in  which  the  most  precious 
treasures  of  art  were  preserved.     Athens  is  situated  about  live  miles  from 
the  .sea-coast,  in  the  central  plain  of  Attica,  which  is  inclosed  by  mountains 
on  every  side  excei)t  the  southwest,  where  it  is  open  to  the  sea.     In  the 
southern  jiart  of  the  plain  rise  several  eminences.     Of  these  the  most 
])rominent  is  a  lofty  insulated  mountain,  with  a  conical  peaked  summit, 
now  called  the  Hill  of  St.  George,  and  which  bore  in  ancient  times  the 
njune  of  Lyrahettus.     This  mountain,  which  was  not  included  within  the 
ancient  walls,  lies  to  the  northeast  of  Athens,  and  forms  tlie  most  striking 
feature  in  the  environs  of  the  city.     It  is  to  Athens  what  Vesuvius  is  to 
Najdes,  or  Arthur's  Seat  to  Edinburgh.     Southwest  of  Lycabettus  there 
are  four  hills  of  moderate  height,  all  of  which  formed  part  of  the  eity.     Of 
these  tlie  nearest  to  Lycjd)ettus,  and  at  the  distance  of  a  mile  from  the 
latter,  was  the  Acropolis,  or  citadel  of  Athens,  a  square  craggy  rock  rising 
abruptly  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  with  a  flat  summit*  of  abou° 
eleven  hundred  feet  long  from  east  to  west,  by  four  hundred  and  Miy 
brojid  from  north  to  south.     Immediately  west  of  the  Acropolis  is  a  second 
hill,  of  irregular  form,  the  Areopof/tis.     To  tlie  southwest  there  rises  a 
third  hill,  the  Pnyx,  on  which  the  assemldies  of  the  citizens  were  held ; 
and  to  the  south  of  the  latter  is  a  fourth  hill,  known  as  the  Museum.     On 
the  eastern  and  western  sides  of  the  city  there  run  two  small  streams, 
which  are  nearly  exhausted  before  they  reach  the  sea,  by  the  heats  of 
summer  and  by  the  channels  for  artificial  irrigation.     That  on  the  east  is 
the  Ilissus,  which  flowed  througli  the  southern  quarter  of  the  city :  that  on 
the  west  is  the  Cephissus.     South  of  the  city  was  seen  the  Saronic  Gulf, 
with  the  harbors  of  Athens.     The  ground  on  which  Athens  stands  is  a 
bed  of  hard  limestone  rock,  which  the  ingenuity  of  tlie  inhabitants  con- 
verted to  architectural  purposes,  by  hewing  it  into  walls,  levelling  it  into 
pavements,  and  forming  it  into  steps,  seats,  cisterns,  and  other  objects  of 
utility  or  ornament. 

The  noblest  description  of  Athens  is  given  by  Milton  in  his  Paradise 

lain^ :  — 

"  Look  once  more,  ere  we  leave  this  specular  mount, 
Westward ;  much  nearer  by  southwest  behold, 
Where  on  the  iEj^ean  shore  a  city  stands, 
Built  nobly;  pure  the  air,  and  light  the  soil; 
Athens,  the  eye  of  Greece,  mother  of  arts 
And  eloquence,  native  to  famous  wits, 
Or  hospitable,  in  her  sweet  recess, 
City  or  suburban,  studious  walks  and  shades. 
See  there  the  olive  grove  of  Academe, 
Plato's  retirement,  where  the  Attic  bird 
Trills  her  thick- warbled  notes  the  summer  long; 
There  flowery  hill  Hymettus,  with  the  sound 


i 


*  The  summit  is  three  hundred  feet  above  the  town,  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  above 
tiie  surrounding  plain.  —  Ed. 


S58 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIV- 


Of  bees'  indnstrions  murmur,  oft  invites 

To  studious  musing:  there  Ilissus  rolls 

His  whispering  stream :  within  the  walls  then  view 

The  schixtls  of  ancient  sages;  his  who  bred 

Great  Alexander  to  sub<lue  the  world, 

Lyceum  there,  and  painted  Stoa  next." 


Plan  of  Athens. 


1.  Pnyx,  Ecclesia. 

2.  Theseum. 

3.  Theatre  of  Dionysus. 


4.  Odeum  of  Pericles. 

5.  Temple  of  the  Olympian 

Zeus. 


1 2.  Atiieiis  is  said  to  have  derived  its  name  from  the  prominence  given 
to  tlie  worship  of  Athena  hy  its  King  Erechtheus.  The  inliabitants  \ver<i 
previously  called  Cninai  and  Cecropida^,  from  Ceerops,  who,  according 
to  tradition,  was  the  original  founder  of  the  city.  Tliis  at  first  occupied 
only  the  hill  or  rock  which  afterwards  became  the  Acropolis  ;  but  gradu- 
ally the  buildings  began  to  spread  over  the  ground  at  the  southern  f(Mit  of 
this  hill.  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  Peisistratus  and  his  sons  (b.  c.  580- 
514)  that  the  city  began  to  assume  any  degree  of  splendor.  The  most  re- 
markable building  of  these  despots  was  the  gigantic  temple  of  the  Olympian 
Zeus,  which,  however,  wivs  not  finished  till  many  centuries  hiter.  In  n.  c. 
500,  the  theatre  of  Dionysus  was  commenced  on  the  southeastern  sloiie  of 
the  Acro|)olis,  but  was  not  completed  till  b.  c.  340 ;  though  it  must  have 
been  used  for  the  representation  of  plays  long  before  that  period. 

§  3.  Xerxes  reduced  the  ancient  city  almost  to  a  heap  of  ashes.  After 
the  departure  of  the  Persians,  its  reconstruction  on  a  much  larger  scale 
was  commenced  under  the  superintendence  of  Themistocles,  whose  first 
care  was  to  provide  for  its  safety  by  the  erection  of  walls.  The  Acropolis 
now  formed  the  centre  of  the  city,  round  which  the  new  walls  described 


Chap.  XXXIV.] 


DESCRIPTION   OF   ATHENS. 


359 


an  irregidar  circle  of  about  sixty  stadia,  or  seven  and  a  half  miles  in 
circumference.     The  new  walls  were  built  in  great  haste,  in  consetjuence 
of  the  attempts  of  the  Spartans  to  interrupt  their  progress ;  but  thou«di 
this  occasioned  great  irregularity  in  their  structure,  they  were  nevertheless 
firm  and    solid.     The   space   thus   inclosed   formed  the  Asty*  or  city, 
properly  so  called.     But  the  views  of  Tlicmistocles  were  not  confined  to 
the  mere  defence  of  Athens :  he  contemplated  making  lier  a  great  naval 
power,  and  for  this  purpose  adequate  docks  and  arsenals  were  required. 
Previously  the  Athenians  had  used  as  their  only  harbor  the  o[)en  road- 
stead of  JVtalervni,  on  the  eastern  side  of  tlie  Phaleric  bay,  where  the  sea- 
shore is   nearest   to  Athens.     But   Themistocles  transferred  the  naval 
station  of  the  Athenians  to  the  peninsula  of  Peirieus,  which  is  distant 
about  five  miles  from  Athens,  and  contains  three  natuml  harbors,  —  a 
large  one  on  the  western  side,  called  simply  Peircpiis  or  The  Ilarhor^  and 
two  smaller  ones  on  the  eastern  side,  called  respectively  Zea  and  Many- 
chf'a,  the  latter  being  nearest  to  the  city.     Themistocles  seems  to  have 
anticipated  from  the  first  that  the  port-town  would  speedily  become  as 
large  a  place  as  the  Asty  or  city  itself;  for  the  w^alls  which  he  built 
around  the  peninsula  of  Peirajus  were  of  the  same  circumference  as  those 
of  Athens,  and  w^ere  fourteen  or  fifteen  feet  thick.     It  was  not,  however, 
till  the  time  of  Pericles  that  Peirajus  was  regularly  laid  out  as  a  town  by 
the  architect  Ilippodamus  of  Miletus.     It  was  .also  in  the  administration 
and  by  the  advice  of  Pericles,  but  in  pursuance  of  the  policy  of  Themis- 
tocles, that  the  walls  w^ere  built  which  connected  Atliens  with  her  ports. 
These  were  at  first  the  outer  or  northern  Long  Wall,  which  r;ui  from  Athens 
to  Peirteus,  and  the  Phaleric  wall,  connecting  the  city  with  Phalerura. 
These  were  commenced  in  b.  c.  457,  and  finished  in  tiie  following  year. 
It  was  soon  found,  however,  that  the  space  thus  iiicloseil  was  too  vast  to 
be  easily  defended ;  and  as  the  port  of  Phalerum  Avas  small  and  insignifi- 
cant in  comparison  with  the  Peira3us,  and  soon  ceasod  to  be  used  by  the 
Athenian  ships  of  war,  its  wall  was  abaiuloned  and  probably  allowed  to 
fall  into  decay.     Its  place  was  supplied  by  anotlier  Long  Wall,  which  was 
built  i)arallel  to  tlie  first  at  a  distsince  of  only  five  hundred  and  fifty  feet, 
thus  rendering  both  capable  of  being  defended  by  the  same  body  of  men. 
The  injignitude  of  these  walls  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact,  that  the 
foundations  of  the  northern  one,  Avhich  may  still  be  traced,  are  about 
twelve   feet  thick,   and  formed  of  large   quadrangular   blocks   of  stone. 
Their  height  in  all  probability  was  not  less  than  sixty  fei'A.     In  j)rocess  of 
time  the  space  between  the  two  Long  Walls  was  occupied  on  each  side  by 

houses. 

§  4.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  preceding  description,  that  Athens,  in  its 
larger  acceptation,  and  including  it^  port,  consisted  of  two  circular  cities, 


*  To  "Aotv. 


358 


raSTOKT   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIV. 


J 


1    . 


Of  bees'  indnstrioug  murmur,  oft  invites 

To  studious  musing:  there  Ilissus  rolls 

His  whispering  stream :  within  the  walls  then  view 

The  schools  of  ancient  sages;  his  who  bred 

Great  Alexander  to  subdue  the  world, 

Lj'ceum  there,  and  painted  Stoa  next." 


Plan  of  Athens. 


1.  Pnyx,  Ecclesia. 

2.  Theseum. 

3.  Theatre  of  Dionysus. 


4.  OdSnm  of  Pericles. 

5.  Temple  of  the  Olympian 

Zeus. 


§  2.  Athens  is  said  to  have  derived  its  name  from  the  prominence  given 
to  the  worship  of  Athena  by  its  King  Erechtheus.  The  inhabitants  were 
previously  called  Cranai  and  Cecropidas,  from  Cecrops,  who,  according 
to  tradition,  was  the  original  founder  of  the  city.  This  at  first  occupied 
only  the  hill  or  rock  which  afterwards  became  the  Acropolis  ;  but  gradu- 
ally the  buildings  began  to  spread  over  the  ground  at  the  southern  foot  of 
this  hill.  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  Peisistratus  and  his  sons  (b.  c.  560  - 
514)  that  the  city  began  to  assume  any  degree  of  splendor.  The  most  re- 
markable building  of  these  despots  was  the  gigantic  temple  of  the  Olympian 
Zeus,  which,  however,  was  not  finished  till  many  centuries  later.  In  b.  c. 
500,  the  theatre  of  Dionysus  was  commenced  on  the  southeastern  slope  of 
the  Acropolis,  but  was  not  completed  till  b.  c.  340 ;  though  it  must  have 
been  used  for  the  representation  of  plays  long  before  that  period. 

§  3.  Xerxes  reduced  the  ancient  city  almost  to  a  heap  of  ashes.  After 
the  departure  of  the  Persians,  its  reconstruction  on  a  much  larger  scale 
was  commenced  under  the  superintendence  of  Themistocles,  whose  first 
care  was  to  provide  for  its  safety  by  the  erection  of  walls.  The  Acropolis 
now  formed  the  centre  of  the  city,  round  which  the  new  walls  described 


Chap.  XXXIV.] 


DESCRIPTION   OF   ATHENS. 


359 


I' 


I 


an  irregular  circle  of  about  sixty  stadia,  or  seven  and  a  half  miles  in 
circumference.     The  new  walls  were  built  in  great  haste,  in  consequence 
of  the  attempts  of  the  Spartans  to  interrupt  their  progress ;  but  though 
this  occasioned  great  irregularity  in  their  structure,  they  were  nevertheless 
firm  and    solid.     The   space   thus   inclosed  formed  the  Asty*  or  city, 
properly  so  c^led.     But  the  views  of  Themistocles  were  not  confined  to 
the  mere  defence  of  Athens :  he  contemplated  making  her  a  great  naval 
power,  and  for  this  purpose  adequate  docks  and  arsenals  were  required. 
Previously  the  Athenians  had  used  as  their  only  harbor  the  open  road- 
stead of  Phalerum,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Phaleric  bay,  where  the  sea- 
shore is   nearest   to  Athens.     But  Themistocles  transferred  the  naval 
station  of  the  Athenians  to  the  peninsula  of  Peiraius,  which  is  distant 
about  five  miles  from  Athens,  and  contains  three  natural  harbors,  —  a 
large  one  on  the  western  side,  called  simply  Peirceiis  or  The  Harbor,  and 
two  smaller  ones  on  the  eastern  side,  called  respectively  Zea  and  Muny- 
chittj  the  latter  being  nearest  to  the  city.     Themistocles  seems  to  have 
anticipated  from  the  first  that  the  port-town  would  speedily  become  as 
large  a  place  as  the  Asty  or  city  itself;  for  the  walls  which  he  biult 
around  the  peninsula  of  Peii*aeus  were  of  the  same  circumference  as  those 
of  Athens,  and  were  fourteen  or  fifteen  feet  thick.     It  was  not,  however, 
till  the  time  of  Pericles  that  Peiraeus  was  regularly  laid  out  as  a  town  by 
the  architect  Hippodamus  of  Miletus.     It  was  also  in  the  administration 
and  by  the  advice  of  Pericles,  but  in  pursuance  cf  the  policy  of  Themis- 
tocles, that  the  walls  were  built  which  connected  Athens  with  her  ports. 
These  were  at  first  the  outer  or  northern  Long  Wall,  which  ran  from  Athens 
to  Peiraeus,  and  the  Phaleric  wall,  connecting  the  city  with  Phalerum. 
These  were  commenced  in  b.  c.  457,  and  finished  in  the  following  year. 
It  was  soon  found,  however,  that  the  space  thus  inclosed  was  too  vast  to 
be  easily  defended ;  and  as  the  port  of  Phalerum  was  small  and  insignifi- 
cant in  comparison  with  the  Peiraeus,  and  soon  ceased  to  be  used  by  the 
Athenian  ships  of  war,  its  wall  was  abandoned  and  probably  allowed  to 
fall  into  decay.     Its  place  was  supplied  by  another  Long  Wall,  which  was 
built  parallel  to  the  first  at  a  distance  of  only  five  hundred  and  fifty  feet, 
thus  rendering  both  capable  of  being  defended  by  the  same  body  of  men. 
Tlie  magnitude  of  these  walls  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact,  that  the 
foundations  of  the  northern  one,  which  may  still  be  traced,  are  about 
twelve  feet  thick,  and  formed  of  large  quadrangular   blocks  of  stone. 
Their  height  in  all  probability  was  not  less  than  sixty  feet.     In  process  ol 
time  the  space  between  the  two  Long  Walls  was  occupied  on  each  side  by 
houses. 

§  4.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  preceding  description,  that  Athens,  in  its 
larger  acceptation,  and  including  its  port,  consisted  of  two  circular  cities, 


I 


*  To  'AoTV. 


.__JL 


S60 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.]       best  period  of  Athenian  art. 


361 


4 


the  Asij  and  Peiroeus,  each  of  ahout  seven  and  a  half  miles  in  circumfer- 
ence, and  joined  together  by  a  broad  street  of  between  four  and  five  miles 
long.  Its  first  appearance  was  by  no  means  agi-ecable  or  striking.  The 
streets  were  narrow  and  crooked,  and  the  meanness  of  the  private  houses 
formed  a  strong  contrast  to  the  magnificence  of  the  public  buildings. 


Athens  and  its  Port  Towns. 


A.  TheAsty. 

B.  Peineos. 

C.  Munychk,  citadel  of  Pelneus. 

D.  Phalerum. 

IE,  ¥¥.  The  Long  Walls :  EE,  the  Northern 
Long  WaU ;  FF,  the  Southern  Wall. 


GO.  The  Phaleric  Wall. 
H.  Harbor  of  Peir»u8. 
I.  Phaleric  Bay. 
K.  Harbor  of  Munychia. 
L.  Harbor  of  Zea. 


Non^  of  the  houses  were  more  than  one  story  high,  which  often  projected 
over  the  street.  They  were  for  the  most  part  constructed  either  of  a 
framework  of  wood,  or  of  unbumt  bricks  dried  in  the  open  air.  The  front 
towards  the  street  rarely  had  any  windows,  and  was  usually  nothing  but  a 
curtain  wall  covered  with  a  coating  of  plaster.  It  was  not  till  the  Mace- 
donian period,  when  public  spirit  had  decayed,  that  the  Athenians,  no 
longer  satisfied  with  participating  in  the  grandeur  of  the  state,  began  to 
erect  handsome  private  houses.  Athens  was  badly  drained,  and  scantily 
supplied  with  water.  It  was  not  lighted,  and  very  few  of  the  streets  were 
paved.  Little  care  was  taken  to  cleanse  the  city ;  and  it  appears  to  have 
been  as  dirty  as  the  filthiest  town  of  Southern  Europe  in  the  present 
day.* 


*  Dicaearchns,  a  contemporary  of  Aristotle,  in  the  fragments  of  his  work  on  the  "  Life  of 
Greece,"  describes  the  city  as  "ill-furnished  with  water  and  irregular  on  account  of  its 
antiquity;  the  houses,  generally  mean  and  inconvenient;  so  that  a  stranger  would  at  first 
hardly  believe  this  to  be  the  celebrated  city  of  Athens.    But  when  he  should  behold  the 


The  population  of  Athens  cannot  be  accurately  ascertained.  The 
population  of  the  whole  of  Attica  probably  exceeded  half  a  million,  of 
whom,  however,  nearly  four  fifths  were  slaves,  and  half  the  remainder 
metics,  or  resident  aliens.  The  number  of  citizens  —  native  males  above 
the  age  of  twenty,  enjoying  the  franchise  —  was  twenty  or  twenty-one 
thousand.  The  population  resident  in  Athens  itself  has  been  variously 
estimated  at  from  a  hundred  and  twenty  to  a  hundred  and  ninety-two 
thousand  souls. 

§  5.  Such  was  the  outward  and  material  form  of  that  city,  which  during 
the  brief  period  comprised  in  our  present  book  reached  the  highest  pitch 
of  military,  artistic,  and  literary  glory.     The  progress  of  the  first  has  been 
already  traced,  and  it  is  to  the  last  two  subjects  that  we  are  now  to  devote 
our  attention.    The  whole  period  contemplated  embraces  about  eighty  years, 
the  middle  portion  of  which,  or  that  comprised  under  the  ascendency  of 
Pericles,  exhibits  Athenian  art  in  its  highest  state  of  perfection,  and  is 
therefore   by  way  of  excellence   commonly  designated  as  the  age  of 
Pericles.     The  generation  which  preceded,  and  that  which  followed,  the 
time  of  that  statesman,  also  exhibit  a  high  degree  of  excellence;  but  in 
the  former  perfection  had  not  yet  attained  its  full  development,  and  in  the 
latter  we  already  begin  to  observe  traces  of  incipient  decline.     The  prog- 
ress both  of  poetry  and  of  the  plastic  arts  during  this  epoch  is  strikingly 
similar.     The  great  principle  that  pervaded  all  was  a  lively  and  truthful 
imitation  of  nature,  but  nature  of  an  ideal  and  elevated  stamp.     Epic 
poetry  and  the  ode  give  place  to  a  more  accurate  and  striking  rendering 
of  nature  by  means  of  dramatic  representations ;  whilst  sculpture  presents 
us  not  only  with  more  graceful  ^orms,  but  with  more  of  dramatic  action  in 
the  arrangement  of  its  groups,     gn  this  latter  respect,  however,  the  age 
was  probably  excelled  by  the  succeeding  one  of  Scopas  and  Praxiteles. 
The  process  by  which  Athenian  genius  freed  itself  from  the  trammels  of 
ancient  stiffness,  is  as  visible  in  the  tragedies  of  ^schylus,  Sophocles,  and 


superb  theatre;  the  costly  temple  of  Athena,  called  the  Parthenon,  overhangin^r  the  theatre- 
the  temple  of  Olympian  Zeus,  which,  though  unfinished,  fills  the  beholder  with  amazement 
by  the  magnificence  of  its  plan;  the  three  Gymnasia,  the  Academy,  the  Lyceum,  and  the 
Cynosarges,  all  of  them  shaded  with  trees  and  embellished  with  grassv  lawns;  having  wit- 
nessed the  haunts  of  the  philosophers,  and  the  various  schools,  and  the  festive  scenes  by 
which  the  cares  of  life  arc  cheated  of  their  prey,  -he  would  have  another  impression,  and 
believe  that  this  was  in  very  truth  the  famous  city  of  Athens.    The  hospitalities  of  the 
citizens  make  the  stay  of  the  stranger  agreeable.    The  citv  abounds  with  supplies  for  every 
want,  and  the  means  of  gratifying  every  desire.    The  neighboring  towns  are  but  suburbs  of 
Athens.    The  inhabitants  are  prompt  to  know  every  artist;  and  though  among  the  Attics 
there  are  busybodies  and  gossips,  who  pass  their  time  in  spying  out  the  way  of  life  of 
strangers,  yet  the  genuine  Athenians  are  magnanimous,  simple  in  manners,  trusty  friends, 
and  accomplished  critics  of  the  arts.    In  short,  as  much  as  other  cities  excel  the  country  in 
the  means  of  enjoyment,  so  much  does  Athens  surpass  all  other  cities.    As  Lysippus  says,  — 
*  Hast  not  seen  Athens,  then  thou  art  a  log; 
Hast  seen,  and  not  been  charmed,  thou  art  an  ass.'  "  —  Ed. 
46 


360 


HISTORY    OF    GREECE. 


[CuAr.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.]        BEST  period  of  Athenian  art. 


361 


the  Astj  and  Peirjeiis,  each  of  about  seven  and  a  half  miles  in  circumfer- 
ence, and  joined  togctlicr  by  a  broad  street  of  between  four  and  five  miles 
long.  Its  first  a[»|>earance  was  by  no  means  agreeable  or  striking.  The 
streets  were  narrow  and  crooked,  and  tlie  meanness  of  the  jirivate  houses 
formed  a  strong  eontnist   to  the  magnificence  of  the  public  builtlings. 


Athens  and  its  Port  Towns. 


A.  The  Asty. 

B.  Peincus. 

C.  Munychia,  citadel  of  Peirgcus. 

D.  Phalerum. 

EE,  FF.  The  Long  Walls :  EE,  the  Northern 
Long  WaU  ;  FF,  the  Southern  Wall. 


GG.  The  Phaleric  AVall. 
H.  Harbor  of  Peira^us. 
I.  Phaleric  Bay. 
K.  Harbor  of  Munychia. 
L.  Harbor  of  Zca. 


None  of  the  houses  were  more  than  one  story  high,  which  often  projected 
over  the  street.  They  were  for  the  most  i)art  constructed  either  of  a 
framework  of  wood,  or  of  unburnt  bricks  dried  in  the  open  air.  The  front 
towards  the  street  rarely  had  any  windows,  and  was  usually  nothing  but  a 
curtain  wall  covered  with  a  coating  of  plaster.  It  was  not  till  the  Mace- 
donian period,  when  public  spirit  had  decayed,  that  the  Athenians,  no 
longer  satisfied  with  participating  in  the  grandeur  of  the  state,  began  to 
erect  handsome  private  houses.  Athens  was  badly  drained,  and  scantily 
supplied  with  w^ater.  It  was  not  lighted,  and  very  few  of  the  streets  were 
paved.  Little  care  wiis  taken  to  cleanse  the  city ;  and  it  ai)pcars  to  have 
been  as  dirty  jis  the  fiUhiest  town  of  Southem  Europe  in  the  jiresent 
day.* 


*  DicjFarchns,  «  contemporary  of  Aristotle,  in  the  fragments  of  his  work  on  tlie  "  Life  of 
Greece,"  describes  the  city  as  "  iU-furnished  with  water  and  irregiihir  on  account  of  its 
antiquity;  the  houses,  generally  mean  and  inconvenient;  so  that  a  stranger  would  at  first 
hardly  believe  this  to  be  the  celebrated  city  of  Athens.    But  when  he  should  behold  the 


The  population  of  Athens  cannot  be  accurately  ascertained.  The 
population  of  the  whole  of  Attica  probably  exceeded  half  a  million,  of 
whom,  however,  nearly  four  fiftlis  were  slaves,  and  half  the  remainder 
metics,  or  resident  aliens.  The  nuinl)er  of  citizens  —  native  males  above 
the  age  of  twenty,  enjoying  the  franchise  —  was  twenty  or  twenty-one 
thousand.  The  population  resident  in  Athens  itself  has  been  variously 
estimated  at  from  a  hundred  and  twenty  to  a  hundred  and  ninety-two 
thousand  soids. 

§  5.  Such  was  the  outward  and  material  form  of  that  city,  wdiich  durin«- 
the  brief  i)eriod  comprised  in  our  present  book  reached  the  highest  pitch 
of  military,  artistic,  and  literary  glory.     The  progress  of  the  fir^t  has  bi^en 
already  traced,  and  it  is  to  the  last  two  subjects  that  we  are  now  to  devote 
our  attention.    The  whole  period  contemplated  embraces  about  eighty  years, 
the  middle  i»ortion  of  which,  or  that  comprised  under  the  ascendem^y  of 
Pericles,  exhibits  Athenian  art  in  its  highest  state  of  perfection,  and  is 
therefore   by  way  of  excellence   connnonly   designated   as   tlie   age   of 
Pericles.     The  generation  which  preceded,  and  that  which  followed,  the 
time  of  that  statesman,  also  exhibit  a  high  degree  of  excellence;  but  in 
the  former  perfection  had  not  yet  attained  its  full  development,  and  in  the 
liUter  we  already  begin  to  observe  traces  of  incipient  decline.     The  prog- 
ress both  of  poetry  and  of  the  plastic  arts  during  this  epoch  ih  strikingly 
similar.     The  great  principle  that  pervaded  all  was  a  lively  and  truthful 
imitation  of  nature,  but  nature  of  an  ideal  and  elevated  stamp.     Epic 
poetry  and  the  ode  give  place  to  a  more  accurate  and  striking  rendering 
of  nature  by  means  of  dramatic  representations;  whilst  sculpture  presents 
us  not  only  with  more  graceful  ^brms,  but  with  more  of  dramatic  action  in 
the  arrangement  of  its  groups.     p,i  this  latter  respect,  however,  the  age 
was  i.robal)ly  excelled  by  the  succeeding  one  of  Scopas  and  Praxiteles. 
The  [process  by  which  Athenian  genius  freed  its<'lf  from  the  trammels  of 
ancient  stiffness,  is  as  visible  in  the  tragedies  of  uEschylus,  Sophocles,  and 


superb  theatre;  the  co.tly  temple  of  Athenn,  calle.l  the  Parthenon,  overhanginj-  the  theatre; 
the  temple  of  Olympian  Zeus,  which,  though  unfinished,  fills  the  beholder  with  amazement 
by  the  magnificence  of  its  plan;  the  three  Gymnasia,  the  Academy,  the  Lvceum,  and  the 
Cynosiirges,  all  of  them  shaded  with  trees  and  embellished  with  grassy  lawns;  having  wit- 
nessed the  haunts  of  the  philosopliers,  and  the  various  schools,  and  the  festive  scenes  by 
winch  the  cares  of  life  are  cheate<i  of  their  prey,  —he  would  have  another  impression,  and 
beheve  that  this  was  in  very  truth  the  famous  city  of  Athens.     The  hospitalities  of  the 
citizens  make  the  stay  of  the  stranger  agi-eeable.     The  city  abounds  with  supplies  for  every 
want,  and  the  means  of  gratifying  every  desire.     The  neighboring  towns  are  but  suburbs  oi 
Athens.     The  inhabitants  are  prompt  to  know  every  artist;  and  though  among  the  Attics 
there  arc  busybodies  and  gossips,  who  pass  their  time  in  spying  out  the  way  of  life  of 
strangers,  yet  the  genuine  Athenians  are  magnanimous,  simpl'e  in  manners,  trusty  friends 
and  accomplished  critics  of  the  arts.    In  short,  as  much  as  other  cities  excel  the  country  in 
the  means  of  enjoyment,  so  much  does  Athens  surpass  all  other  cities.    As  Lysippus  says,  — 
'  Hast  not  seen  Athens,  then  thou  art  a  log; 
Hast  seen,  and  not  been  charmed,  thou  art  an  ass.'  "  —  Ed. 
46 


362 


HI3T0BT  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIV 


J 


'i 


Euripides,  as  in  the  productions  of  the  great  masters  of  the  plastic  arts 
during  the  same  period.  In  the  di*amas  of  ^schylus  majesty  and  dignity 
are  not  unmixed  with  a  rigid  and  archaic  simplicity,  which  also  marks  the 
works  of  the  contemporary  sculptors.  In  the  next  generation,  during  the 
time  of  Pericles,  we  find  this  characteristic  giving  place  to  the  iMjrfection 
of  grace  and  sublimity  united,  as  in  the  tragedies  of  Sophocles  and  in  the 
statues  of  Pheidias.  Art  could  not  be  carried  higher.  In  the  next  step 
we  find  equal  truthfulness  and  grace ;  but  the  fonner  had  lost  its  ideal 
and  elevated  character,  and  the  latter  was  begiiming  to  degenerate  into 
over-refinement  and  affectation.  Such  are  the  examples  offered  by  the 
plays  of  Euripides,  and  by  the  sculptures  of  Myron  and  Polycletus.  In 
like  manner,  with  regard  to  architecture,  the  Parthenon,  erected  in  the 
time  of  Pericles,  presents  the  most  exquisite  example  of  the  Doric  style 
In  the  happiest  medium  between  antique  heaviness  and  the  slender  weak- 
ness of  later  monuments.  Painting  also,  in  the  hands  of  Polygnotus,  at- 
tained its  highest  excellence  in  the  grace  and  majesty  of  single  figures. 
But  painting  is  a  complicated  art ;  and  the  mechanical  improvements  in 
perspective,  light  and  shade,  grouping,  and  composition  in  general,  after- 
wards introduced  by  ApoUodorus  and  Zeuxis,  and  still  later  by  Apelles, 
undoubtedly  brought  the  art  to  a  greater  degree  of  perfection. 

§  6.  Among  the  artists  of  this  period  the  sculptors  stand  out  prominently. 
In  general  the  eminent  sculptors  of  this  period  also  possessed  not  only  a 
theoretical  knowledge,  but  frequently  great  practical  skill  in  the  sister  arts 
of  painting  and  architecture. 

One  of  the  earliest  sculptors  of  note  was  Ageladas  of  Argos,  whose 
fame  at  present  chiefly  rests  on  the  circumstance  of  his  having  been  the 
master  of  Pheidias,  Myron,  and  Polycletus.  He  was  probably  bom  about 
B.  C.  540,  so  that  he  must  have  been  an  old  man  when  Pheidias  became 
his  pupil.  Another  distinguished  statuary  and  painter  among  the  immedi- 
ate predecessors  of  Pheidias  was  Onatas,  an  -^ginetan,  who  flourished 
down  to  the  year  b.  c.  460.  His  merit  as  a  painter  appeal's  from  the  fact 
that  he  was  employed,  in  conjunction  with  Polygnotus,  to  decorate  with 
paintmgs  a  temple  at  Plataea. 

Contemporary  with  these  elder  masters  of  the  best  period  of  Greek 
art  were  Hegias,  Canachus,  Calamis,  and  others.  The  somewhat  stiff  and 
archaic  style  which  distinguished  their  productions  from  those  of  Pheidias 
and  his  school  was  presented  even  by  some  artists  who  flourished  at  the 
same  time  with  Pheidias ;  as,  for  instance,  by  Praxias  and  Androsthenes, 
who  executed  some  of  the  statuary  which  adonied  the  temple  of  Delphi. 

§  7.  Pheidias  is  the  head  of  the  new  school.  He  was  bom  about  490 
B.  c,  began  to  flourish  about  460,  and  died  just  before  the  breaking  out 
of  the  Peloponnesian  war  in  432.  He  seems  to  have  belonged  to  a  family 
of  artists,  and  to  have  first  turned  his  attention  towards  painting.  He  was 
the  pupil,  as  we  have  said,  of  Ageladas,  and  probably  of  Hegias ;  and 


Chap.  XXXIV.]     pheidias,  polycletus,  and  myron. 


363 


his  great  abilities  were  developed  in  executing  or  superintending  the  works 
of  art  with  which  Athens  was  adorned  during  the  administration  of  Peri- 
cles. He  went  to  Elis  about  b.  c.  437,  where  he  executed  his  famous 
statue  of  the  Olympian  Zeus.  He  returned  to  Athens  about  434,  and 
shortly  afterwards  fell  a  victim  to  the  jealousy  against  his  friend  and  pat- 
ron,  Pericles,  which  was  then  at  its  height ;  and  though  he  was  acquitted 
on  the  charge  of  peculation,  he  was  condemned  on  that  of  impiety,  for 
having  introduced  his  own  likeness,  as  well  as  that  of  Pericles,  among 
the  figures  in  the  battle  of  the  Amazons,  sculptured  on  the  shield  of  Athe- 
na. He  was  in  consequence  thrown  into  prison,  where  he  shortly  after- 
wards died. 

The  chief  characteristic  of  the  works  of  Pheidias  is  ideal  beauty  of  the 
subKmest  order,  especially  in  the  representation  of  divinities  and  their 
worship.     He  entirely  emancipated  himself  from  the  stiffness  which  had 
hitherto  marked  the  archaic  school,  but  without  degenerating  into  that  al- 
most meretricious  grace  which  began  to  corrupt  art  in  the  h'ands  of  some 
of  his  successors.     His  renderings  of  nature  had  nothing  exaggerated  or 
distorted :  all  was  marked  by  a  noble  dignity  and  repose.     We  shall  speak 
of  his  works  when  we  come  to  describe  the  buildings  which  contained  them. 
§  8.  Among  the  most  renowned  sculptors  contemporary  with  Pheidias 
were  Polycletus  and  Myron.     There  were  at  least  two  sculptors  of  the 
name  of  Polycletus ;  but  it  is  the  elder  one  of  whom  we  here  speak,  and 
who  was  the  more  famous.     He  seems  to  have  been  bom  at  Sicyon,  and 
to  have  become  a  citizen  of  Argos.     The  exact  date  of  his  birth  is  uncer- 
tain,  but  he  was  rather  younger  than  Pheidias,  and  flourished  probably 
from  about  452  to  412  b.  c.     Of  his  personal  history  we  know  absolutely 
nothmg.     The  art  of  Polycletus  was  not  of  so  ideal  and  elevated  a  char- 
acter as  that  of  Pheidias.     The  latter  excelled  in  statues  of  gods,  Polycle- 
tus in  those  of  men  ;  but  in  these  he  reached  so  great  a  pitch  of  excellence, 
that  on  one  occasion,  when  several  artists  competed  in  the  statue  of  an 
Amazon,  he  was  adjudged  to  have  carried  away  the  palm  from  Pheidias. 
The  greatest  of  his  works  was  the  ivory  and  gold  statue  of  Hera  in  her 
temple  between  Argos  and  Mycena3,  which  always  remained  the  ideal 
model  of  the  queen  of  the  gods,  as  Pheidias's  statue  at  Olympia  was  con- 
sidered the  most  perfect  image  of  the  king  of  heaven. 

Myron,  also  a  contemporary  and  fellow-pupil  of  Pheidias,  was  a  native 
of  Eleuthera^  a  town  on  the  borders  of  Attica  and  Boeotia.  He  seems 
to  have  been  younger  than  Pheidias,  and  was  probably  longer  in  attaining 
excellence,  since  he  flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war.  He  excelled  in  representing  the  most  difficult,  and  even  transient, 
postures  of  the  body,  and  his  works  were  marked  by  great  variety  and 
versatility.  He  appears  to  have  been  the  first  eminent  artist  who  devoted 
much  attention  to  the  figures  of  animals,  and  one  of  his  statues  most  cele- 
brated in  antiquity  was  that  of  a  cow.     It  was  represented  as  lowing,  and 


364 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIV 


Chap.  XXXIV.] 


ZEUXIS   AKD   PARRHASIUS. 


365 


stood  on  a  marble  base  in  the  centre  of  one  of  the  largest  open  places  in 
Athens,  where  it  was  still  to  be  seen  in  the  time  of  Cicero,  but  was  subse- 
quently removed  to  Rome.  This,  as  well  as  most  of  his  other  works,  was 
in  bronze.  He  excelled  in  representing  youthful  athletaj ;  and  a  celebrated 
statue  of  his,  of  which  several  copies  are  still  extant,  was  the  discobolus, 
or  quoit-player. 

§  9.  The  art  of  painting  was  developed  later  than  that  of  sculpture,  of 
which  it  seems  to  have  been  the  offspring,  and  in  its  earlier  period  to  have 
partaken  very  closely  of  the  statuesque  character.  The  ancient  Greek 
paintings  were  either  in  water-colors  or  in  wax :  oil-colors  appear  to  have 
been  unknown.  We  have  already  given  some  account  of  the  rudiments 
of  the  art  among  the  Greeks.*  The  first  Grecian  painter  of  any  great 
reno^ni  was  Polygnotus,  who  was  contemporary  with  Pheidias,  though 
probably  somewhat  older.  He  was  a  native  of  Thasos,  whence  he  was, 
in  all  probability,  brought  by  his  friend  and  patron  Cimon,  when  he  subju- 
gated that  island  in  b.  c.  463.  At  that  period  he  must  at  least  hav6  been 
old  enough  to  have  earned  the  celebrity  which  entitled  him  to  Cimon's 
patronage.  He  subsequently  became  naturalized  at  Athens,  where  he 
probably  died  about  the  year  426  b.  c.  His  chief  works  in  Atliens  were 
executed  in  adorning  those  buildings  which  were  erected  in  the  time  of 
Cimon ;  as  the  temple  of  Theseus,  and  the  Poecile  Stoa,  or  Painted  Colon- 
nade. His  paintings  were  essentially  statuesque,  —  the  representation  by 
means  of  colors  on  a  flat  surface  of  figures  similar  to  those  of  the  sculptor. 
But  the  improvements  which  he  introduced  on  the  works  of  his  predeces- 
sors were  very  marked  and  striking,  and  form  an  epoch  in  the  ai't.  He 
first  depicted  the  open  mouth,  so  as  to  show  the  teeth,  and  varied  the  ex- 
pression of  the  countenance  from  its  ancient  stiffness.  He  excelled  in 
representing  female  beauty  and  complexion,  and  introduced  graceful,  flow- 
ing draperies,  in  phice  of  the  hard,  stiflT  lines  by  which  they  had  been  pre- 
viously depicted.  He  excelled  in  accuracy  of  drawing,  and  in  the  noble- 
ness, grace,  and  beauty  of  his  figures,  which  were  not  mere  transcripts 
from  nature,  but  had  an  ideal  and  elevated  character.  His  masterpieces 
were  executed  in  the  Lesche  (inclosed  court  or  hall  for  conversation)  of 
the  Cnidians  at  Delphi,  the  subjects  of  which  were  taken  from  the  cycle 
of  epic  poetry.  In  these  there  seems  to  have  been  no  attempt  at  perspec- 
tive, and  names  were  aflixed  to  the  different  figures. 

§  10.  Painting  reached  a  further  stage  of  excellence  in  the  hands  of 
ApoUodorus,  Zeuxis,  and  Parrhasius,  the  only  other  artists  whom  we  need 
notice  during  this  period.  ApoUodorus  was  a  native  of  Athens,  and  first 
directed  attention  to  the  effect  of  light  and  shade  in  painting,  thus  creating 
another  epoch  in  the  art.  His  immediate  successors,  or  rather  contempo- 
raries, Zeuxis  and  Parrhasius,  brought  the  art  to  a  still  greater  degree  of 


*  See  p.  141. 


perfection.     Neither  the  place  nor  date  of  the  birth  of  Zeuxis  can  be  accu- 
rately ascertained,  though  he  was  probably  born  about  455  b.  c,  since 
thirty  years  after  that  date  we  find  him  practising  his  art  with  great  success 
at  Athens.     He  was  patronized  by  Archelaijs,  king  of  Macedonia,  and 
spent  some  time  at  his  court.     He  must  also  have  visited  Magna  Graicia, 
as  he  painted  his  celebrated  picture  of  Helen  for  the  city  of  Croton.     He 
acquired  great  wealth  by  his  pencil,  and  was  very  ostentatious  in  displayin^r 
it.     He  appeared  at  Olympia  in  a  magnificent  robe,  having  his  name  em- 
broidered in  letters  of  gold ;  and  the  same  vanity  is  also  displayed  in  the 
anecdote,  that,  after  he  had  reached  the  summit  of  his  fame,  he  no  longer 
sold,  but  gave  away,  his  pictures,  as  being  above  all  price.     With  regard 
to  his  style  of  art,  single  figjures  were  his  favorite  subjects.     He  could  de- 
pict gods  or  heroes  with  sufficient  majesty,  but  he  particularly  excelled  in 
painting  the  softer  graces  of  female  beauty.     In  one  important  respect  he 
appears  to  have  degenerated  from  the  style  of  Polygnotus,  his  idealism 
being  rather  that  of  form  than  of  character  and  expression.     Thus  his 
style  is  analogous  to  that  of  Euripides  in  tragedy.     He  was  a  great  master 
of  color,  and  his  paintings  were  sometimes  so  accurate  and  lifeUke  as  to 
amount  to  illusion.     This  is  exemplified  in  the  story  told  of  him  and  Par- 
rhasius.   As  a  trial  of  skill,  these  artists  painted  two  pictures.     That  of 
Zeuxis  represented  a  bunch  of  grapes,  and  was  so  naturally  executed  that 
the  birds  came  and  pecked  at  it.     After  this  proof,  Zeuxis,  confident  of 
success,  called  upon  his  rival  to  draw  aside  the  curtain  which  concealed 
his  picture.     But  the  painting  of  Parrhasius  was  the  curtain  itself,  and 
Zeuxis  was  now  obliged  to  acknowledge  himself  vanquished ;  for,  though 
he  had  deceived  birds,  Parrhasius  had  deceived  the  author  of  the  deception. 
Whatever  may  be  the  historical  value  of  this  tale,  it  at  least  shows  the 
high  reputation  which  both  artists  had  acquired  for  the  natural  represen- 
tation of  objects.     But  many  of  the  pictures  of  Zeuxis  also  displayed 
great  dramatic  power.     He  worked  very  slowly  and  carefully,  and  he  is 
said  to  have  replied  to  somebody  who  blamed  him  for  his  slowness,  "  It  is 
true  I  take  a  long  time  to  paint,  but  then  I  paint  works  to  last  a  Ion"- 
time."     His  masterpiece  was  the  picture  of  Helen,  already  mentioned. 

Parrhasius  was  a  native  of  Ephesus,  but  his  art  was  chiefly  exercised  at 
Athens,  where  he  was  presented  with  the  right  of  citizenship.     His  date 
cannot  be  accurately  ascertained,  but  he  was  probably  rather  younger 
than  liis  contemporary,  Zeuxis,  and  it  is  certain  that  he  enjoyed  a  high 
reputation  before  the  death  of  Socrates.     The  style  and  degree  of  excel- 
lence attained  by  Parrhasius  appear  to  have  been  much  the  same  as  those 
of  Zeuxis.     He  was  particularly  celebrated  for  the  accuracy  of  his  draw- 
ing, and  the  excellent  proportions  of  his  figures.     For  these  he  established 
a  canon,  as  Pheidias  had  done  in  sculpture  for  gods,  and  Polycletus  for 
the  human  figure;  whence  Quintilian  calls  him  the  legislator  of  his  art. 
His  vanity  seems  to  have  been  as  remarkable  as  that  of  Zeuxis.    Among 


366 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


(Chap.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.] 


THE  PROPYLiEA. 


367 


tie  most  celebrated  of  his  works  was  a  portrait  of  the  personified  Athe- 
nian Demos,  which  is  said  to  have  miraculously  expressed  even  the  most 
contradictory  qualities  of  that  many-headed  personage. 

The  excellence  attained  during  tliis  period  by  the  great  masters  in  the 
higher  walks  of  sculpture  and  painting  was,  as  may  be  well  supposed,  not 
widiout  its  influence  on  the  lower  grades  of  art.  This  is  particularly 
visible  in  the  ancient  painted  vases,  which  have  been  preserved  to  us  in 
such  numbers,  the  paintings  on  which,  though  of  course  the  productions  of 
an  inferior  class  of  artists,  show  a  marked  improvement,  both  in  design 
and  execution,  after  the  time  of  Polygnotus. 

§  11.  Having  thus  taken  a  brief  survey  of  the  progress  of  sculpture  and 
pamting  in  the  hands  of  the  most  emment  masters,  we  now  turn  to  con- 
templare  some  of  the  chief  buildings  which  they  were  employed  to  adorn. 

The  first  public  monuments  that  arose  after  the  Persian  wars  were 
erected  under  the  auspices  of  Cimon,  who  was,  like  Pericles,  a  lover  and 
patron  of  the  arts.  The  principal  of  these  were  the  small  Ionic  temple  of 
Nike  Apteros  (Wingless  Victory),  the  Theseum,  or  temple  of  Theseus, 
and  the  PoecUe  Stoa.  The  temple  of  Nike  Apteros  was  only  twenty- 
seven  feet  in  length  by  eighteen  in  breadth,  and  was  erected  on  the  Acrop- 
olis in  commemoration  of  Cimon's  victory  at  the  Eurymedon.  It  was 
still  standing  in  the  year  1676,  but  it  was  subsequently  overthrown  by 
the  Turks  in  order  to  form  a  battery.  Its  remains  were  discovered  in 
1835,  and  it  was  rebuilt  with  the  original  materials.  A  view  of  it  is 
given  on  p.  203,  and  its  position  on  the  Acropolis,  on  one  side  of  the 
Propyhea,  is  seen  in  the  drawings  on  pp.  248  and  255.  Four  slabs  of  its 
sculptured  frieze,  found  in  a  neighboring  wall,  are  now  in  the  British 

Museum. 

The  Theseum  is  situated  on  a  height  to  the  north  of  the  Areopagus, 
and  was  built  to  receive  the  bones  of  Theseus,  which  Cimon  brought  from 
Scyros  in  b.  c.  469.  It  was  probably  finished  about  465,  and  is  the  best 
preserved  of  all  the  monuments  of  ancient  Athens.  (See  drawing  on  p. 
224.)  It  was  at  once  a  tomb  and  temple,  and  possessed  the  privileges  of 
an  asylum.  It  is  of  the  Doric  order,  one  hundred  and  four  feet  in  length 
by  forty-five  feet  broad,  and  surrounded  with  columns,  of  which  there  are 
six  at  each  front  and  thirteen  at  the  sides,  reckoning  those  at  the  angles 
twice.  The  ceUa  is  forty  feet  m  length.  It  is  not  therefore  by  its  size, 
but  by  its  symmetry,  that  it  impresses  the  beholder.  The  eastern  front 
was  the  principal  one,  since  all  its  metopes,  together  with  the  four  ad- 
joining ones  on  either  side,  are  sculptured,  whilst  all  the  rest  are  plain. 
The  sculptures,  of  which  the  subjects  are  the  exploits  of  Hercules  and 
Theseus,  have  sustained  great  mjury,  though  the  temple  itself  is  nearly 
perfect  The  figures  in  the  pediments  have  enth^ly  disappeared,  and  the 
metopes  and  frieze  have  been  greatly  mutilated.  The  relief  is  bold  and 
ialient,  and  the  sculptures,  both  of  the  metopes  and  friezes,  were  painted, 


and  still  preserve  remains  of  the  colors.  There  are  casts  from  some  of 
the  finest  portions  of  them  in  tlie  British  Museum.  The  style  exhibits  a 
striking  advance  on  that  of  the  ^ginetan  marbles,  and  forms  a  connecting 
Unk  between  them  and  the  sculptures  of  the  Parthenon.  The  Poecile  Stoa, 
which  ran  along  one  side  of  the  Agora,  or  market-place,  was  a  long  colon- 
nade formed  by  columns  on  one  side  and  a  wall  on  the  otherj  against 
which  were  placed  the  paintings,  which  were  on  panels.* 

§  12.  But  it  was  the  Acropolis  which  was  the  chief  centre  of  the  archi- 
tectural splendor  of  Athens.  After  the  Persian  wars  the  Acropolis  had 
ceased  to  be  inhabited,  and  was  appropriated  to  the  worship  of  Athena, 
and  the  other  guardian  deities  of  the  city.  It  was  covered  with  the 
temples  of  gods  and  heroes ;  and  thus  its  platform  presented  not  only  a 
sanctuary,  but  a  museum,  containing  the  finest  productions  of  the  architect 
and  the  sculptor,  in  which  the  whiteness  of  the  marble  was  relieved  by 


Plan  of  the  Acropolis. 

1.  Parthenon.  3.  Propylaea. 

2.  Erechtheum.  4.  Temple  of  Nike  Apterog. 

5.  Statue  of  Athena  Promachus. 

brilliant  colors,  and  rendered  still  more  dazzling  by  the  transparent  clear- 
ness of  the  Athenian  atmosphere.  It  was  surrounded  with  walls,  and  the 
surface  seems  to  liave  been  divided  into  terraces  communicating  with  one 
another  by  steps.  The  only  approach  to  it  was  from  the  Agora  on  its 
western  side.  At  the  top  of  a  magnificent  flight  of  marble  steps,  seventy 
feet  broad,  stood  the  Propylaea,t  constructed  under  the  auspices  of  Peri- 
cles, and  which  served  as  a  suitable  entrance  to  the  exquisite  works 
within.  The  Propylaea  were  themselves  one  of  the  masterpieces  of  Athe- 
nian art  They  were  entirely  of  Pentelic  marble,  and  covered  the  whole  of 
the  western  end  of  the  Acropolis,  having  a  breadth  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty-eight  feet.     They  were  erected  by  the  architect  Mnesicles,  at  a  cost 


*  Hence  its  name  of  PoecUd  (noiKiKrjt  variegated  or  painted).  f  npoTrvXaio. 


#00 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


(Chap.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.] 


THE   PROPYL^A. 


367 


tie  most  celebrated  of  his  works  was  a  portrait  of  the  personified  Athe- 
nian Demos,  which  is  said  to  have  ininiculously  expressed  even  the  most 
contradictory  quaUties  of  that  many-Iieadr'd  personage. 

The  exceUence  attained  during  this  periotl  by  the  gi-eat  masters  in  the 
Mglier  walks  of  sculpture  and  painting  was,  as  may  be  well  supposed,  not 
witliout  its  influence  on  the  lower  grades  of  art.  This  is  particularly 
visible  in  the  ancient  painted  vases,  which  have  been  preserved  to  us  in 
such  numbers*,  the  paintings  on  which,  though  of  course  the  productions  of 
an  inferior  class  of  artists,  show  a  marked  unprovement,  both  in  design 
and  execution,  after  the  time  of  Polygnotus. 

§  11.  Having  thus  taken  a  brief  survey  of  the  progress  of  sculpture  and 
pauiting  in  the  hands  of  the  most  eminent  masters,  we  now  turn  to  con- 
templare  some  of  the  chief  buildings  which  they  were  employed  to  adorn. 

The  lirsft  public  monuments  that  arose  after  the  Pcreian  wars  were 
erected  under  the  auspices  of  Cimon,  who  was,  like  Pericles,  a  lover  and 
patron  of  the  arts.  The  principal  of  these  were  the  small  Ionic  temple  of 
Jvike  Apteros  (Wingless  Victory),  the  Theseum,  or  temple  of  Theseus, 
and  the  Pcecile  Stoa.  The  temple  of  Nike  Apteros  was  only  twenty- 
seven  feet  in  length  by  eighteen  in  bi-eadth,  and  was  erected  on  the  Acrop- 
olis in  commemoration  of  Cimon's  victory  at  the  Eurymedon.  It  was 
•till  standing  in  the  year  167G,  but  it  was  subsequently  overthrown  by 
the  Turks  in  order  to  form  a  battery.  Its  remains  were  discovered  in 
1835,  and  it  was  rebuilt  with  the  original  materials.  A  view  of  it  is 
given  on  p.  203,  and  its  position  on  the  Acropolis,  on  one  side  of  the 
Propylaja,  is  seen  m  the  drawings  on  pp.  248  and  255.  Four  slabs  of  its 
sculptured  frieze,  found  in  a  neighboring  wall,  are  now  in  the  British 

Museum. 

The  Theseum  is  situated  on  a  height  to  the  north  of  the  Areopagus, 
and  was  built  to  receive  the  bones  of  Theseus,  which  Cimon  brought  from 
Scyros  in  b.  c.  469.  It  was  probably  finished  about  465,  and  is  the  best 
preserved  of  all  the  monuments  of  ancient  Athens.  (See  drawing  on  p. 
224.)  It  was  at  once  a  tomb  and  temple,  and  possessed  the  privileges  of 
an  asylum.  It  is  of  the  Doric  order,  one  hundred  and  four  feet  in  length 
by  forty-five  feet  broad,  and  surrounded  with  columns,  of  which  there  are 
six  at  each  front  and  thirteen  at  the  sides,  reckoning  those  at  the  angles 
twice.  The  cella  is  forty  feet  in  length.  It  is  not  therefore  by  its  size, 
but  by  its  symmetry,  that  it  impresses  the  beholder.  The  eastern  front 
was  the  principal  one,  since  all  its  metopes,  together  with  the  four  ad- 
joining ones  on  either  side,  are  sculptured,  whilst  all  the  rest  are  plain. 
The  sculptures,  of  which  the  subjects  are  the  exploits  of  Hercules  and 
Theseus,  have  sustained  great  injury,  though  the  temple  itself  is  nearly 
perfect  The  figures  in  the  pediments  have  entirely  disappeared,  and  tlic 
metopes  and  frieze  have  been  greatly  mutilated.  The  relief  is  bold  and 
ialient,  and  the  sculptures,  both  of  the  metopes  and  friezes,  were  painted, 


and  still  preserve  remains  of  the  colors.  There  are  casts  from  some  of 
the  finest  portions  of  them  in  the  British  Museum.  The  style  exhibits  a 
striking  advance  on  that  of  the  iEginetan  marbles,  and  forms  a  connecting 
link  between  them  and  the  sculptures  of  the  Parthenon.  The  Poecile  Stoa, 
which  ran  along  one  side  of  the  Agora,  or  market-jdace,  was  a  long  colon- 
nade formed  by  columns  on  one  side  and  a  wall  on  the  other;  against 
whicli  were  placed  the  paintings,  which  were  on  panels.* 

§  12.  But  it  was  the  Acropolis  which  was  the  chief  centre  of  the  archi- 
tectural splendor  of  Athens.  After  the  Persian  wars  the  Acropolis  had 
ceased  to  be  inhabited,  and  was  api)ropriated  to  Xha  worship  of  Athena, 
and  the  other  guardian  deities  of  the  city.  It  was  covered  with  the 
temples  of  gods  and  heroes ;  and  tluis  its  platform  presented  not  only  a 
sanctuary,  but  a  museum,  containing  the  finest  productions  of  the  architect 
and  the  sculptor,  in  which  the  wliiteness  of  the  marble  was  relieved  by 


■lifii 

Plan  of  the  Acropolis. 

» 

1.  Parthenon.  3.  Propylaea. 

2.  Erechtheum.  4.  Temple  of  Nike  Apteros. 

5.  Statue  of  Athena  Protujichus. 

brilliant  colors,  and  rendered  still  more  dazzling  by  the  transparent  clear- 
ness of  the  Athenian  atmosphere.  It  was  surrounded  with  walls,  and  the 
surface  seems  to  have  been  divided  into  terraces  communicating  with  one 
another  by  steps.  The  only  approach  to  it  was  from  the  Agora  on  its 
western  side.  At  the  top  of  a  magnificent  flight  of  marble  steps,  seventy 
feet  broad,  stood  the  Propylaja,t  constructed  under  the  auspices  of  Peri- 
cles, and  which  served  as  a  suitable  entrance  to  the  exquisite  works 
within.  The  Propylaea  were  themselves  one  of  the  masterpieces  of  Athe- 
nian art.  They  were  entirely  of  Pentellc  marble,  and  covered  the  whole  of 
the  western  end  of  the  Acropolis,  having  a  breadth  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty-eight  feet.     They  were  erected  by  the  architect  Mnesicles,  at  a  cost 


••JW 


*  Hence  its  name  of  Poecile  (TrotKtXjy,  variegated  or  painted).  f  liponvkaiau 


ms 


HISTORY   OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.J 


THE   PARTHENON. 


369 


*• 


'        (I 


of  two  thousand  talents,  or  £  485,500.*  The  central  portion  of  them  con- 
sisted  of  two  hexastyle  porticos,  of  which  the  western  one  faced  the  city, 
and  the  eastern  one  the  interior  of  the  Acropolis.  Each  portico  consisted 
of  a  front  of  six  fluted  Doric  columns,  four  feet  and  a  half  in  diameter  and 
nearly  twenty-nine  feet  in  height,  supporting  a  pediment.  The  central 
part  of  the  building  just  described  was  fitly-eight  feet  in  breadth,  but  the 
remaining  breadth  of  the  rock  at  this  point  was  covered  by  two  wings, 
wWch  projected  twenty-six  feet  in  front  of  the  western  portico.  Each  of 
these  wings  was  in  the  form  of  a  Doric  temple.  The  northern  one,  or 
that  on  the  left  of  a  person  ascending  the  Acroi^lis,  was  called  the  Pina- 
cotheca,  from  its  walls  being  covered  with  paintings.  The  southern  wing 
consisted  only  of  a  porch  or  open  galleiy.  Immediately  before  its  western 
front  stood  the  little  temple  of  Nike  Apteros  already  mentioned.     (See 

drawing  on  p.  255.) 

§  13.  On  passing  through  the  Propylaea  all  the  glories  of  the  Acropolis 
became  visible.  The  chief  building  was  the  Parthenon,t  the  most  perfect 
production  of  Grecian  architecture.  It  derived  its  name  from  its  being 
the  temple  of  Athena  Parthenos,t  or  Athena  the  Virgin,  the  invincible 
goddess  of  war.  It  was  also  called  Hecatompedon,  from  its  breadth  of 
one  hundred  feet  It  was  built  under  the  administration  of  Pericles,  and 
was  completed  in  b.  c.  438.  The  architects  were  Ictimus  and  Callicra- 
tes ;  but,  as  we  have  said,  the  general  superintendence  of  the  building 
was  intmsted  to  Pheidias.  The  Parthenon  stood  on  the  highest  part  of 
the  Acropolis,  near  its  centre,  and  probably  occupied  the  site  of  an  eariier 
temi>le  destroyed  by  the  Persians.  §  It  was  entirely  of  Pentelic  marble,  on 
a  rustic  basement  of  ordinary  limestone,  and  its  architecture,  which  was  of 
the  Doric  order,  was  of  the  purest  kind.  Its  dimensions,  taken  from  the 
under  step  of  the  stylobate,  were  about  two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  feet 
in  length,  one  bundled  and  one  feet  in  breadth,  and  sixty-sixty  feet  in 
height  to  the  top  of  the  pediment.  It  consisted  of  a  cella,  surrounded  by 
a  peristyle,  which  had  eight  columns  at  either  front,  and  seventeen  at 
either  side  (reckoning  the  comer  columns  twice),  thus  containing  forty 
six  columns  in  all.  These  columns  were  six  ft^et  two  inches  in  diameter 
al  the  base,  and  thirty-four  feet  in  height.  The  cella  was  divided  into 
two  chambers  of  unequal  size,  the  eastern  one  of  which  was  al>out  ninety- 
eight  feet  long,  and  the  western  one  about  forty-three  feet.  The  ceiling  of 
both  these  cliambers  was  supported  by  rows  of  columns.  The  whole  build- 
ing was  adorned  with  the  most  exquisite  sculptures,  executed  by  various 


«  Over  $  2,100,000.  —  Ed. 

f  UapSfv^v^  i.  e.  House  of  the  Virgin. 

X  *A$r}va.  irdpBfvos. 

\  There  is  no  doubt  on  this  subject  at  present.  The  limits  of  the  original  foundation  are 
fisible,  and  the  addition  necessary  to  make  the  foundation  of  the  new  temple,  on  on  en- 
lai^ed  scale,  is  distinctly  defined.  —  Ed. 


artists  under  the  direction  of  Pheidias.     These  consisted  of,  —  1 .  The  sculp- 
tures in  the  tympana  of  the  pediments  (i.  e.  the  inner  portion  of  the  trian- 
gular gable  ends  of  the  roof  above  the  two  porticos),  each  of  which  was 
fiUed  with  about  twenty-four  colossal  figures.     The  group  in  the  eastern 
or  principal  front  represented  the  birth  of  Athena  from  the  head  of  Zeus, 
and  the  western  the  contest  between  Athena  and  Poseidon  for  the  land  of 
Attica.     An  engraving  of  one  of  the  figures  in  the  pediments  is  given  on 
p.  277.     2.  The  metopes  between  the  triglyphs  in  the  frieze  of  the  entab- 
lature (i.  e.  the  upper  of  the  two  portions  uito  which  the   space  between 
the  columns  and  the  roof  is  divided)  were  filled  with  sculptures  m  high 
rehef,  representing  a  variety  of  subjects  relating  to  Athena  herself,  or  to 
the  indigenous  heroes  of  Attica.     Each  tablet  was  four  feet  three  inches 
square.     Those  on  the  south  side  related  to  the  battle  of  the  Athenians 
with  the  Centaurs.     One  of  the  metopes  is  figured  on  p.  301.     3.  The 
frieze  which  ran  along  outside  the  wall  of  the  cella,  and  within  the  exter- 
nal  columns  which  surround  the  building,  at  the  same  height  and  parallel 
with  the  metopes,  was  sculptured  with  a  representation  of  the  Panathenaic 
festival  in  very  low  relief.     This  frieze  was  three  feet  four  inches  in  height, 
and  five  hundred  and  twenty  feet  in  length.     A  small  portion  of  the  frieze 
is  figured  on  p.  287.     A  large  number  of  the  slabs  of  the  frieze,  together 
with  sixteen  metopes  from  the  south  side,  and  several  of  the  statues  of  the 
pediments,  were  brought  to  England  by  Lord  Elgin,  of  whom  they  were 
purchased  by  the  nation  and  deposited  in  the  British  Museum.     The  en- 
graving on  p.  266  represents  the  restored  western  front  of  the  Parthenon.* 
§  14.  But  the  chief  wonder  of  the  Parthenon  was  the  colossal  statue  of 
the  Virgin  Goddess  executed  by  Pheidias  himself,  which  stood  in  the  east- 
era  or  principal  chamber  of  the  cella.     It  was  of  the  sort  called  ckrt/sele- 
phantme,f  a  kind  of  work  said  to  have  been  invented  by  Pheidias.     Up 
to  this  time  colossal  statues  not  of  bronze  were  acroliths,  that  is,  having 

*  A  peculiar  refinement  has  recently  been  discovered  in  the  architectural  details  of  the 
Parthenon,  and  other  Grecian  temples  of  the  best  period.  The  lines  which  in  ordinary 
architecture  are  straight,  in  these  temples  are  delicate  curves:  and  instead  of  perpendiculw 
lines,  as  m  the  columns,  inclined  lines  are  employed.  The  lines  of  the  stylobate,  for  exam- 
ple, rise  so  that  the  middle  is  higher  than  the  extremities:  and  the  lines  in  the  entablature 
are  nearly  parallel.  The  axes  of  the  columns  incline  inwards  towards  the  temple,  giving  in 
reality  a  pyramidal  shape  to  the  structure.  The  object  of  these  deviations  from  the  recti- 
linear  construction  is  "  to  correct  certain  optical  illusions  arising  from  the  influence  pro- 
duced upon  one  another  by  lines  which  have  diflerent  directions,  and  by  contrasting  masses 
ot  light  and  shade."  These  deviations  are  quite  imperceptible,  from  the  usual  j)oints  of  view  • 
and  the  optical  effect  they  produce  is  that  of  perfect  regularity.  Without  them,  the  lines 
ot  the  stylobate  would  appear  to  sag  in  the  middle,  and  the  columns  to  incline  outward. 
Ihe  failure  of  most  modern  buildings  in  the  Greek  stvle  has  probably  been  owin.r  to  the 
igriorance  of  the  architects  with  respect  to  this  practice  of  the  ancients.  The  ''subject 
IS  fully  discussed  in  the  beautiful  and  scientific  work  of  Mr.  Francis  C.  Penrose,  entitled 

An  Investigation  of  the  Principles  of  Athenian  Architecture,"  &c.  London,  1851.  FoUo. 
It  IS  also  treated  by  Mr.  Beul(?,  in  L'Acropole  d'Athenes,  Tome  II.  Chap.  I.  This  writer 
suggests  a  diflerent  theory  from  that  mentioned  above.  — Ed. 

1 1,  e.  of  gold  and  ivory,  from  xpvaois,  ffolden,  and  (XfCpavrivoSt  of  ivory. 

47 


S70 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


(Chap.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.J       erechtheum.  —  dionysiac  theatre. 


371 


only  the  face,  hands,  and  feet  of  marble,  the  rest  being  of  wood,  concealed 
by  real  drapery.  But  in  the  statue  of  Athena  Pheidias  substituted  ivory 
for  marble  in  those  parts  which  were  uncovered,  and  supplied  the  place  of 
the  real  drapery  with  robes  and  other  ornaments  of  soUd  gold.  Its  height, 
including  the  base,  was  twenty-six  cubits,  or  nearly  forty  feet.  It  repre- 
sented the  goddess  standing,  clothed  with  a  tunic  reaching  to  the  ankles, 
with  a  spear  in  her  left  hand,  and  an  image  of  Victory,  four  cubits  high, 
in  her  right.  She  was  girded  with  the  ajgis,  and  had  a  helmet  on  her  head, 
and  her  shield  rested  on  the  ground  by  her  side.  The  eyes  were  of  a 
sort  of  marble  resembling  ivory,  and  were  perhaps  painted  to  represent 
the  iris  and  pupil.  The  weight  of  soUd  gold  employed  in  the  statue  was, 
at  a  medium  statement,  forty-four  talents,  and  was  removable  at  pleasure. 
The  Acropolis  was  adorned  with  another  colossal  figure  of  Athena  in 
bronze,  also  the  work  of  Pheidias.  It  stood  in  the  open  air,  nearly  oppo- 
site the  Propylaea,  and  was  one  of  the  first  objects  seen  after  passing  through 
the  gates  of  the  latter.  With  its  pedestal  it  must  have  stood  about  seventy 
feet  high,  and  consequently  towered  above  the  roof  of  the  Parthenon,  so 
that  the  point  of  its  spear  and  the  crest  of  its  helmet  were  visible  off  the 
promontory  of  Sunium  to  ships  approacliing  Athens.  It  was  called  the 
"Athena  Promachos,"*  because  it  represented  the  goddess  armed,  and  in 
the  very  attitude  of  battle.  It  was  still  standing  in  a.  d.  395,  and  is  said 
to  have  scared  away  Alaric  when  he  came  to  sack  the  Acropolis.  In  the 
annexed  coin  the  statue  of  Athena  Promachus  and  the  Parthenon  are 
represented  on  the  summit  of  the  Acropolis :  below  is  the  cave  of  Pan, 
with  a  flight  of  steps  leading  up  to  the  top  of  the  Acropohs. 


Coin  showing  the  Parthenon,  Athena  Promachos,  and  the  Cave  of  Pan. 

§  15.  The  only  other  monument  on  the  summit  of  the  Acropolis  which 
it  is  necessary  to  describe  is  the  Erechtheum,  or  temple  of  Erechtheus. 
The  Erechtheum  was  the  most  revered  of  all  the  sanctuaries  of  Athens, 
and  was  closely  connected  with  the  earliest  legends  of  Attica.    The  tradi- 


tions respecting  Erechtheus  vary,  but  according  to  one  set  of  them  he 
was  identical  with  the  god  Poseidon.     He  was  worshipped  in  his  temple 
under  the  name  of  Poseidon  Erechtheus,  and  from  the  eai-liest  times  waa 
associated  with  Athena  as  one  of  the  two  protecting  deities  of  Athens. 
The  original  Erechtheum  was  burnt  by  the  Persians,  but  the  new  temple 
was  erected  on  the  ancient  site.     This  could  not  have  been  otherwise ;  for 
on  this  spot  was  the  sacred  olive-tree  which  Athena  evoked  from  the  earth 
in  her  contest  with  Poseidon,  and  also  the  well  of  salt-water  which  Posei- 
don produced  by  a  stroke  of  his  trident,  the  impression  of  which  was  seen 
upon  the  rock.     The  building  was  also  called  the  temple  of  Athena  Polias, 
because  it  contained  a  separate  sanctuary  of  the  goddess,  as  well  as  her 
most  ancient  statue.     The  building  of  the  new  Erechtheum  was  not  com- 
menced till  the  Parthenon  and  Propyliea  were  finished,  and  probably  not 
before  the  year  preceding  the  breaking  out  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 
Its  progress  was  no  doubt  delayed  by  that  event,  and  it  was  probably  not 
completed  before  393  B.  c.     When  finished  it  presented  one  of  the  finest 
models  of  the  Ionic  order,  as  the  Parthenon  was  of  the  Doric.     It  stood 
to  the  north  of  the  latter  building,  and  close  to  the  northern  wall  of  the 
Acropolis.     The  foim  of  the  Erechtheum  differs  from  every  known  exam- 
ple of  a  Grecian  temple.     Usually  a  Grecian  temple  was  an  oblong  figure 
with  a  portico  at  eaxih  extremity.     The  Erechtheum,  on  the  contrary, 
though  oblong  in  shape,  and  having  a  portico  at  the  eastern  or  principal 
fi-ont,  had  none  at  its  western  end,  where,  however,  a  portico  projected 
north  and  south  from  either  side,  thus  forming  a  kmd  of  transept.     This 
^regularity  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  owing  to  the  necessity  of  preserv- 
mg  the  different  sanctuaries  and  religious  objects  belonging  to  the  ancient 
temple.    A  view  of  it  from  the  southwest  angle  is  given  on  p.  356.     The 
roof  of  the  southern  portico,  as  shown  in  the  view,  was  supported  by  six 
Caryatides,  or  figures  of  young  maidens  in  long  draperies,  one  of  which  is 
figured  on  p.  334. 

Such  were  the  principal  objects  which  adorned  the  Acropolis  at  the  tune 
of  which  we  are  now  speaking.  Their  general  appearance  will  be  best 
gathered  from  the  engraving  on  p.  248. 

§  16.  Before  quitting  the  city  of  Athens,  there  are  two  or  three  other 
objects  of  interest  which  must  be  briefly  described.  First,  the  Dionysiac 
Tlieatre,  which,  as  already  stated,  occupied  the  slope  at  the  southeastern 
extremity  of  the  Acropolis.  The  middle  of  it  was  excavated  out  of  the 
rock,  and  the  rows  of  seats  ascended  in  curves  one  above  another,  the  di- 
ameter increasing  with  the  height.  It  was  no  doubt  sufficiently  large  to 
aecommodate  the  whole  body  of  Athenian  citizens,  as  well  as  the  strangers 
who  flocked  to  Athens  during  the  Dionysiac  festival,  but  its  dimensions 
cannot  now  be  accurately  ascertained.*    It  had  no  roof,  but  the  spectatore 


*  npoiiaxpSf  the  Defender. 


*  The  dimensions  may  be  nearly  ascertained,  as  the  upper  tiers  of  seats,  cut  in  the  sob'd 


^ 


^ 


872 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


(Chap.  XXXIV. 


Chap.  XXXIV.]        statue  of  the  olympian  jove. 


878 


were  probably  protected  from  the  sun  by  an  awning,  and  from  their  elevat- 
ed seats  they  had  a  distinct  view  of  the  sea,  and  of  the  peaked  hills  of 
Salamis  in  the  horizon.  A  representation  of  this  theatre  viewed  from  be- 
low is  given  on  a  brass  coin  of  Athens.  The  seats  for  the  spectators  are 
disdnctly  seen ;  and  on  the  top,  the  Parthenon  in  the  centre,  with  the  Pro- 
pylffia  on  the  left 


Theatre  of  Dionysus,  from  a  coin. 

Close  to  the  Bionysiac  Theatre  on  the  east  was  the  Odeum  of  Pericles, 
asmaller  kind  of  theatre,  which  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  designed  for 
the  rehearsal  of  musical  performances.  It  was  covered  with  a  conical 
roof,  like  a  tent,  in  order  to  retain  the  sound,  and  in  its  original  state  was 
perhaps  actually  covered  with  the  tent  of  Xerxes.  It  served  as  a  refuge 
for  the  audience  when  driven  out  of  the  theatre  by  ram,  and  as  a  place 
for  training  the  chorus. 

The  Areopagus  *  was  a  rocky  height  opposite  the  western  end  of  the 
AcTopohs,  from  which  it  was  separated  only  by  some  hollow  ground.  It 
derived  its  name  from  the  tradition  that  Ares  was  brought  to  trial  here 
before  the  assembled  gods,  by  Poseidon,  for  murdering  Ilalirrhothius,  the 
son  of  the  latter.  It  was  here  that  the  Council  of  Areopagus  met,  fre- 
quently  called  the  Upper  Council,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred,  which  assembled  in  the  valley  below.  The  Areopagites  sat  as 
judges  in  the  open  air,  and  two  blocks  of  stone  are  still  to  be  seen,  proba- 
bly those  which,  accordmg  to  the  description  of  Euripides,  f  were  occupied 
respectively  by  the  accuser  and  the  accused.  The  Areopagus  was  the 
spot  where  the  Apostle  Paul  preached  to  the  men  of  Athens.  At  the 
southeastern  comer  of  the  rock  is  a  wide  chasm  leading  to  a  gloomy  re- 
cess containing  a  fountain  of  very  dark  water.     This  was  the  sanctuai-y 


rock,  remain,  and  a  part  of  the  substructions  of  the  stage  buildings.  The  distance  from  the 
upper  seats  to  the  orchestra  was  about  three  hundred  feet;  to  the  stage,  the  distance  was 
considerably  greater.  — Ed. 

♦  o  "Apfios  TTtryoff,  or  Hill  of  Area  (Mars). 
.  f  Iphig.  Taur.  961. 


of  the  Eumenides,  called  by  the  Athenians  the  Semnai*  or  Venerable 
Goddesses. 

The  Pnyx,  or  place  for  holding  the  public  assemblies  of  the  Athenians, 
stood  on  the  side  of  a  low,  rocky  hill,  at  the  distance  of  about  a  furlong 
from  the  Areopagus. 

Between  the  Pnyx  on  the  west,  the  Areopagus  on  the  north,  and 
the  Acropolis  on  the  east,  and  closely  adjoining  the  base  of  these  hills, 
stood  the  Agora  (or  market-place).  Its  exact  boundaries  cannot  be 
determined.  The  Stoa  Poecile,  already  described,  ran  along  the  western 
side  of  it,  and  consequently  between  it  and  the  Pnyx.  In  a  direction  from 
northwest  to  southeast  a  street  called  the  Cerameicus  ran  diagonally 
'  through  the  Agora,  entering  it  through  the  valley  between  the  Pnyx  and 
the  Areopagus.  The  street  was  named  after  a  district  of  the  city,  which 
was  divided  into  two  parts,  the  Inner  and  Outer  Cerameicus.  The  former 
lay  within  the  city  walls,  and  included  the  Agora.  The  Outer  Ceramei- 
cus, which  formed  a  handsome  suburb  on  the  northwest  of  the  city,"  was 
the  burial-place  of  all  persons  honored  with  a  public  funeral.  Throu<yh  it 
ran  the  road  to  the  gymnasium  and  gardens  of  the  Academy,  which  were 
situated  about  a  mile  from  the  walls.  The  Academy  was  the  place  where 
Plato  and  his  disciples  taught.  On  each  side  of  this  road  were  monu- 
ments to  illustrious  Athenians,  especially  those  who  had  fallen  in  battle. 

East  of  the  city,  and  outside  the  walls,  was  the  Lyceum,  a  gymnasium 
dedicated  to  Apollo  Lyceus,  and  celebrated  as  the  place  in  which  Aris- 
totle taught. 

§  17.  Space  will  allow  us  to  advert  only  very  briefly  to  two  of  the  most 
distinguished  monuments  of  the  art  of  this  period  out  of  Attica.  These 
are  the  temple  of  Zeus  at  Olympia,  and  the  temple  of  Apollo  Epicurius 
at  Bassae,  near  Phigalia  in  Arcadia.  The  former,  built  with  the  spoils  of 
Pisa,  was  finished  about  the  year  435.  It  was  of  the  Doric  order,  two 
hundred  and  thirty  feet  long  by  ninety-five  broad.  There  are  still  a  few 
remains  of  it.  We  have  already  adverted  to  the  circumstance  of  Pheidias 
being  engaged  by  the  Eleans  to  execute  some  of  the  works  here.  His 
statue  of  the  Olympian  Zeus  was  reckoned  his  masterpiece,  and  one  of  the 
wonders  of  the  world.  The  idea  which  he  essayed  to  embody  in  this  work 
was  that  of  the  supreme  deity  of  the  Hellenic  nation,  enthroned  as  a  con- 
queror, in  perfect  majesty  and  repose,  and  ruling  with  a  nod  the  subject 
world.  The  statue  was  about  forty  feet  liigh,  on  a  pedestal  of  twelve  feet. 
The  throne  was  of  cedar-wood,  adorned  with  gold,  ivory,  ebony,  precious 
stones,  and  colors.  The  god  held  in  his  right  hand  an  ivory  and  gold 
statue  of  Victory,  and  in  his  left  a  sceptre,  ornamented  with  all  sorts  of 
metals,  and  surmounted  by  an  eagle.  The  robe  which  covered  the  lower 
part  of  the  figure,  as  well  as  the  sandals,  was  of  gold.    After  the  comple- 


*  ai  Sefivai* 


374 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


(Chap.  XXXIV. 


tion  of  the  statue,  Zeus  is  related  to  have  struck  the  pavement  in  front  of 
it  with  lightning  in  token  of  approbation.  .,   ^    x    • 

§  18.  The  Doric  temple  of  Apollo  near  Phigalia  was  built  by  Ictmus, 
and  finished  about  430  b.  c.  It  was  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  feet  long 
by  forty-seven  broad.  The  frieze  of  this  temple,  which  is  preserved  m  the 
British  Museum,  represents  in  alto-rilievo  the  combat  of  the  Centaurs  and 
Amazons,  with  Apollo  and  Artemis  hastening  to  the  scene  m  a  chanot 
drawn  by  stags.  The  sculpture  by  no  means  equals  that  of  the  Parthe- 
non, or  even  of  the  Theseum.  The  figures  are  short  and  fleshy.  Some 
of  the  groups  evidently  indicate  the  influence  of  Attic  art,  and  especially 
an  imitation  of  the  sculptures  of  the  Theseum;  but  in  general  they  may 
be  regarded  as  affording  a  standard  of  the  difference  between  Athenian 
and  Peloponnesian  art  at  this  period. 


Chap.  XXXV.]  early  literature  op  Athens. 


375 


MelpomSn^,  the  Muse  of  Tragedy. 


Thalia,  the  Muse  of  Comedy. 


1,'^ 

K 


I  • 


I  \ 


I  I 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

HISTORY   OF  ATHENIAN   LITERATURE   DOWN   TO   THE   END    OF  THB 

PELOPONNESIAN   WAR. 

f  1.  Characteristics  of  the  early  Literature  of  Athens.  ^  2.  Origin  of  the  Drama.  §  3.  In- 
troduction of  the  Drama  at  Athens.  Susarion,  Thespis,  Phrynichus,  Pratinas.  §  4.  Ms- 
chylus.  §  5.  Sophocles.  §  6.  Euripides.  §  7.  Athenian  Comedy.  Cratinus,  Eupolis, 
Aristophanes.  §  8.  Prose-writers  of  the  Period.  Thucydides.  §  9.  Xenophon.  §  10. 
Athenian  Education.  §  11.  Rhetors  and  Sophists.  §  12.  Life  of  Socrates.  §  13.  How  he 
differed  from  the  Sophists.  §  14.  Enmity  against  him.  §  15.  ffis  Impeachment,  Trial, 
and  Death. 


I" 


Mf 


§  1.  Although  the  lonians  were  one  of  the  most  intellectual  of  the  Gre- 
cian races,  we  have  had  as  yet  little  occasion  to  mention  the  Athenians  in 
the  literary  history  of  Greece.  In  this  path  they  were  at  first  outstripped 
by  their  colonists  in  Asia  Minor.  The  Asiatic  Greeks,  settled  in  a  fertile 
and  luxurious  country,  amongst  a  race  wealthier  than  themselves,  but  far  in- 
ferior to  them,  soon  found  those  means  of  ease  and  leisure  which,  to  a  certain 
degree  at  least,  seem  necessary  to  the  development  of  intellectual  culture; 
whilst  at  the  same  time  their  kinsmen  in  Attica  were  struojorlinor  for  a  bare 
existence,  and  were  often  hard  pressed  by  the  surrounding  tribes.  It  was 
not  till  the  time  of  Peisistratus  and  his  sons  that  we  behold  the  first  dawn 
of  literature  at  Athens.    But  this  literature  was  of  an  exotic  growth ;  the 


in 


376 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE, 


I€!hap.  XXX  v» 


Chap.  XXXV.]  thespis,  phrynichus,  pratinas. 


377 


poets  assembled  at  the  court  of  the  Peisistratids  were  mostly  foreigners ;  and 
it  was  only  after  the  fall  of  that  dynasty,  and  the  establishment  of  more 
Hberal  institutions  at  Athens,  that  we  find  the  native  genius  shooting  forth 

with  vigor.  .     . 

It  was  probably  the  democratic  nature  of  their  new  constitution,  com- 
bined with  the  natural  vivacity  of  the  people,  which  caused  Athenian 
literature  to  take  that  dramatic  form  which  pre-eminently  distinguishes  it. 
The  democracy  demanded  a  literature  of  a  popular  kind,  the  vivacity  of 
the  people  a  Uterature  that  made  a  lively  impression ;  and  both  these  con- 
ditions  were  fulfilled  by  the  drama. 

§  2.  Though  the  drama  was  brought  to  perfection  among  the  Athenians, 
it  did  not  originate  with  them.     Both  tragedy  and  comedy,  in  their  rude 
and  early  origin,  were  Dorian  inventions.     Both  arose  out  of  the  worship 
of  Dionysus.     There  was  at  first  but  httle  distinction  between  these  two 
species  of  the  drama,  except  that  comedy  belonged  more  to  the  rural  cele- 
bration  of  the  Dionysiac  festivals,  and  tragedy  to  that  in  cities.     The  name 
of  tragedy''  was  far  from  signifying  anything  mournful,  being  derived 
from  the  goat-like  appearance  of  those  who,  disguised  as  Satyrs,  performed 
the  old  Dionysiac  songs  and  dances.     In  like  manner,  cmnedy  t  was  caUed 
after  the  song  of  the  band  of  revellers  \  who  celebrated  the  vmtage  fes- 
tivals of  Dionysus,  and  vented  the  rude  merriment  inspired  by  the  occa- 
sion  in  gibes  and  extempore  witticisms  levelled  at  the  spectators.    It  was 
among  the  Megarians,  both  those  in  Greece  and  those  in  Sicily,  whose 
political  institutions  were  democratical,  and  who  had  a  turn  for  rough 
humor,  that  comedy  seems  first  to  have  arisen.    It  was  long,  however, 
before  it  assumed  anything  Hke  a  regular  shape.     Epicharmus  appears  to 
have  been  the  first  who  moulded  the  wild  and  irregular  Bacchic  songs  and 
dances  into  anything  approaching  a  connected  fable,  or  plot.     He  was 
bom  at  Cos,  about  b.  c.  540,  but  spent  the  better  part  of  his  life  at  Syra- 
case.    He  wrote  his  comedies  some  years  before  the  Persian  war,  and 
from  the  titles  of  them  still  extant  it  would  appear  that  the  greater  part  of 
them  were  travesties  of  heroic  myths.     They  seem,  however,  to  have  con- 
tained an  odd  mixture  of  sententious  wisdom  and  broad  buffoonery,  for 
Epicharmus  was  a  Pythagorean  philosopher  as  weU  as  a  comic  poet. 

§  3.  Comedy,  in  its  rude  and  early  state,  was  introduced  into  Attica 
long  before  the  time  of  Epicharmus,  by  Susarion,  a  native  of  Tripodiscus, 
m  Megara.  It  was  at  Icaria,  an  Attic  village  noted  for  the  worship  of 
Dionysus,  where  Susarion  had  taken  up  his  residence,  that  he  first  repre- 
sented comedy,  such  as  it  then  existed  among  the  Megarians,  in  the  year 
578  B.  c.  The  performances  of  Susarion  took  no  root ;  and  we  hear 
nothing  more  of  comedy  in  Attica  for  nearly  a  hundred  years. 

It  was  during  this  interval  that  tragedy  was  introduced  into  Attica,  and 


continued  to  be  successfully  cultivated.  "We  have  already  observed  that 
tragedy,  hke  comedy,  arose  out  of  the  worship  of  Dionysus ;  but  tragedy, 
in  its  more  perfect  form,  was  the  offspring  of  the  dithyrambic  odes  with 
which  that  worship  was  celebrated.  These  were  not  always  of  a  joyous 
cast.  Some  of  them  expressed  the  sufferings  of  Dionysus ;  and  it  was 
from  this  more  mournful  species  of  dithyramb  that  tragedy,  properly  so 
called,  arose.  Arion  introduced  great  improvements  into  the  dithyrambic 
odes.*  They  formed  a  kind  of  lyrical  tragedy,  and  were  sung  by  a  chorus 
of  fifty  men,  dancing  round  the  altar  of  Dionysus.  The  improvements  in 
the  dithyramb  were  introduced  by  Arion  at  Corinth ;  and  it  was  chiefly 
among  the  Dorian  states  of  the  Peloponnesus  that  these  choral  dithy- 
rambic songs  prevailed.  Hence,  even  in  Attic  tragedy,  the  chorus,  which 
was  the  foundation  of  the  drama,  was  written  in  the  Doric  dialect, 
thus  clearly  betraying  the  source  from  which  the  Athenians  derived  it. 

In  Attica  an  important  alteration  was  made  in  the  old  tragedy  in  the 
time  of  Peisistratus,  in  consequence  of  which  it  obtained  a  new  and  dra- 
matic character.  This  innovation  is  ascribed  to  Thespis,  a  native  of  the 
Attic  village  of  Icaria.  It  consisted  in  the  introduction  of  an  actor,  for  the 
purpose,  it  is  said,  of  giving  rest  to  the  chorus.  He  probably  appeared  in 
that  capacity  himself,  taking  various  parts  in  the  same  piece  by  means  of 
disguises  effected  by  Imen  masks.  Thus,  by  his  successive  appearance  in 
different  characters,  and  by  the  dialogue  which  he  maintained  with  the 
chorus,  or  rather  with  its  leader,  a  dramatic  fable  of  tolerable  complexity 
might  be  represented.  The  first  representation  given  by  Thespis  was  in 
535  B.  c.  He  was  succeeded  by  Choerilus  and  Phrynichus,  the  latter  of 
whom  gained  his  first  prize  in  the  dramatic  contests  in  511  B.C.  He 
deviated  from  the  hitherto  established  custom  in  making  a  contemporary 
event  the  subject  of  one  of  his  dramas.  His  tragedy  on  the  capture  of 
Miletus  was  so  pathetic,  that  the  audience  were  melted  into  tears ;  but 
the  subject  was  considered  so  ill-chosen,  that  he  was  fined  a  thousand 
drachmae.!  The  only  other  dramatist  whom  we  need  mention  before 
JEschylus  is  the  Dorian  Pratinas,  a  native  of  Phlius,  but  who  exhibited 
his  tragedies  at  Athens.  Pratinas  was  one  of  the  improvers  of  tragedy 
by  separating  the  satyric  from  the  tragic  drama.  As  neither  the  popular 
taste  nor  the  ancient  religious  associations  connected  with  the  festivals  of 
Dionysus  would  have  permitted  the  chorus  of  Satyrs  to  be  entirely 
banished  from  the  tragic  representations,  Pratinas  avoided  this  by  the 
invention  of  what  is  called  the  Satyric  drama ;  that  is,  a  species  of  play  in 
which  the  ordinary  subjects  of  tragedy  were  treated  in  a  hvely  and  farcical 
manner,  and  in  which  the  chorus  consisted  of  a  band  of  Satyrs  in  ap- 
propriate dresses  and  masks.  After  this  period  it  became  customary  to 
exhibit  dramas  in  tetralogies,  or  sets  of  four ;  namely,  a  tragic  trilogy,  or 


•  r/Miy^ta,  UteraUy  "the  goat-song." 


f  Ktayufhia* 


X  K»/ior* 


*  See  p.  124. 


t  See  p.  159. 


Di 


48 


M: 


878 


BISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


Iv/HAP>  A  A  2k  V» 


series  of  flree  tragedies,  fbUowed  by  a  Satyric  play.  These  were  often 
on  connected  subjects ;  and  the  Satyric  drama  at  the  end  served  like  a 
merry  afterpiece  to  relieve  the  minds  of  the  spectators. 

The  subjects  of  Greek  tragedy  were  taken,  with  few  exceptions,  from 
the  national  mythology.*  Hence  the  plot  and  story  were  of  necessity 
known  to  the  spectators,  a  circumstance  which  strongly  distinguishes  the 
ancient  tragedy  from  the  modem.  It  must  also  be  recollected,  that  the 
representation  of  tragedies  did  not  take  place  every  day,  but  only,  after 
certain  fixed  intervals,  at  the  festivals  of  Dionysus,  of  which  they  formed 
one  of  the  greatest  attractions.  During  the  whole  day  the  Athenian  pub- 
lic sat  in  the  theatre  witnessmg  tragedy  after  tragedy ;  and  a  prize  was 
awarded,  by  judges  appointed  for  the  purpose,  to  the  poet  who  produced 
the  best  set  of  dramas. 

§  4.  Such  was  Attic  tragedy  when  it  came  into  the  hands  of  -^schylus, 
who,  from  the  great  improvements  which  he  introduced,  was  regarded  by 
the  Athenians  as  its  father  or  founder,  just  as  Homer  was  of  Epic  poetry, 
and  Herodotus  of  History,    -^chylus  was  bom  at  Eleusis  in  Attica,  in 
B.  C.  525,  and  was  thus  contemporary  with  Simonides  and  Pmdar.     His 
ijEither,  Euphorion,  may  possibly  have  been  connected  >rith  the  worship  of 
Demeter  at  Eleusis;  and  hence,  perhaps,  were  imbibed  those  religious 
impressions  which  characterized  the  poet  through  life.     His  first  play  was 
exhibited  in  b.c.   500,  when   he  was   twenty-five   years   of  age.     He 
fought  with  his  brother  Cynaegeinis  at  the  battle  of  Marathon,!  and  also  at 
those  of  Artemisium,  Salamis,  and  Plataia.     In  b.  c.  484  he  gained  his 
first  tragic  prize.    The  first  of  his  extant  dramas,  the  Persai,  was  not 
brought  out  till  b.  c.  472,  when  he  gained  the  prize  with  the  trilogy  of  which 
it  formed  one  of  the  pieces.      In  468  he  was  defeated  in  a  tragic  contest 
by  his  younger  rival,  Sophocles ;  shortly  afterwards  he  retired  to  the  court 
of  King  Hiero,  at  Syracuse.     In  467  Hiero  died ;  and  in  458  ^schylus 
must  have  returned  to   Athens,  since   he  produced  his  trilogy  of  the 
Oresteia  in  that  year.    This  trilogy,  which  was  composed  of  the  trage- 
dies of  the  Agamemnmiy  the  Gho'ephoroi,  and  the  Eumenides,  is  remarkable 
as  the  only  one  that  has  come  down  to  us  in  anything  like  a  perfect  shape. 
His  defence  of  the  Areopagus,  however,  contained  in  the  last  of  these 
three  dramas,  proved  unpalatable  to  the  new  and  more  democratic  gener- 
ation which  had  now  sprung  up  at  Athens ;  and  either  from  disappointment 
or  fear  of  the  consequences  ^schylus  again  quitted  Athens  and  retired 
once  more  to  Sicily.     On  this  occasion  he  repaired  to  Gela,  where  he  died 
in  B.  c.  456,  in  the  sixty-ninth  year  of  his  age.     It  is  unanimously  related 
that  an  eagle,  mistaking  the  poet's  bald  head  for  a  stone,  let  a  tortoise  fall 
upon  it  in  order  to  break  the  shell,  thus  fiilfilling  an  oracle  predictmg  that 


'*  To  this  should  be  added  the  traditions  of  the  great  families  in  the  heroic  age.  —  Ed. 
f  See  p.  166. 


Chap.  XXXV.] 


JESCHYLUS  AND    SOPHOCLES. 


379 


he  was  to  die  by  a  blow  from  heaven.  After  his  death,  his  memory  was 
held  in  high  reverence  at  Athens.  A  decree  was  passed  that  a  chorus 
should  be  provided  at  the  public  expense  for  any  one  who  might  wish  to 
revive  his  tragedies ;  and  hence  it  happened  that  they  were  frequently 
reproduced  upon  the  stage. 

The  improvements  introduced  into  tragedy  by  -^schylus  concerned 
both  its  form  and  composition,  and  its  manner  of  representation.  In  the 
former  his  principal  innovation  was  the  introduction  of  a  second  actor ; 
whence  arose  the  dialogue,  properly  so  called,  and  the  limitation  of  the 
choral  parts,  which  now  became  subsidiary.  His  improvements  in  the 
manner  of  representing  tragedy  consisted  in  the  introduction  of  painted 
scenes,  drawn  according  to  the  rules  of  perspective,  for  which  he  availed 
himself  of  the  pictorial  skill  of  Agatharchus.  He  furnished  the  actors 
with  more  appropriate  and  more  magnificent  dresses,  invented  for  them 
more  various  and  expressive  masks,  and  raised  their  stature  to  the  heroic 
size  by  providing  them  with  thick-soled  cothurni  or  buskins.  He  paid 
great  attention  to  the  choral  dances,  and  invented  several  new  figures.* 

The  genius  of  ^schylus  inclined  rather  to  the  awful  and  sublime  than 
to  the  tender  and  patheticf  He  excels  in  representing  the  superhuman, 
in  depicting  demigods  and  heroes,  and  in  tracing  the  irresistible  march  of 
fete.  His  style  resembles  the  ideas  which  it  clothes.  It  is  bold,  sublime, 
and  full  of  gorgeous  imagery,  but  sometimes  borders  on  the  turgid.^ 

§  5.  Sophocles,  the  younger  rival  and  immediate  successor  of  ^schy- 
lus  in  the  tragic  art,  was  born  at  Colonus,  a  village  about  a  mile  from 
Athens,  in  b.  c.  495.  We  know  ^little  of  his  family,  except  that  his 
father's  name  was  Sophilus ;  but  that  he  was  carefully  trained  in 
music  and  gymnastics  appears  from  the  fact  that  in  his  sixteenth  year  he 
was  chosen  to  lead,  naked,  and  with  lyre  in  hand,  the  chorus  which 
danced  round  the  trophy,  and  sang  the  hymns  of  triumph,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  victory  of  Salamis  (b.  c.  480).  We  have  already  adverted  to  his 
wresting  the  tragic  prize  from  iEschylus  in  468,  which  seems  to  have 
been  his  first  appearance  as  a  dramatist.  This  event  was  rendered  very 
striking  by  the  circumstances  under  which  it  occurred.  The  Archon 
Eponymus  had  not  yet  appointed  the  judges  of  the  approaching  contest, 


*  "  Personse  pallaeque  repertor  honestae 
JEschylus,  et  raodicis  instravit  pulpita  tignis, 
Et  docuit  magnumque  loqui,  nitique  cothurno." 

HoK.,  Ar.  Poet.  278. 

t  In  passages  —  as  in  the  description  of  the  sacrifice  of  Iphigeneia  in  the  Agamemnon  — 
JEschylus  shows  the  most  exquisite  tenderness  of  feeling,  as  well  as  beauty  of  language. 
—  Ed. 

X  jEschylus  is  said  to  have  written  seventy  tragedies ;  but  only  seven  are  extant,  which 
were  probably  represented  in  the  following  order:  the  Persians^  b.  c.  472;  the  Seven  againd 
Thebes^  b.  c.  471;  the  Suppliants;  the  Prometheus;  the  Agamemnon^  Oioephoroij  and  fk- 
menideSj  b.  c.  458. 


I  * 


'  I 


i! 


880 


HISTOBT   OF    GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXV. 


Chap.  XXXV.] 


EUEIPIDES. 


381 


respecting  nUMi  public  expectation  and  party  feeling  ran  very  high,  when 
Cimon  and  his  nine  colleagues  in  command  entered  the  theatre,  having 
just  returned  from  Scyros.     Ailer  they  had  made  the  customary  libations 
to  Dionysus,  the  archon  detained  them  at  the  altar  and  administered  to 
them  the  oath  appomted  for  the  judges  in  the  dramatic  contests.     Their 
decision,  as  we  have  said,  was  in  favor  of  Sophocles.     From  this  time 
forwards  he  seems  to  have  retamed  the  almost  undisputed  possession 
of  the  Athenian  stage,  until  a  young  but  formidable  rival  arose  in  the  per- 
son of  Euripides.    In  440  we  find  Sophocles  elected  one  of  the  ten  Stra- 
tegi,  of  whom  Pericles  was  the  chief,  to  conduct  the  expedition  against 
Sainos ;  an  honor  which  he  is  said  to  have  owed  to  his  play  of  the  Antig' 
<Mil,  which  was  brought  out  in  the  spring  of  that  year,  and  which  is  the 
earliest  of  his  extant  dramas.     He  was  now  fifty-five  years  of  age,  yet  his 
poetical  life  seemed  only  beginnmg.     From  this  tune  to  his  death  was  the 
period  of  his  greatest  Uterary  activity;  but  of  his  personal  history   we 
have  few  details.     He  was  one  of  the  ten  elders,  or  ProbouUy  a  sort  of 
committee  of  pubDc  safety  appointed  by  the  Athenians  after  the  failure  of 
the  Sicilian  expedition,  unless  mdeed  the  Sophocles  mentioned  on  that 
occasion  by  Thucydides  be  some  other  person.    The  close  of  his  Ufe  was 
troubled  with  family  dissensions.    lophon,  his  son  by  an  Athenian  wife, 
and  therefore  his  legitimate  heir,  was  jealous  of  the  affection  manifested  by 
his  father  for  his  grandson  Sophocles,  the  offspring  of  another  son,  Ariston, 
whom  he  had  had  by  a  Sicyonian  woman.     Fearing  lest  his  father  should 
bestow  a  great  part  of  his  property  upon  his  favorite,  lophon  summoned 
him  before  the  Phratores,  or  tribesmen,  on  the  ground  that  his  mind  was 
affected.     The  old  man's  only  reply  was,  "If  I  am  Sophocles,  I  am  not 
beside  myself;  and  if  I  am  beside  myself,  I  am  not  Sophocles."     Then 
taking  up  his   (Edipus  at  Colonos,  which  he  had  lately  written,  but  had 
not  yet  brought  out,  he  read  from  it  the  beautiful  passage  beginning, 

EvtWov,  ^€ve,  raah€  xdapas^* 
with  which  the  judges  were  so  struck  that  they  at  once  dismissed  the  case. 
He  died  shortly  afterwards,  m  B.  c.  406,  in  his  ninetieth  year. 


*  The  singular  beauties  of  this  chorus  have  invested  the  hill  of  Colonos  with  rare  poetio 
interest.  To  one  who  reads  the  poem  on  the  spot,  notwithstanding  the  changes  time  has 
made,— especially  the  disappearance  of  the  temples  and  the  groves  (except  the  olive-groves 
of  the  Academy,  at  a  short  distance),— roost  of  the  points  in  the  description  are  still  vividly 
traceable.  Professor  Thiersch,  the  veteran  scholar,  who  to  his  classical  acquirements  adds 
a  profound  knowleflge  of  the  Greek  as  now  spoken,  recited  his  elegant  translation  of  this 
chorus,  while  standing  on  the  hill  of  Colonos  with  his  son,  a  distinguished  young  painter; 
who  afterwards  embodied  the  poet's  thought  in  a  ver>^  spirited  and  classical  composition.  It 
18  very  appropriately  placed  among  the  artistic  and  classical  treasures  of  his  father's  house 
in  Munich.  Colonos  has  acquired  an  additional  and  melancholy  interest,  as  the  burial-place 
of  Carl  Ottfried  Miiller,  who  died  a  few  years  ago  in  Athens,  in  consequence  of  a  sun-stroke 
received  while  making  excavations  at  Delphi.  A  nobler  scholar  has  not  adorned  the  Ut- 
cntnre  of  the  present  age,  and  a  more  fitting  sepulture  could  not  have  been  found  for  tht 
•ditor  of  the  Eumenides.  —  Ed. 


As  a  poet  Sophocles  is  universally  aUowed  to  have  brought  the  drama 
to  the  greatest  perfection  of  which  it  is  susceptible.     His  plays  stand  in 
the  just  medium  between  the  sublime  but  unregulated  flights  of  ^schylus 
and  the  too  familiar  scenes  and  rhetorical  declamations  of  Euripides     His 
plots  are  worked  up  with  more  skill  and  care  than  the  plots  of  either  of 
his  great  rivaU:  that  of  the  (Edipus  ^yrannt..  in  particular  is  remarkable 
for  Its  skilful  development,  and  for  the  manner  in  which  the  interest  of  the 
piece  increases  through  each  succeeding  act.     Sophocles  added  the  last 
improvement  to  the  form  of  the  drama  by  the  introduction  of  a  third  actor- 
a  change  which  greatly  enlarged  the  scope  of  the  action.     The  improve-' 
ment  was  so  obvious,  that  it  was  adopted  by  ^schylus  in  his  later  plays  • 
but  the  number  of  three  actors  seems  to  have  been  seldom  or  never 
exceeded.     Sophocles  also  made  considerable  alterations   in  the  choral 
parts,  by  curtailing  the  length  of  the  songs,  and  by  giving  the  chorus  itself 
the  character  of  an  impartial  spectator  and  judge,  mther  than  that  of  a 
deeply  interested  party,  which  it  often  assumes  in  the  plays  of  ^schylus.* 
§  6.  Euripides  was  born  in  the  island  of  Salamis,  in  b.  c.  480    his 
parents  having  been  among  those  who  fled  thither  at  the  time  of  the 
mvasion  of  Attica  by  Xerxes.     In  early  hfe  he  practised  painting  with 
some  success  but  he  devoted  himself  with  still  more  earnestness  t«  phi- 
losophy  and  htemture.     He  studied  rhetoric  under  Pix)dicus,  and  physics 
under  Anaxagoras,  and  also  lived  on  intimate  terms  with  Socrates.     He 
IS  said  to  have  written  a  tragedy  at  the  age  of  eighteen ;  but  the  first  play 
brought  out  in  his  own  name  was  acted  in  b.  c.  455,  when  he  was  twenty- 
five  years  of  age      It  wa.  not,  however,  till  441  that  he  gained  his  fi4 
prize,  and  from  this  time  he  continued  to  exhibit  plays  until  b.  c.  408,  the 
date  of  his  Orestes      Soon  after  this  he  repaired  to  the  court  of  Macedonia, 
at  the  invitation  of  King  Archelaus,  where  he  died  two  years  afterwai^^ 
at  the  age  of  seventy-four  (b.  c.  406).     Common  report  relates  that  he 
was  torn  to  pieces  by  the  king's  dogs,  which,  according  to  some  accomits, 
were  set  upon  him  by  two  rival  poets  out  of  envy. 

Euripides  received  tragedy  perfect  from  the  hands  of  his  predecessors, 
and  we  do  not  find  that  he  made  any  changes  in  its  outward  form.  But 
he  varied  from  them  considerably  in  the  poetical  mode  of  handling  it,  and 
his  innovations  m  this  respect  were  decidedly  for  the  worse.  He  con- 
verted  the  prologue  into  a  vehicle  for  the  exposition  of  the  whole  plot,  in 
which  he  not  only  informs  the  spectator  of  what  has  happened  up  to  that 
moment  but  frequently  also  of  what  the  result  or  catastrophe  will  be.  In 
his  hands,  too,  the  chorus  grew  feebler,  and  its  odes  less  connected  with  the 


*  Sophocles  is  said  to  have  written  117  tragedies,  but  of  these  only  seven  are  extant 
U^  Zta^  ?lt:  '  •'"':!^'>>  "  '';  '^"^^-'"^  chronological  order:  the  InUgonTTo, 
Q)Umos,  brought  out  by  the  younger  Sophocles  b.  c.  401. 


il' 


I  '■ 


111 


M< 


>. 


P 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXV 


subject  of  the  drama,  so  that  they  might  frequently  belong  to  any  oAer 
piece  just  as  well  as  to  the  one  in  which  they  were  mserted.     In  treatmg 
L  characters  and  subjects  he  often  arbitrarily  departed  ^^m  he  received 
legends,  and  diminished  the  dignity  of  tragedy  by  depnvmg  it  of  Us  ide^ 
dLcter,  a^d  by  bringing  it  down  to  the  level  of  --^J^^*^;^^ 
dialogue  was  garrulous  and  colloquial,  wantmg  m  heroic  ^ «  ^^^^^^^^^ 
quenUy  frigid  through  misplaced  philosophical  disqu— s.    J-t  m  ^^ 
of  aU  these  faults  Euripides  has  many  beauties,  and  is  particularly  remark- 
able  for  pathos,  so  that  Aristotle  calls  him  "the  most  tmgic  of  poets. 
Eighteen  of  the  tragedies  of  Euripides  are  still  extant,  omitting  the  Bhesus 
the  genuineness  of  which  there  are  good  reasons  for  doub  ing.     One  of 
them;  the  Cyclops,  is  particularly  interestmg  as  the  only  extant  specmien 

of  the  Greek  satyric  drama.*  ,«^,^ 

17.  Comedy  was  revived  at  Athens  by  Chionides  and  his  contempo- 
raries,  about  b.  c.  488 ;  but  it  received  its  full  development  from  Cratini^ 
who  lived  in  the  age  of  Pericles.     Cratinus,  and  his  younger  conte«ipo- 
raries,  Eupolis  and  Aristophanes,  were  the  three  great  poets  of  what  is 
caUed  the  Old  Attic  Comedy.t     The  comedies  of  Cratinus  and  Eupolis 
are  lost ;  but  of  Aristophanes,  who  was  the  greatest  of  the  three,  we  have 
eleven  dramas  extant    Aristophanes  was  bom  about  444  b.c.     Ut  Iub 
private  Hfe  we  know  positively  nothing.     He  exhibited  his  fii.t  comedy  m 
427,  and  from  that  t^e  tiU  near  his  death,  which  probably  happened 
about  380,  he  was  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  Attic  stage.^ 

The  old  Attic  comedy  was  a  powerful  vehicle  for  the  expression  of 
opinion,  and  most  of  the  comedies  of  Aristophanes,  and  those  of  his  c^- 
iporaries  likewise,  turned  either  upon  political  occurrences,  or  upon 
somV  subject  which  excited  the  interest  of  the  Athenian  pubhc.    The^ 
lef  object  was  to  excite  laughter  by  the  boldest  and  most  ludi-us  can- 
cature ;  and  provided  that  end  was  attained,  the  poet  seems  to  have  cared 
Tut  littie  aboSt  the  justice  of  the  picture.    A  living  l^tonai.  has  weU 
remarked :  «  Never  probably  wiU  the  full  and  unshackled  force  of  comedy 
be  so  exhibited  again.    Without  having  Aristophanes  actuaUy  before  us, 
it  would  have  been  impossible  to  imagine  the  unmeasured  and  unspaiing 
license  of  attack  assumed  by  the  old  comedy  upon  the  gods,  the  mstitu- 
tions,  the  politicians,  philosophers,  poets,  private  citizens,  speciaUy  named, 

*  The  following  is  a  Ust  of  his  extant  plays:  the  Alcestis,  b  c.  438;  ^«^««' /f ^J^^ 
pdntm^mi  BecL,  about  424;  Heraclid^,  about  421;   Suj^hces.  Jon,  Hercu^'*  Fure^ 
A^^rmcU;  T,^*,  415;  Elecira;   Helena,  425;  Iphigeneia  in    Tauru;  Orestes    408; 
pSn«-H  and  Ipkigeneia  in  Aulis  were  brought  out  after  the  death  of  Eunpides  by 
his  son,  the  younger  Euripides.    The  date  of  the  Cyclops  is  quite  uncertam. 
t  EupoUs  atque  Cratinus  Aristophanesque  poetse, 
Atque  alii  quorum  comoedia  prisca  viroram  est.  — Hon.  Sat.  1. 4. 
t  The  eleven  extant  dramas  are:  the  Achamians,  b^c.  425;  KnighU^  424;  (Ms^  428 j 
jra5P*,422;  Peace,  419;  Bi«fo,414;  Lumtrata^m;  Tkesmopkonazusa^.  411,  P/tKw,  4081 
Frogsj  405;  EccksiazuWj  392. 


Chip.  XXXV] 


ARISTOPHANES. 


38S 


—  and  even  the  women,  whose  life  was  entirely  domestic,  —  of  Athens. 
With  this  universal  liberty  in  respect  of  subject  there  is  combined  a 
poignancy  of  derision  and  satire,  a  fecundity  of  imagination  and  variety  of 
turns,  and  a  richness  of  poetical  expression  such  as  cannot  be  surpassed, 
and  such  as  fully  explains  the  admiration  expressed  for  him  by  the  phi- 
losopher Plato,  who  in  other  respects  must  have  regarded  him  with  un- 
questionable disapprobation.     His  comedies  are  popular  in  the  largest 
sense  of  the  word,  addressed  to  the  entire  body  of  male  citizens  on  a  day 
consecrated  to  festivity,  and  providing  for  their  amusement  or  derision 
with  a  sort  of  drunken  abundance,  out  of  all  persons  or  things  standing  in 
any  way  prominent  before  the  public  eye."  *     In  illustration  of  the  pre- 
ceding remarks  we  may  refer  to  the  Knights  of  Aristophanes,  as  an 
example  of  the  boldness  of  his  attacks  on  one  of  the  leading  political  char- 
acters of  the  day,  — the  demagogue  Cleon ;  whilst  the  Clouds,  in  which 
Socrates  t  is  held  up  to  ridicule,  and  the  Thesmophoriazusce  and  Frogs, 
containing  slashing  onslaughts  on  Euripides,  show  that  neither  the  greatest 
philosophers  nor  the  most  popular  poets  were  secure.     Even  Pericles 
himself  is  now  and  then  bespattered  with  ridicule,  and  the  aversion  of  the 
poet  for  the  Peloponnesian  war  is  shown  in  many  of  his  dramas.     From 
the  nature  of  his  plays  it  would  be  absurd,  as  some  hav-e  done,  to  quote 
them  gravely  as  historical  authority ;  though,  with  due  allowance  for  comic 
exaggeration,  they  no  doubt  afford  a  valuable  comment  on  the  politics, 
literature,  and  manners  of  the  time.     Nor  can  it  be  doubted  that,  under  all 
his  bantering,  Aristophanes  often  strove  to  serve  the  views  of  the  old  aris- 
tocratical  party,  of  which  he  was  an  adherent.     The  more  serious  political 
remarks  were  commonly  introduced  into  that  part  of  the  chorus  called  the 
parabasts,  when,  the  actors  having  left  the  stage,  the  choreutge  turned 
round,  and,  advancing  towards  the  spectators,  addressed  them  in  the  name 
of  the  poet.     Towards  the  end  of  the  career  of  Aristophanes  the  unre- 
stricted license  and  hbellous  personality  of  comedy  began  gradually  to 
disappear.     The  chorus  was  first  curtailed  and  then  entirely  suppressed, 
and  thus  made  way  for  what  is  called  the  Middle  Comedy,  which  had  no 
chorus  at  all.     The  Flutus  of  Aristophanes,  which  contains  no  political 
allusions,  exhibits  an  approach  to  this  phase. 

An  extract  from  the  Knights  of  Aristophanes  will  give  some  idea  of  the 
unmeasured  invective  in  which  the  poet  indulged.  The  chorus  come  upon 
the  stage,  and  thus  commence  their  attack  upon  Cleon :  — 

Close  around  him,  and  confound  him,  the  confounder  of  us  all, 
Pelt  him,  pummel  him,  and  maul  him;  rummage,  ransack,  overhaul  him; 
Overbear  him  and  outbawl  him;  bear  him  down,  and  bring  him  under; 

Bellow  like  a  burst  of  thunder.  Robber!  harpy !  sink  of  plunder! 
Bogue  and  villain!  rogue  and  cheat!  rogue  and  villain,  I  repeat! 


1 


♦  Grote»8  Htst.  of  Greece,  Vol.  VIII.  p.  450. 

t  Socrates,  and  through  him  the  Sophists,  were  the  objects  of  attack  in  the  Clouds.  —  Ed. 


'M 


|Si 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXV. 


tt 


^....../l&in  I  can  repeat  it  has  the  rogue  and  villain  cheated. 

Close  around  him,  left  and  right;  spit  upon  him,  spurn  and  smite: 
Spit  upon  him  as  you  see;  spurn  and  spit  at  him  like  me. 
But  beware,  or  he  '11  evade  ye,  for  he  knows  the  private  track 
Where  Eucrates  was  seen  escaping  with  his  mill-dust  on  his  bacK. 

Cleon. 
Worthy  veterans  of  the  jury,  you  that,  either  right  or  wrong, 
With  my  threepenny  provision,  I  've  maintained  and  cherished  long, 
Come  to  my  aid !  I  'm  here  waylaid,  -  assassinated  and  betrayed. 

Chorus. 

Rightly  served!  we  serve  you  rightly,  for  your  hungry  love  of  pelf; 
For  your  gross  and  greedy  rapine,  gormandizing  by  yourself; 
You  that,  ere  the  figs  are  gathered,  pilfer  with  a  privy  twitch 
Fat  delinquents  and  defaulters,  pulpy,  luscious,  plump,  and  nchj 
Pinching,  fingering,  and  pulling,  tampering,  selecting,  culling. 
With  a  nice  survey  discerning  which  are  green  and  which  are  turning, 
Which  are  ripe  for  accusation,  forfeiture,  and  confiscation. 

Him,  besides,  the  wealthy  man,  retired  upon  an  easy  rent, 
Hating  and  avoiding  party,  noble-mmded,  indolent, 
Fearful  of  official  snares,  intrigues,  and  intricate  afiwrs; 
Him  you  mark;  you  fix  and  hook  him,  whilst  he  's  gaping  unawares; 
At  a  fling,  at  once  you  bring  him  hither  from  the  Chersonese, 
Down  you  cast  him,  roast  and  baste  Mm,  and  devour  him  at  your  eaao. 

Ckon, 
Tes!  assault,  insult,  abuse  me!  this  is  the  return  I  find 
For  the  noble  testimony,  the  memorial  I  designed: 
Meaning  to  propose  proposals  for  a  monument  of  stone,^ 
On  the  which  y^our  late  achievements  should  be  carved  and  neatly  done. 

Out,  away  with  him!  the  slave!  the  pompous,  empty,  fawning  kiiaT«! 
Does  he  think  with  idle  speeches  to  delude  and  cheat  us  all? 
As  he  does  the  dotmg  elders  that  attend  his  daily  call. 
Pelt  him  here,  and  bang  him  there;  and  here  and  there  and  everywhere. 

CZeon> 
SaTeme,n<iipU»r5!  0  the  monsters!  Omyade,  my  back,  my  breast! 

ChorvA, 
mat,  yon  're  forced  to  call  for  help?  yon  bratal,  overbearing  pest.* 


"J^'IlHtre^mS.e.  that  most  of  the  scheme,  of  vf^f^^^  '^f^^^ 
wWri  h^e  been  discussed  of  late  years  were  anticipated  by  Aristophanes,  and  brought 
rvSn^^n^c^rXge.  In  tlf.  Ecclesiazus*  particularly,  the  doctrine  of  woman-a 
rf^h^Torwua'-or  rather  a  superior-  share  of  political  power  and  honor  .s  humorously 
wwn«l  The  women  of  Athens,  discontented  with  the  state  of  pubhc  affairs,  and 
stoZ^  bv  *:  d^ule  of  a  lady  who  has  a  violent  desire  to  address  the  people  «e 
™nted  as  plotting  a  scheme  of  revolution,  by  which  the  reins  of  government  shall  be 
^LTdnlel  hands.'  Accordingly.  a«er  having  duly  P-f  ^d  speak.ng  ■»  »  Pre^'^ 
meedns  thev  manage  to  steal  their  husband's  garments,  and,  taking  their  »«»"  ^-^  «"^ 
tatte  I'nvx  hu^  a  decree  through  all  the  stages  of  legislation,  transferring  to  the  wo- 
m,„  the  ^oremrLwer  of  the  state.  The  destruction  of  private  property,  the  abohtion 
7™,^^  X  estobUshment  of  a  complete  system  of  Socialism,  follow  in  rapid  succession. 
"4:^^;^™  whifh  these  reformsL  defended  a«  precisely  such  «  mMem  schema, 
ba^  e^oyed,  without  having  given  them  the  shghtest  additional  force—Eo. 


I 


Chap.  XXXV.] 


THUCYDIDES. 


385 


§  8.  Of  the  j)rose.writer8  of  this  period,  Thucjdides  is  by  far  the 
greatest.  Herodotus,  who  belongs  to  the  same  period,  and  who  was 
only  a  few  years  older  than  Thucydides,  has  been  noticed  in  a  previous 
chapter. 

Thucydides  was  an  Athenian,  and  was  born  in  the  year  471  b.  c.     His 
father  was  named  Olorus,  and  his  mother  Hegesipyle,  and  his  family  was 
connected  with  that  of  Miltiades  and  Cimon.     Thucydides  appears  to  have 
been  a  man  of  wealth ;  and  we  know  from  his  own  account  that  he  pos- 
sessed gold  mines  m  Thrace,  and  enjoyed  great  influence  in  that  country. 
We  also  learn  from  himself  that  he  was  one  of  the  sufferers  from  the  great 
plague  at  Athens,  and  among  the  few  who  recovered.     He  commanded  an 
Athenian  squadron  of  seven  ships  at  Thasos,  in  424  b.  c,  at  the  time 
when  Brasidas  was  besieging  Amphipolis ;  and  having  failed  to  relieve 
that  city  in  time,  he  went  mto  a  voluntary  exile,  in  order  probably  to 
avoid  the  punishment  of  death.     He  appears  to  have  spent  twenty  years 
in  banishment,  principally  in  the  Peloponnesus,  or  in  places  under  the 
dominion  or  influence  of  Sparta.     He  perhaps  returned  to  Athens  in  b.  c. 
403,  the  date  of  its  liberation  by  Thrasybulus.     According  to  the  unani- 
mous testimony  of  antiquity  he  met  with  a  violent  end,  and  it  seems 
probable  that  he  was  assassinated  at  Athens,  since  it  cannot  be  doubted 
that  his  tomb  existed  there ;  but  some  authorities  place  the  scene  of  his 
death  in  Thrace.     From  the  beginning  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  he  had 
designed  to  write  its  history,  and  he  employed  himself  in  collecting  mate- 
rials for  that  purpose  during  its  continuance ;  but  it  is  most  likely  that  the 
work  was  not  actually  composed  tiU  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  and 
that  he  was  engagad  upon  it  at  the  time  of  his  death.     Some  critics  are 
even  of  opinion  that  the  eighth  and  concluding  book  is  not  from  his  liand; 
but  there  seems  to  be  little  ground  for  this  assumption,  though  he  may  not 
have  revised  it  with  the  same  care  as  the  former  books. 

Such  are  all  the  authentic  particulars  that  can  be  stated  respecting  the 
greatest  of  the  Athenian  historians.     It  is  only  necessaiy  to  add  a  short 
account  of  his  work.     The  first  book  is  introductoiy,  and  contains  a  rapid 
sketch  of  Grecian  history  from  the  remotest  times  to  the  breaking  out  of 
the  war,  accompanied  with  an  explanation  of  the  events  and  causel  which 
led  to  it,  and  a  digression  on  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  Athenian  power. 
The  remaining  seven  books  are  filled  with  the  details  of  the  war,  related 
according  to  the  division  into  summers  and  winters,  into  which  all  cam- 
paigns naturally  fall ;  and  the  work  breaks  off  abruptly  in  the  middle  of 
the  twenty-first  year  of  the  war  (b.  c.  411).     It  is  probable  that  the  di- 
vision of  his  history  into  books  was  the  work  of  the  Alexandrine  critics,  and 
that  as  it  came  from  the  hands  of  the  author  it  formed  a  continuous  narra- 
tive.    The  materials  of  Thucydides  were  collected  with  the  most  scrupu- 
lous care ;  the  events  are  related  with  the  strictest  impartiality ;  and  the 
work  probably  offers  a  more  exact  account  of  a  long  and  eventfiil  period 


49 


i  I 


M 


)y 


,/" 


<     '. 


HISTORY  OP   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXV. 


than  any  other  contemporary  history,  whether  ancient  qr  modern,  of  an 
equally  long  and  important  era.  The  style  of  Thucydides  is  brief  and 
sententious,  and  whether  in  moral  or  political  reasoning,  or  m  description, 
gains  wonderful  force  from  its  condensation.  It  is  this  brevity  and  sun- 
phcity  that  renders  his  account  of  the  plague  of  Athens  so  stnking  and 
tragic.  But  this  characteristic  is  sometimes  carried  to  a  faulty  extent,  so 
as  to  render  his  style  harsh,  and  his  meaning  obscure. 

§  9.  Xenophon  properly  belongs  to  the  next  period  of  Grecian  history; 
but  the  subject  of  the  earUer  portion  of  his  History  is  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  work  of  Thucydides,  that  it  will  be  more  convenient  to 
speak  of  him  in  the  present  place.     Xenophon  was  the  son  of  Gr>'llua, 
an  Athenian,  and  was  probably  bom  about  b.  c.  444.     Socrates  is  said  to 
have  saved  his  life  in  the  battle  of  Delium,  which  was  fought  m  b.  c.  424, 
and  as  we  know  that  he  lived  to  a  much  later  period,  he  could  hardly  have 
been  more  than  twenty  at  the  time  of  this  battle.     Xenophon  was  a  pupil 
of  Socrates,  and  we  are  also  told  that  he  received  instructions  from  Prodi- 
cus  of  Ceos,  and  from  Isocrates.     His  accompanying  Cyrus  the  younger 
in  his  expedition  against  his  brother  Artaxerxes,  king  of  Persia,  formed  a 
striking  episode  in  his  Ufe,  and  has  been  recorded  by  himself  m  his  Anaba^ 
m  '  but  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  relate  this  event  in  our  next  book, 
we  need  not  touch  upon  it  here.     He  seems  to  have  been  stiU  in  Asia  at 
the  time  of  the  death  of  Socrates  in  399  b.  c,  and  was  probably  bamshed 
from  Athens  soon  after  that  period,  in  consequence  of  his  close  connection 
with  the  Lacediemonian  authorities  in  Asia.     He  accompanied  Agesilaus, 
the  Spartan  king,  on  the  return  of  the  latter  from  Asia  to  Greece ;  and 
he  fou.rht  along  with  the  Lacedsemonians  against  his  own  countrymen  at 
the  battle  of  Coronea  in  394  b.  c.    After  this  battle  he  went  with  Agesi- 
laus to  Sparta,  and  soon  afterwards  settled  at  Scillus  in  Ehs,  near  Olympia, 
where  he  was  jomed  by  his  wife  and  children.     His  time  seems  to  have 
been  agreeably  spent  at  this  residence  in  hunting,  and  other  rural  diversions, 
as  weU  as  in  literary  pursuits ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  composed  here  his 
Anabasis,  and  a  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  the  HeUemca,     From  this  quiet 
retreat  he  was  at  length  expelled  by  the  Eleans,  but  at  what  date  is  un- 
certain ;  though  he  seems  at  all  events  to  have  spent  at  least  twenty  years 
at  tliis  place.     His  sentence  of  banishment  fix)m  Athens  was  repealed  on 
the  motion  of  Eubulus,  but  in  what  year  we  do  not  know.     His  two  sons, 
Gryllus  and  Diodoms,  are  said  to  have  fought  with  the  Athenians  and 
Spartans  against  the  Thebans,  at  the  battle  of  Mantinea  in  362.     There 
is,  however,  no  evidence  that  Xenophon  ever  returned  to  Athens.     He 
«eems  to  have   retii-ed  to  Corinth   after  his   expulsion   from  Elis,  and 
it  is  probable  that  he  died  there.     He  is  said  to  have  Uved  to  more  than 
ninety  yeai-s  of  age,  and  he  mentions  an  event  which  occurred  as  late  as 

Probably  all  the  works  of  Xenophon  are  still  extant    The  Anab&sis 


Chap.  XXXV.] 


ATHENIAN   EDUCATION. 


3a7 


is  the  work  on  which  his  fame  as  an  historian  chiefly  rests.     It  is  written 
in  a  simple  and  agreeable  style,  and  conveys  much  curious  and  striking 
information.     The  Helknica  is  a  continuation  of  the  history  of  Thucydides, 
and  comprehends  in  seven  books  a  space  of  about  forty-eight  years ;  namely, 
from  the  time  when  Thucydides  breaks  off,  b.  c.  411,  to  the  battle  of  Man- 
tmea  in  362.     The  subject  is  treated  in  a  very  dry  and  uninteresting  style ; 
and  his  evident  partiality  to  Sparta,  and  dislike  of  Athens,  have  frequently 
warped  his  judgment,  and  must  cause  his  statements  to  be  received  with 
some  suspicion.     The  Cyropcedla,  one  of  the  most  pleasing  and  popular 
of  Xenophon's  works,  professes  to  be  a  history  of  Cyrus,  the  founder  of 
the  Persian  monarchy,  but  is  in  reality  a  kind  of  political  romance,  and 
possesses  no  authority  wliatever  as  an  historical  work.     The  design  of  the 
author  seems  to  have  been  to  draw  a  picture  of  a  perfect  state ;  and  though 
the  scene  is  laid  in  Pei-sia,  the  materials  of  the  work  are  derived  fi-om  Ws 
own  philosophical  notions  and  the  usages  of  Sparta,  engrafted  on  the  popu- 
larly current  stories  respecting  Cyrus.     Xenophon  displays  in  this  work 
his  disHke  of  democratic  institutions  like  those  of  Athens,  and  his  prefer- 
ence for  an  aristocracy,  or  even  a  monarchy.     Xenophon  was  also  the  au- 
thor of  several  minor  works ;  but  the  only  other  treatise  which  we  need 
mention  is  the  Memorabilia  of  Socrates,  in  four  books,  intended  as  a  de- 
fence of  his  master  against  the  charges  which  occasioned  his  death,  and 
which  undoubtedly  contams  a  genuine  picture  of  Socrates  and  his  philoso- 
phy.    The  genius  of  Xenophon  was  not  of  the  highest  order ;  it  was  prac- 
tical rather  than  speculative ;  but  he  is  distinguished  for  his  good  sense, 
his  moderate  views,  his  humane  temper,  and  his  earnest  piety. 

§  10.  In  closing  this  brief  survey  of  Athenian  Uterature,  it  is  necessary 
to  make  a  few  remarks  upon  Athenian  education,  and  upon  the  greatest 
teacher  of  his  age,  —  the  philosopher  Socrates. 

A  certain  amount  of  elementary  education  seems  to  have  prevailed 
among  the  free  citizens  of  all  the  Grecian  states  at  the  time  of  which  we 
are  speaking.     Instruction  was  usually  imparted  in  schools.     The  Peda- 
gogue, or  private  tutor,  was  not  a  teacher ;  he  was  seldom  a  man  of  much 
knowledge,  — often  indeed  a  slave,  — and  his  office  was  merely  to  watch 
over  his  pupils  in  their  idle  hours,  and  on  their  way  to  the  schools.     When 
a  youth  could  read  with  fluency,  he  was  set  to  learn  by  heart  passages 
selected  from  the  best  poets,  m  which  moral  precepts  and  examples  of  vir- 
tuous conduct  were  inculcated  and  exhibited.     The  works  of  ^sop  and 
Theognis  were  much  used  for  this  purpose.     He  was  then  taught  those 
accompUshments  which  the  Greeks  included  under  the  comprehensive  head 
of  "music,"  and  which  comprised  not  oqly  the  art  of  playing  on  the  lyre, 
and  of  singing  and  dancing,  so  as  to  enable  him  to  bear  a  part  in  a  chorus, 
but  also  to  recite  poetical  compositions  with  grace  and  propriety  of  accent 
and  pronunciation.    At  the  same  time  his  physical  powers  were  developed 
and  strengthened  by  a  course  of  gymnastic  exercises.     At  the  age  of 


1 1 


■■• 


I ' 


388 


BISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Cbap.  XXXV. 


eighteen  or  twenty  the  sons  of  the  more  wealthy  «">^«°\»"ended  &« 
clLes  of  the  rhetors  and  sophists  who  gave  the.r  lectures  m  the  Lyceum, 
Academy,  or  other  similar  institutions;  a  course  somewhat  "natogous  to 
entering  a  university  in  our  own  times.     Here  the  young  man  studied  rheU 
«ric  and  philosophy;  under  which  heads  were  included  mathematics,  as- 
tronomy, dialectics,  oratory,  criticism,  and  morals.  ,.     ,   .      .^ 
S  11    It  will  be  perceived  fit,m  the  above  sketch  that  the  rhetor  a«^ 
sophist  -  whose  provinces  were  often  combined,  and  are  generally  difficult 
to  distinguish  with  accuracy -pteyed  the  most  important  P^^  "« Jhe  for-  • 
mation  rf  the  foture  man.    They  gave  the  last  bias  to  his  mind,  and  sent 
him  forth  into  the  world  with  habits  of  thought  which  m  after  hfe  he  would 
perhaps  have  neither  the  leisure  nor  the  inclination  to  alter,  or  even  to 
LmTe.    Most  of  the  young  men  who  attended  the.r  !««  ""^'l^'^J^^''^ 
more  in  view  than  to  become  qualified  for  taking  ^pracHcal  part  in  active 
life.    The  democratical  institutions  which  had  begun  to  prevail  «>  Athens, 
Sicily,  and  other  parts  of  Greece  during  the  fifth  century  before  the  Chns- 
tian  era,  and  which  often  obliged  a  public  man  to  confute  an  adversary, 
to  defend  himself  from  an  attack,  or  to  persuade  a  public  assembly,  ren- 
dered it  necessary  for  him  to  obtain  some  knowledge  of  rhetoric  and  dia- 
fectics.    It  was  for  this  purpose  that  the  schools  of  the  rheto^  and  s^^^s 
were  frequented  by  the  great  mass  of  their  hearers,  without,  pe.hap,, 
much  care  for  their  speculative  principles,  except  so  far  as  they  might  se^e 
«  exereises  to  sharpen  dialectic  skiU.    Among  the  ^f  jr"""'  °^       ^ 
teachers  in  the  time  of  Socrates  were  Prota^ras  "^ Jj^^^™' ^'°l^^j' 
Leontini,  Polus  of  Agrigentum,  Hippias  of  Bis,  P-^-^  «^^^  j/^ 
others.    As  rhetorical  instructors  they  may  be  compared  with  fcoc^^ 
or  Quintilian;  but,  generally  si^^aking,  there  was  more  or  less  of  phUo- 
gophical  specuhition  mixed  up  with  their  teaching.  .  .    ,,    ,,  „.  . 

The  name  of  «  Sophist"  borne  by  these  men  had  not  ongmally  that  in- 
sidious meaning  which  it  came  to  possess  in  later  times  J«  ''^  ^arly  "^ 
it  meant  only  a  wiu  or  a  ckcer  man.  Thus  it  was  applied  to  the  seven 
Lges,  and  to  the  poets,  such  as  Homer  and  Hesiod ;  -" -/^ -"""^^ 
.s%;.ible  fiw  the  notion  implied  in  the  modem  term  ^hst.  The  W 
seems  to  have  retained  its  honorable  meaning  down  to  the  tmic  of  Socrates , 
but  Plato  and  Xenophon  began  to  «.e  it  in  a  depreciatory  sense,  and  as  a 
term  of  reproach.  Whenever  they  wished  to  speak  of  a  ™!y  --/r; 
they  prefe^d  the  wonl  «  philosopher.-  It  may  therefore  be  ^fj^fj^^ 
the  nLe  of  "  Sophist "  began  to  fall  into  contempt  threugh  the  te-chmg 
ef  Socrates,  more  especially  as  we  find  that  Socrates  himself  shrank  from 

%T  But  the  rektion  of  Socrates  to  the  Sophists  will  be  best  shown  by 

a  brief  account  of  his  life.  r  ai     x«A  ;«  *1ia 

Socrates  was  bom  in  the  year  468  B.  c,  in  the  deme  of  Alopec^,  m  the 

immediate  «.ighborhood  of  Athens.     His  father,  Sophromscus,  was  . 


Chap.  XXXV.] 


SOCRATES. 


389 


sculptor,  and  Socrates  was  brought  up  to,  and  for  some  time  practised,  the 
same  profession.     A  group  of  the  Charites  or  Graces,  from  his  chisel,  was 
preserved  in  the  Acropolis  of  Athens,  and  was  extant  in  the  time  of  Pau- 
sanias.     His  mother,  Phaenarete,  was  a  midwife.     Thus  his  station  in  life 
was  humble,  but  his  family  was  of  genuine  Attic  descent.     He  was  mar- 
ried to  Xanthippe,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons ;  but  her  bad  temper  has 
rendered  her  name  proverbial  for  a  conjugal  scold.     His  physical  constitu- 
tion was  healthy,  robust,  and  wonderfully  enduring.     Indifferent  alike  to 
heat  and  cold,  the  same  scanty  and  homely  clothing  sufficed  him  both  in 
summer  and  winter ;  and  even  in  the  campaign  of  Potidaea,  amidst  the 
snows  of  a  Thracian  winter,  he  went  barefooted.     He  was  moderate  and 
frugal  in  his  diet,  yet  on  occasions  of  festival  could  drink  more  wine  than 
any  other  man  without  being  intoxicated.     It  was  a  principle  with  him  to 
contract  his  wants  as  much  as  possible ;  for  he  had  a  maxim,  that  to  want 
nothing  belonged  only  to  the  gods,  and  to  want  as  little  as  possible  was  the 
nearest  approach  to  the  divine  nature.     But  though  thus  gifted  with 
strength  of  body  and  of  mind,  he  was  far  from  being  endowed  with  per- 
sonal beauty.     His  thick  lips,  flat  nose,  and  prominent  eyes  gave  him  the 
appearance  of  a  Silenus,  or  satyr.     We  know  but  few  particulars  of  his 
life.     He  served  with  credit  as  an  hoplite  at  Potidaea  (b.  c.  432),  Delium 
(b.  c.  424),  and  Amphipolis  (b.  c.  422)  ;  but  it  was  not  till  late  in  life,  in 
the  year  406  b.  c,  that  he  filled  any  political  office.     He  was  one  of  the 
Prytanes  when,  after  the  battle  of  Arginusae,  Callixenus  submitted  his 
proposition  respecting  the  six  generals  to  the  public  assembly,  and  his 
refusal  on  that  occasion  to  put  an  unconstitutional  question  to  the  vote  has 
been  already  recorded.*     He  had  a  strong  persuasion  that  he  was  in- 
trusted with  a  divine  mission,  and  he  believed  himself  to  be  attended  by  a 
daemon  or  genius,  whose  admonitions  he  frequently  heard,  not,  however, 
in  the  way  of  excitement  but  of  restraint.     He  never  wrote  anything,  but 
he  made  oral  instruction  the  great  business  of  his  life.     Early  in  the 
morning  he  frequented  the  pubhc  walks,  the  gymnasia,  and  the  schools ; 
whence  he  adjourned  to  the  market-place  at  its  most  crowded  hours,  and 
thus  spent  the  whole  day  in  conversing  with  young  and  old,  rich  and  poor, 
—  with  all  in   short  who  felt  any  desire  for   his  instructions.     There 
was,  however,  a  certain   set  of  persons   who  were  in  the  habit  of  fol- 
lowing him  to  hear  his  conversation,  and  these  became  known  as  his 
disciples. 

From  this  public  manner  of  life,  he  became  one  of  the  best-known 
characters  in  Atliens,  and  this  circumstance  was  probably  the  reason  why 
he  was  selected  for  attack,  as  the  representative  of  the  Sophists  in  general, 
by  Aristophanes  and  the  comic  poets.  But  the  picture  of  Aristophanes 
shows  that  he  either  did  not  know,  or  was  not  soKcitous  about,  the  real 


% 


*  See  p.  342. 


890 


HISTORY   OP   GREECE. 


[Chaf.  XXXV 


|f| 


objecu  and  pursuits  of  Socrates:  his  only  object  seems  to  have  been  to 
Jse  a  laugh.  The  dramatist  represents  Socrates  as  occup^  wUh 
physical  re^arches.  But  though  in  early  hfe  Socrates  '"^  P»'d  8om« 
Mention  to  natural  philosophy,  he  soon  ""^^'^V  ,  fhlJV.e  SI 
ftom  reading  a  treatise  of  Anaxagora.,.  in  .h.ch  he  iound  '^-'j'- P  "'^ 
pher's  hypotheses  were  not  sustained  by  any  ^/^'^^ "^f.  J';^'^ 
Lrates  o  turn  his  attemion  to  dialectics.     In  th.s  pursuit    heie  can  be 

little  doubt  that  he  derived  great  assistance  f.x.m  ^^^?  .Jfl^^^n 
1  „„:..iw  T>..rmpnides  and  Zeno,  who  visited  Athens  \\  lie.i 

philosophers,  especially  1  armenmes  aim  i.y,     , 

Lrates  was  a  young  man.  He  seems  to  have  borrowed  ftora  he 
Eleatics  his  negJlre  method;  namely,  that  of  disprovn.g  and  upset  ing 
what  is  advanced  by  a  disputant,  as  a  means  of  unmasking  not  only  false- 
hood, but  also  assertion  without  authority,  yet  without  attcmptmg  to 

establish  anything  in  its  place.  rffi,„„j 

i  13.  We  are  now  in  a  condition  to  see  in  what  points  Socrates  differed 
from  the  ordinary  teachers  or  Sophists  of  the  tune.    They  were  the«e : 
1.  He  taught  without  fee  or  reward,  and  communicated  his  instructions 
freely  to  high  and  low,  rich  and  poor  aUke.    2.  He  did  not  talk  for  mere 
vain  show  and  ostentation,  but  for  the  sake  of  gaining  clear  and  distmc 
Meas,  and  thus  advancing  both  himself  and  others  in  real  knowledge.    It 
was  with  this  view  that  he  had  abandoned  physics,  which,  m  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  then  taught,  were  founded  merely  on  gxiesscs  and 
conjectures,  and  had  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  his  fellow-men,  which 
opened  a  surer  field  of  observation.    And  in  order  to  arnve  at  clear  ideas 
on  moral  subjects,  he  was  the  first  to  employ  defniUon  and  .«/«•.»««,  and 
thus  confine  the  discourse  to  the  eliciting  of  truth,  instead  of  making  it  the 
vehicle  for  empty  display.    A  contrary  practice  on  these  two  points  is 
what  constituted  the  difference  between  Socrates  and  the  S>opliis  s. 

The  teaching  of  Socrates  forms  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  philosophy. 
From  his  school  sprang  Plato,  the  founder  of  the  Academic  philosophy ; 
Eucleides,  the  founder  of  the  Megarie  school;  Aristippus,  the  founder  of 
the  Cyienaic  school ;  and  many  other  philosophers  of  eminence. 

§  14.  That  a  reformer  and  destroyer,  like  Socrates,  of  ancient  prejudices 
and  fallacies  which  passed  current  under  the  name  of  wisdom  should  have 
raised  up  a  host  of  enemies,  is  only  what  might  be  expected;  but  m  his 
case  this  feeling  was  increased  by  the  manner  m  which  he  fuWlled  h« 
mission.  The  oracle  of  Delphi,  in  response  to  a  question  put  by  his  friend 
Cbierephon,  had  affirmed  that  no  man  was  wiser  than  Socrates,  ^o  one 
was  more  perplexed  at  this  declaration  than  Socrates  himself,  smce  he 
was  conscious  to  himself  of  possessing  no  wisdom  at  aU.  However  Je 
detormined  to  test  the  accuracy  of  the  priestess,  for  though  he  had  httle 
wisdom,  others  might  have  stiU  less.  He  therefore  selected  an  eminent 
poUtician  who  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  for  wisdom,  and  soon  e  icited,  by 
k  Bcrutmizing  method  of  c«.ss-examination,  that  this  statesman  s  reputed 


I 


Chap.  XXXV.] 


SOCRATES. 


391 


wisdom  was  no  wisdom  at  all.  But  of  this  he  could  not  convince  the  sub- 
ject of  his  examination ;  whence  Socrates  concluded  that  he  was  wiser 
than  this  politician,  inasmuch  as  he  was  conscious  of  his  own  ignorance, 
and  therefore  exempt  from  the  error  of  believing  himself  wise  when  in 
reality  he  was  not  so.  The  same  experiment  was  tried,  with  the  same 
result,  on  various  classes  of  men  ;  on  poets,  mechanics,  and  especially  on 
the  rhetors  and  sophists,  the  chief  of  all  the  pretenders  to  wisdom. 

§  15.  The  first  indication  of  the  unpopularity  which  Socrates  had 
incurred  is  the  attack  made  upon  him  by  Aristophanes  in  the  "  Clouds,'* 
in  the  year  423  b.  c.  That  attack,  however,  seems  to  have  evaporated 
with  the  laugh,  and  for  many  years  Socrates  continued  his  teaching  with- 
out molestation.  It  was  not  till  b.  c.  399  that  the  indictment  was  pre- 
ferred against  him  which  cost  him  his  life.  In  that  year,  Meletus,  a 
leather-seller,  seconded  by  Anytus,  a  poet,  and  Lycon,  a  rhetor,  accused 
him  of  impiety  in  not  worshipping  the  gods  of  the  city,  and  in  introducing 
new  deities,  and  also  of  being  a  corrupter  of  youth.  With  respect  to  the 
latter  charge,  his  former  intimacy  with  Alcibiades  and  Critias  may  have 
weighed  against  him.  Socrates  made  no  preparations  for  his  defence,  and 
seems,  indeed,  not  to  have  desired  an  acquittal.  But  although  he  ad- 
dressed the  dicasts  in  a  bold,  uncompromising  tone,  he  was  condemned  only 
by  a  small  majority  of  five  or  six,  in  a  court  composed  of  between  five  and 
isix  hundred  dicasts.  After  the  verdict  was  pronounced,  he  was  entitled, 
according  to  the  practice  of  the  Athenian  courts,  to  make  some  counter- 
proposition  in  place  of  the  penalty  of  death,  which  the  accusers  had 
demanded,  and  if  he  had  done  so  with  any  show  of  submission  it  is  proba- 
ble that  the  sentence  would  have  been  mitigated.  But  his  tone  after  the 
verdict  was  higher  than  before.  All  that  he  could  be  brought  to  propose 
against  himself  by  way  of  punishment  was  a  fine  of  thirty  min(E^  which 
Plato  and  other  friends  engaged  to  pay  for  him.  Instead  of  a  fine,  he 
asserted  that  he  ought  to  be  maintained  in  the  Prytaneum  at  the  public 
expense,  as  a  public  benefactor.  This  tone  seems  to  have  enraged  the 
dicasts,  and  he  was  condemned  to  death. 

It  happened  that  the  vessel  which  proceeded  to  Delos  on  the  annual 
deputation  to  the  festival  had  sailed  the  day  before  his  condemnation ;  and 
during  its  absence  it  was  unlawful  to  put  any  one  to  death.  Socrates  was 
thus  kept  in  prison  during  thirty  days,  till  the  return  of  the  vessel.  He 
spent  the  interval  in  philosophical  conversations  with  his  friends.  Crito, 
one  of  these,  arranged  a  scheme  for  his  escape  by  bribing  the  gaoler ;  but 
Socrates,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  tone  of  his  defence,  resolutely 
refused  to  save  his  life  by  a  breach  of  the  law.  His  last  discourse,  on  the 
day  of  his  death,  turned  on  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  has  been 
recorded,  and  probably  embellished,  in  the  Phcedo  of  Plato.  With  a  firm 
and  cheerful  countenance  he  drank  the  cup  of  hemlock  amidst  his  soitow- 
ing  and  weeping  friends.     His  last  words  were  addressed  to  Crito  :-^ 


t'l 


HISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXV. 


393 


«  Crito,  we  owe  a  cock  to  ^sculapius ;  *  discharge  the  deht,  and  by  110 

means  omit  it." 

Thus  perished  the  greatest  and  most  original  of  the  Grecian  philoso- 
phers,  whose  uninspired  wisdom  made  the  nearest  approach  to  the  divine 
moraUty  of  the  GospeLf 


« In  aUnsion  to  the  sacrifice  usually  oflfered  by  sick  persons  to  that  deity  on  their 


lecovery. 


t  It  is  very  remarkable  that  Socrates,  if  we  may  rely  upon  the  account  Plato  gives  of  th« 
eonversations  held  in  the  prison,  during  the  last  two  days  of  his  life,  inculcates  the  doctrine 
flf ««  f&rffivenegs  of  injuries,  as  one  which  would  not  be  assented  to  at  that  time,  but  which 
nevertheless  to  him  a  truth. — Ei>. 


Bust  of  SocratM. 


The  Pactolus  at  Sardis* 


BOOK    V. 


THE   SPARTAN   AND   THEBAN   SUPREMACIES. 


B.  C.  403  -  371. 


CHAPTER    XXXVL 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  THE  GREEKS  UNDER  CYRUS,  AND  RETREAT  OF 

THE  TEN  THOUSAND. 


$  1.  Causes  of  the  Expedition.  ^  2.  Cjrrus  engages  an  Army  of  Greek  Mercenaries. 
Their  Character.  $  3.  March  to  Tarsus.  $  4.  Discontent  of  the  Greeks.  March  to 
Myriandrus.  $  5.  Passage  of  the  Euphrates,  and  March  through  the  Desert.  §  6.  Battle 
of  Cunaxa,  and  Death  of  Cyrus.  $  7.  Dismay  of  the  Greeks.  Preparations  for  Retreat. 
4  8.  Retreat  of  the  Army  to  the  Greater  Zab.  Seizure  of  the  Generals.  $  9.  Election  of 
Xenophon  and  others  as  Generals.  §  10.  March  from  the  Zab  to  the  Confines  of  the 
Carduchi.  March  across  the  Mountains  of  the  Carduchi.  §  11.  Progress  through 
Armenia.  $  12.  March  through  the  Comitry  of  the  Taochi,  Chalybes,  Scythini, 
Macrones,  and  Colchi  to  Trapezus  on  the  Euxine.  §  13.  March  along  the  Coast  of  the 
Euxine  to  Chrysopolis.  Passage  to  Byzantium.  $14.  Proceedings  at  Byzantium. 
$  15.  The  Greeks  enter  the  Service  of  Seuthes.  $  16.  Are  engaged  by  the  Lacedas- 
monians.    Last  Exploits  of  the  Army,  and  Retirement  of  Xenophon. 


§  1.  The  intervention  of  Cyrus  in  the  affairs  of  Greece,  related  in  the 

preceding  book,  led  to  a  remarkable  episode  in  Grecian  history,  which 

50 


394 


HISTORY   OF   GBEECE. 


[Chaf.  XXXVi 


I 


strongly  illustrates  tlie  contrast  between  the  Greeks  and  Asiatics.  This 
was  the  celebrated  expedition  of  Cyrus  against  his  brother  Artaxerxes,  m 
which  the  superiority  of  Grecian  to  Asiatic  soldiers  was  so  stnkmgly 
shown.  It  was  the  first  symptom  of  the  repulsion  of  the  tide  of  conquest 
which  had  in  former  times  flowed  from  east  to  west,  and  the  harbinger  of 
those  future  victorious  expeditions  into  Asia  which  were  to  be  conducted 
by  Agesilaus  and  Alexander  the  Great. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  in  the  account  of  the  death  of  Alci- 
biades,  that  Cyrus  was  forming  designs  against  the  throne  of  his  brother 
Artaxerxes.  The  death  of  their  father,  Dariu?  Nothus,  took  place  about 
the  beginning  of  the  year  b.  c.  404,  shortly  before  the  battle  of  .^gos- 
potami.  Cyrus,  who  was  present  at  his  father's  death,  was  charged  by  Tis- 
saphemes  with  plotting  against  the  new  monarch.  The  accusation  was 
beUeved  by  Artaxerxes,  who  seized  his  brother,  and  would  have  put  him 
to  death,  but  for  the  intercession  of  their  mother,  Parysatis,  who  persuaded 
him  not  only  to  spare  Cyrus,  but  to  confii-m  him  in  his  former  government. 
Cyrus  returned  to  Sardis,  burning  with  revenge,  and  fully  resolved  to 
make  an  effort  to  dethrone  his  brother. 

§  2.  From  his  intercourse  with  the  Greeks  Cyrus  had  become  aware  of 
their  superiority  to  the  Asiatics,  and  of  their  usefulness  in  such  an  enter- 
prise as  he  now  contemplated.  The  peace  which  followed  the  capture  of 
Athens  seemed  favorable  to  his  projects.  Many  Greeks,  bred  up  in  the 
practice  of  war  during  the  long  struggle  between  that  city  and  Sparta, 
were  now  deprived  of  their  employment,  whilst  many  more  had  been 
driven  into  exile  by  the  establishment  of  the  Spartan  oligarchies  in  the 
various  conquered  cities.  Under  the  pretence  of  a  private  war  with  the 
satrap  Tissaphemes,  Cyrus  enlisted  large  numbers  of  them  in  his  service. 
The  Greek  in  whom  he  placed  most  confidence,  and  who  collected  for 
him  the  largest  number  of  mercenaries,  was  Clearchus,  a  Lacedaemonian, 
and  formerly  harmost  of  Byzantium,  who  had  been  condemned  to  death  by 
the  Spartan  authorities  for  disobedience  to  their  orders. 

It  was  not,  however,  till  the  beginning  of  the  year  b.  c.  401,  that  the 
enterprise  of  Cyrus  was  ripe  for  execution.  The  Greek  levies  were  then 
withdrawn  from  the  various  towns  in  which  they  were  distributed,  and 
concentrated  in  Sardis,  to  the  number  of  seven  thousand  seven  hundred 
hoplites,  and  five  hundred  hght-armed  troops  j  and  in  March  or  April  of 
this  year  Cyrus  marched  from  Sardis  with  them,  and  with  an  army  of 
one  hundred  thousand  Asiatics.  The  object  of  the  expedition  was  pro- 
claimed to  be  an  attack  upon  the  mountain-freebooters  of  Pisidia;  its 
real  destination  was  a  secret  to  every  one  except  Cyrus  himself  and 

Clearchus. 

The  Greeks  who  took  part  m  this  expedition  were  not  mere  adven- 
turers and  outcasts  ;  many  of  them  had  some  position  in  their  own  cities, 
and  several  were  even  opulent.    Yet  the  hope  of  gain,  founded  on  the 


B.  C.  401.] 


KOUTE    OF   THE   TEN   THOUSAND. 


395 


I 


§ 

o 

H 
a 

i 

Cm 
O 

s 

I 


riches  of  Persia,  and  on  the  known  liberality  of  C^tus,  was  the  motive 
which  allured  them.  Among  them  was  Xenophon,  an  Athenian  knight, 
to  whom  we  owe  a  narrative  of  the  expedition.  He  went  as  a  volunteer, 
at  the  invitation  of  his  friend  Proxenus,  a  Boeotian,  and  one  of  the 
generals  of  Cyrus. 


H' 


396 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVI. 


§  3.  The  march  of  Cyrus  was  directed  through  Lydia  ^^  Phrygi^ 
After  passing  Colossa.  he  arrived  at  Cela^n^,  where  he  halted  thirty  day8 
^await  the  arrival  of  Clearchus  with  the  reserves  aud  remforcements^ 
The  grand  total  of  the  Greeks,  when  reviewed  here  by  Cjtus,  amounted 
to  eleven  thousand  hoplites  and  two  thousand  peltasts.     The^hne  of  march, 
which  had  been  hitherto  straight  upon  Pisidia,  was  now  direc  ed  north- 
wards.     Cyi-us  passed  in  succession  the  Phrygian  ^^  ^^  ^^^^^^^ 
mon  Aj^ra,  the  Plain  of  Cayster,  Thymbnum,  and  Tyna^um.     At  the 
last  of  rhes^  places  he  was  met  by  Epyaxa,  wife  of  Syennesis,  the  herecU- 
taiy  prince  of  Cilicia.     Epyaxa  supplied  him  with  money  enough  to  ftir- 
^four  months'  pay  to  the  Greeks,  who  had  previously  been  mumurmg 
at  the  irregularitV  with  which  they  received  their  stiiK^nd     A  review  was 
then  held,  in  which  the  Greeks,  in  their  best  array,  and  with  newly-fur- 
bished  shields  and  armor,  went  thn>ugh  their  evolutions,  and  executed  a 
mock  charge  with  such  effect  that  Epyaxa  jumped  out  of  her  pahmquin 
aad  fled  in  affright,  followed  by  a  great  part  of  the  Asiatics.     Cyrus  ^as 
delighted  at  seeing  the  ten-or  which  the  Greeks  inspired. 

From  Tyri^mn  Cyrus  marched  to  Iconium  (now  Konieh),  the  last  city 
in  Phrygia'  and  from  thence  through  Lycaonia  to  Dana,  south  of  which 
lay  th7p-s  across  Mount  Taurus  into  Cilicia  This  pass,  -^^ed  the  Gates 
of  Taurus,  or  the  CUician  Gates,  was  occupied  by  Syennesis.  But  the  re- 
sistance  of  that  prince,  who  was  a  vassal  of  the  ^~  .^--"'J^^ 
fact  a  mere  feint.  He  had  already,  as  we  have  seen  supplied  Cyrus  with 
„.oney  through  his  wife ;  and  he  now  abandoned  his  mipregnab  e  po« 
and  Lred  first  to  Tarsus,  and  thence  to  an  inaccessible  ^^  ress  in  the 
mountains.  But  when  Cyrus  arrived  at  Tarsus,  Syennesis,  at  the  first  in- 
vitation  of  his  wife,  repaired  thither,  and  furnished  the  young  prmce  with 
a  supply  of  money  and  a  contingent  of  troops  for  his  expedition. 

§  4  Pisidia  h  J  now  been  passed,  and  the  Greeks  plamly  saw  that  they 
had  been  deceived,  and  that  the  expedition  was  designed  against  the  Per- 
Bian  king.  Seized  with  aUirm  at  the  prospect  of  ^ ^^^^^^^^''^  ^^J 
declared  their  resolution  to  pn>ceed  no  farther.  But  they  had  already  ad- 
vanced so  far  that  to  retreat  seemed  as  difficult  and  dangerous  as  to  ad- 
vance ;  and,  after  considerable  hesitation  and  delay,  they  sent  a  deputa^K>n 
to  Cy^s  to  ask  him  what  his  real  mtentions  were.  Cyrus  -plied  that 
Ms  design  was  to  march  against  liis  enemy,  Abrocom^,  f^^^^fj^^^ 
who  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates.  The  Greeks,  though 
they  still  suspecL  a  delusion,  contented  themselves  with  tl-  jswer  m 
thefece  of  their  present  difficulties,  especially  as  Cynis  P~d  <>  -^^ 
their  pay  fiom  one  daric  to  one  daric  and  a  half  a  month  The  ^de 
^y  then  marched  forwards  to  Issus,  the  kst  town  in  Cdicia,  seat^  o^ 

the  U  of  the  same  name.  Here  they  met  ^^^/^^^^"^^^^  ^^^^  "^^ 
a  rebforcement  of  eleven  hundred  Greek  soldiers,  thus  raising  the  Grc 
cian  force  to  about  fourteen  thousand  men. 


n.  c.  401.] 


PASSAGE    OP   THE    EUPHRATES. 


397 


Abrocomas,  who  commanded  for  the  Great  King  in  Syria  and  Phoenicia, 
alarmed  at  the  rapid  progress  of  Cyrus,  fled  before  him  with  all  his  army 
reported  as  three  hundred  thousand  strong ;  abandoning  the  impregnable 
pass  situated  one  day's  march  from  Issus,  and  known  as  the  Gates  of  Cili- 
cia and  Syria.  This  pass  was  a  narrow  road,  nearly  half  a  mile  in  length, 
lying  between  the  sea  and  Mount  Amanus,  and  inclosed  at  either  end  by 
gates.  Marching  in  safety  through  this  pass,  the  army  next  reached  My- 
riandrus,  a  sea-port  of  Phoenicia,  where  the  Grecian  generals  Xenias 
and  Pasion  deserted,  and  hired  a  merchant-vessel  to  convey  them  home. 
Cyrus  might  easily  have  captured  them  with  his  triremes,  but  declined 
to  do  so ;  —  conduct  which  won  for  him  the  confidence  and  love  of  the 
army. 

§  5.  Cyrus  now  struck  off  into  the  interior,  over  Mount  Amanus. 
Twelve  days*  march  brought  him  to  Thapsacus  on  the  Euphrates,  where 
for  the  first  time  he  formally  notified  to  the  army  that  he  was  marching  to 
Babylon  agamst  his  brother  Artaxerxes.  At  this  intelligence  loud  mur- 
murs again  broke  forth  from  the  Grecian  ranks,  and  accusations  against 
the  generals  of  having  deceived  them.  The  discontent,  however,  was  by 
no  means  so  violent  as  that  which  had  been  manifested  at  Tarsus.  The 
real  object  of  the  march  had  evidently  been  suspected  beforehand  by  the 
soldiers,  and  the  promise  of  a  large  donative  soon  induced  them  to  proceed. 
The  water  happened  to  be  very  low,  scarcely  reaching  to  the  breast ;  and 
Abrocomas  made  no  attempt  to  dispute  the  passage.  The  army  now  en- 
tei-ed  upon  the  desert,  where  the  Greeks  were  struck  with  the  novel  sights 
which  met  their  view,  and  at  once  amused  and  exhausted  themselves  in 
the  chase  of  the  wild  ass  and  the  antelope,  or  in  the  vain  pursuit  of  the 
scudding  ostrich.  After  several  days  of  toilsome  march,  the  army  at  length 
reached  Pylae,  the  entrance  into  the  cultivated  plains  of  Babylonia,  where 
they  halted  a  few  days  to  refresh  themselves. 

§  6.  Soon  after  leaving  that  place  symptoms  became  perceptible  of  a 
vast  hostile  force  moving  in  their  front.  The  exaggerated  reports  of  de- 
serters stated  it  at  one  million  two  hundred  thousand  men ;  its  real  strength 
was  about  nine  hundred  thousand.  In  a  characteiistic  address  Cyrus  ex- 
horted the  Greeks  to  take  no  heed  of  the  multitude  of  their  enemies ;  they 
would  find  in  them,  he  affirmed,  nothing  but  numbers  and  noise,  and  if 
they  could  bring  themselves  to  despise  these,  they  would  soon  find  of  what 
worthless  stuff  the  natives  were  composed.  The  army  then  marched  cau- 
tiously forwards,  in  oixier  of  battle,  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Euphrates. 
They  soon  came  ujwn  a  huge  trench,  thirty  feet  broad  and  eighteen  deep, 
which  Artaxerxes  had  caused  to  be  dug  across  the  plain  for  a  length  of 
about  forty-two  English  miles,  reaching  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  wall 
of  Media.  Between  it  and  the  river  was  left  only  a  narrow  passage  about 
twenty  feet  broad  ;  yet  Cyrus  and  his  army  found  with  surprise  that  this 
pass  was  left  entirely  undefended.     This  circumstance  inspired  them  with 


.^ 


HISTOEY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVi 


398 

but  on  the  next  day  but  one  after  pasa  g  .      ,jj        ^  that  Artoxerxes 

was  appr^aelnng  mth  aU  h^/^^^^^  ^^^        ,ed  on  the  righ^  >vh,le 
army  in  order  of  battle.     Ihe  «^««^«  '         ^  ;    hundred  Persian 

Cy^s  himself,  surrounded  by  a  picked  ^rS^'^^'^^  ^„,,,,,,,  before 
cu^nu^iers,  took  up  his  station  in  the  ^  ^   JJ;  ^wS^,  ^loud  of  dust 

..e  army  of  ^^^^  ^^^^^^^^^Z^  of  their  appro^h.    Out 
in  the  extreme  distance  gave  me  nrs  gradually  to  emerge; 

of  this  an  ^'^^^^^f^J^Z^TZl^Ll,  and  It  length  the 
presently  arms  and  armor  glancec  m  „dvancin*-  in  dense  and 

i:hole  ^y  of  the  '^^^l^;ZiXZfi:^^^^y  op^sed  to  the 
threatening  masses.    On  their  »«  ™'         ^    p^^j^n  horsemen,  with 
Greeks  appeared  Tissaphe-s  ^t  th   h^  ^  the^^  ^.^^  ^^^.^ 
white  cuirasses;  on  Ins  nght  t^e  i-ersiai  from  behind 

Ught  wicker  shields,  which  *ey  Plan^ -.  '^  f^L  infantry,  whose 
them  shot  their  arrows ;  next,  the  -"^J^^^^^^  ,,  foot.  V  front 

long  wooden  shields  '^^^^^^^l^^  £^^Z  the  wheels,  and  which 
was  a  Une  of  chariots,  ha^ng  ^y^^  -  ^  ^^^  ^^^  .^  ^^^^re  ex- 

were  to  lead  ««^f  "ff.  ^'^f  Tfore  the  battle  began  Cyrus  desired 
tended  beyond  the  left  of  Gyrus.     ^«°^  ^    y      ;„  person  was 

Clearchus  to  attack  the  Persian  cent«swhe^^«^';^^^^^jji,. 

««ted     But  Clearchus,  whose  right  rested  on  ^e  "ver, 

postea.     Du<,v-  ipsf  he  should  be  surrounded  by  the  superior  uu 

draw  from  that  P«^'"'^"'/^^^*J^ '''^^^^^  a  general  answer  that  he  would 
bers  of  the  enemy,  and  therefore  "^^^™^^  4^^^„,ion  occasioned  the  de- 
.namige  eveiything  for  the  best     His  over  p^^  ^^  ^  ^^^  ^^^^ 

feat  and  death  of  Cyrus,  ^^f"  *«  ^^/^^^^r-^hout.  The  Persians  did 
the  Greeks  charged  them  '"^  *  VL  Tteaphemes  and  his  cavaby 
not  await  their  onset,  but  turned  and  M.  J-^Jp^^.,^  ,^^  ^^  routed 
atone  offered  any  resistance;  *«  «='"7^*' "f.  *  ^^e  easy  victory  of  the 
Ihout  a  blow.  As  Cyrus  was  co»^-P«  *  I^e^  "m  -*  *« 
Gre.^,  his  followei.  "t,  rit  oTa^Scs  still  remained  un- 
title of  king.     But  the  centre  and  right  o^^  Ar^  ^^^^^ 

broken ;  and  that  monarch,  --^^<^^  ^f'^'^l  Cyrus.  No  sooner  did 
the  right  -7''^tttv:r:'^LwithT^VK,^y4uard  he  impetuously 
Cyrus  perceive  thi»  «'~"Yere  Artaxerxes  himself  stood,  surrounded 
charged  the  enemy's  ««""«' ^'^^r^^  routed  and  dispersed,  and  were 
with  six  thousand  horse.    The  latter  J^^  ~  ,^ft  ^ost  alone 

Mowed  so  eagerly  by  the  guards  of  ^^^^^^l  ^  ,^,  ,it„ation  he 
with  the  select  few  called  his  « Table  Com^nK"-     ^  ^^ 

caught  sight  of  his  b«.4er  ^'^-^"f 'jtreT>^  ^  -^'''°"'  "^ 
flight  of  his  t-P^' r''-' -^^^TllThim'w^  his  handful  of  com- 
Bhouted  out,  « I  see  the  man !    wd  ™^e^  «  ^  him  in  the  breast. 

panions.    Hurling  his  javehn  at  his  brother,  he  wounaea 


B.  C.  401.J' 


RETREAT    OF   THE    GREEKS. 


3d9 


but  was  himself  speedily  overborne  by  superior  numbers  and  slain  on  the 
spot. 

§  7.  Meanwhile,  Clearchus  had  pursued  the  flying  enemy  upwards  of 
three  miles ;  but  hearing  that  the  king's  troops  were  victorious  on  the 
left  and  centre,  he  retraced  his  steps,  again  routing  the  Persians  who  en- 
deavored to  intercept  him.  When  the  Greeks  regained  their  camp  they 
found  that  it  had  been  completely  plundered,  and  were  consequently  ob- 
liged to  go  supperless  to  rest.  It  was  not  till  the  following  day  that  they 
learned  the  death  of  Cyrus ;  tidings  wliich  converted  their  triumph  into 
sorrow  and  dismay.  A  Greek  in  the  service  of  Artaxerxes  now  appeared 
in  their  camp,  with  a  message  requiring  them  to  lay  down  their  arms.  "  K 
the  king,"  replied  the  Grecian  generals,  "  thinks  himself  strong  enough, 
let  him  come  and  take  them."  But  they  were  in  a  difficult  position.  They 
were  desirous  that  Ariajus,  who  now  commanded  the  anny  of  Cyrus,  should 
lay  claim  to  the  Persian  crown,  and  offered  to  support  his  pretensions ;  but 
Aria)us  answered  that  the  Persian  grandees  would  not  tolerate  such  a 
claim  ;  that  he  intended  immediately  to  retreat ;  and  that  if  the  Greeks 
wished  to  accompany  him,  they  must  join  him  during  the  following  night 
This  was  accordingly  done ;  when  oaths  of  reciprocal  fidelity  were  mter- 
changed  between  the  Grecian  generals  and  Aria3us,  and  sanctified  by  a 
solemn  sacrifice. 

The  difficult  question  now  arose  how  their  retreat  was  to  be  conducted. 
They  were  nearly  fifteen  hundred  miles  from  Sardis,  and  were  to  find 
their  own  way  back,  without  guides,  and  by  a  new  route,  since  the  for- 
mer one  was  impracticable  on  account  of  the  desert  and  the  want  of 
provisions.  Moreover,  though  they  might  easily  defy  the  Persian  infantry, 
however  numerous,  yet  the  Persian  cavalry,  ever  hovering  on  tlieir  rear 
would  prove  a  formidable  obstacle  to  their  retreat.  They  commenced 
their  march  eastwards  towards  some  Babylonian  villages,  where  they  hoped 
to  find  supplies ;  but  on  reaching  them  at  the  end  of  a  long  day's  march, 
they  found  that  they  had  been  plundered,  and  that  no  provisions  were  to 
be  obtained. 

On  the  following  day  a  message  arrived  from  the  Persian  king,  with  a 
proi)osal  to  treat  for  peace  on  equal  terms.  Clearchus  affected  to  treat 
the  offer  with  great  indifference,  and  made  it  an  opportunity  for  procuring 
provisions.  "  Tell  your  king,"  said  he  to  the  envoys,  "  that  we  must  first 
fight ;  for  we  have  had  no  breakfast,  nor  will  any  man  presume  to  talk  to 
the  Greeks  about  a  truce,  without  first  providing  for  them  a  breakfast." 
This  was  agreed  to,  and  guides  were  sent  to  conduct  the  Greeks  to  some 
villages  where  they  might  obtain  food.  In  these  all  the  riches  of  Babylon 
were  spread  before  them.  Com  in  vast  abundance,  dates  of  such  size  and 
flavor  as  they  had  never  before  seen,  wine  made  from  the  date  pahn;  in 
short,  luxury  and  abundance  in  place  of  their  late  scanty  fare  and  priva- 
tions.    Wliilst  they  were  enjoying  these  quarters,  they  received  a  visit 


400 


HISTOKT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIV 


B.  C.  401.] 


BETBEAT   OF   THE    GBEEKS. 


401 


t. 


from  Tissapbemes,  who  came  in  great  state.  He  pretended  much  friend- 
ship towards  them,  and  said  that  he  had  come  from  the  Great  King  to  in- 
quire the  reason  of  their  expedition.  Clearchus  replied  — what  was  in- 
deed trae  of  the  greater  part  of  the  army  —  that  they  had  not  come  thither 
with  any  design  to  attack  the  king,  but  had  been  enticed  forwards  by  Cy- 
rus under  Use  pretences ;  that  their  only  desire  at  present  was  to  retuni 
home ;  but  that  if  any  obstacle  was  offered,  they  were  prepared  to  repel 
hostilities.  In  a  day  or  two  Tissaphemes  returned,  and  with  some  panule 
stated  that  he  had  with  gi-eat  difficulty  obtained  permission  to  save  the 
Greek  array ;  that  he  was  ready  to  conduct  them  in  person  into  Geeece, 
and  to  supply  them  with  provisions,  for  which,  however,  they  were  to  pay ; 
but  if  he  faUed  to  supply  them,  then  they  were  to  be  at  liberty  to  help 
themselves.     An  agreement  was  accordingly  entered  into  to  this  effect. 

Artaxerxes,  indeed,  seems  to  have  been  heartily  desirous  of  getting  rid 
of  them.  They  were  now  within  ninety  miles  of  Babylon,  a  rich  country 
intersected  by  canals,  and  easily  defensible  against  cavalry.  But  a  pain- 
fill  interval  of  twenty  days  ensued,  during  which  Tissaphemes  neglected  to 
return ;  whilst  at  the  same  time  the  suspicions  of  the  Greeks  were  excited 
by  the  friendly  messages  which  Ariaeus  received  from  Artaxerxes,  with 
promises  of  oblivion  and  forgiveness  of  his  past  conduct.  At  length,  how- 
ever, Tissaphemes  retumed,  and  undertook  the  direction  of  the  homeward 

inarch. 

§  8.  The  troops  of  Ariaeus  were  now  mingled  with  those  of  Tissa- 
phemes, whilst  the  Greeks  followed  the  combined  army  at  a  distance  of 
three  miles.    In  three  days'  march  they  reached  the  wall  of  Media,  and 
passed  through  it     This  wall  was  one  hundred  feet  high  and  twenty  feet 
brood,  and  was  said  to  extend  a  distance  of  seventy  miles.     Two  days 
more  brought  them  to  the  Tigris,  which  they  crossed  on  the  following 
moming  by  a  bridge  of  boats.     They  then  marched  northward,  arriving  in 
four  days  at  the  river  Physcus  and  a  large  city  called  Opis.     Six  days' 
further  march  through  a  deserted  part  of  Media  brought  them  to  some  vil- 
lages belonging  to  Queen  Parysatis,  which,  out  of  enmity  to  her  as  the  patron 
of'cyrus,  Tissaphemes  abandoned  to  be  plundered  by  the  Greeks.     From 
thence  they  proceeded  in  five  days  to  the  river  Zabatus,  or  Greater  Zab, 
having  previously  crossed  the  Lesser  Zab,  which  Xenophon  neglects  to 
mention.     In  the  first  of  these  five  days  they  saw  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  Tigris  a  large  city  called  Cienae,  the  inhabitants  of  which  brought  over 
provisions  to  them.    At  the  Greater  Zab  they  halted  three  days.     Mis- 
tmst,  and  even  slight  hostilities,  had  been  already  manifested  between  the 
Greeks  and  Persians,  but  they  now  became  so  serious,  that  Clearchus 
demanded  an  inter\iew  with  Tissaphemes.     The  latter  protested  the 
greatest  fidelity  and  friendship  towards  the  Greeks,  and  promised  to 
deliver  to  the  Greek  generals,  on  the  following  day,  the  calumniators  who 
hJid  set  the  two  armies  at  variance.    But  when  Clearchus,  with  four  other 


generals,  accompanied  by  some  lochages,  or  captains,  and  two  hundred 
soldiers,  entered  the  Persian  camp,  according  to  appointment,  the  captains 
and  soldiers  were  immediately  cut  down ;  whilst  the  five  generals  were 
seized,  put  into  irons,  and  sent  to  the  Persian  court.  After  a  short  im- 
prisonment, four  of  them  were  beheaded ;  the  fifth,  Menon,  who  pretended 
that  he  had  betrayed  his  colleagues  into  the  hands  of  Tissaphemes,  was  at 
first  spared ;  but  after  a  year's  detention  was  put  to  death  with  tortures. 

This  scene  naturally  produced  a  commotion  in  the  Persian  camp ;  and 
the  Greeks,  who  observed  it  from  afar,  warned  by  one  of  the  companions 
of  the  generals,  who  came  running  wounded  towards  them,  rushed  to  arms 
in  expectation  of  a  general  attack.  None,  however,  followed ;  but  Ariteus 
rode  up  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  horse,  and,  relating  to  the  Greeks 
the  fate  of  their  generals,  called  u^ion  them  to  surrender. 

§  9.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  the  Persians,  that  under  these 
circumstances  the  Greeks  would  feel  themselves  completely  helpless ;  but 
some  of  the  Greek  officers  stepped  forward  and  dismissed  Ai-ijeus  with 
indignant  reproaches.     Yet  apprehension  and  dismay  reigned  among  the 
Greeks.     Their  situation  was,  indeed,  appalling.     They  were  considerably 
more  than  a  thousand  miles  from  home,  in  a  hostile  and  unknown  country, 
hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  impassable  rivers  and  mountains,  without 
generals,  without  guides,  without  provisions.     Despair  seemed  to  have 
seized  on   all.     Leaving  their  watch-fires   unlighted  and  their  suppers 
uncooked,  they  threw  themselves  on  the  ground,  not  to  sleep,  but  to  rumi- 
nate on  their  foHorn  condition.     Xenophon  slumbered,  indeed,  but  his 
fancy  was  filled  with  the  images  naturally  conjured  up  by  his  desperate 
situation.     He  dreamed  that  a  thunderbolt  had  struck  his  paternal  house, 
and  enveloped  it  in  flames.     This  partly  favorable  and  partly  unfavorable 
omen  indicated  at  all  events  a  message  from  Zeus ;  and  the  superstition 
which  formed  so  marked  a  trait  in  his  character  led  him  to  consider  it  as 
a  warning  to  rise  and  bestir  himself.     He  immediately  got  up,  and,  calling 
an  assembly  of  the  captains,  impressed  upon  them  the  danger  of  their 
position,  and  the  necessity  for  taking  immediate  precautions.     Xenophon, 
though  young,  possessed  as  an  Athenian  citizen  some  claim  to  distinction; 
and  his  animated  address  showed   him  fitted  for  command.     He  was 
saluted  general  on  the  spot;  and  in  a  subsequent  assembly  was,  with  four 
others,  fomially  elected  to  that  office. 

§  10.  The  Greeks,  having  first  destroyed  their  superfluous  baggage, 
crossed  the  Greater  Zab,  and  pursued  their  march  on  the  other°bank. 
Tissaphemes  preceded  them  with  his  host,  but  without  daring  to  dispute 
their  passage  or  molest  their  route ;  though  some  cavalry,  under  Mithri- 
dates,  annoyed  the  rear-guard  with  their  missiles.  In  order  to  meet  this 
species  of  attack,  a  small  body  of  fifty  horse  and  two  hundred  Rhodian 
shngers  was  organized.  It  was  found  highly  useful,  as  the  leaden  bullets 
af  the  Ehodians  carried  farther  than  the  stones  of  the  Persian  slingers. 

51 


40f 


HISTORY   OF  GKEECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVI. 


Another  day's  march  brought  the  Greeks  to  the  Tigris,  near  the  deserted 
city  of  Larissa,  seven  miles  in  circumference,  with  walls  twenty-five  feet 
tMck  and  one  liundred  feet  high.  Pursuing  the  course  of  the  Tigris,  they 
aiTived  on  the  following  day  at  Mespila,  another  deserted  city.  It  was  m 
this  neighborhood  that  Nineveh  was  situated,  and,  according  to  a  modem 
theory,  "the  two  were  both  formerly  comprised  under  the  name  of  Nineveh. 
Larissa  seems  to  be  represented  by  the  mound  now  called  Nimroud,  and 
MespUa  by  that  of  Kouyunjik,  opposite  the  modem  town  of  Mosul. 

The  march  from  Mespila  to  the  mountainous  countiy  of  the  Carduchi 
occupied  several  days,  in  which  the  Greeks  suffered  much  from  the  attacks 

of  the  enemy.  i     .         n 

§  11.  Their  future  route  was  now  a  matter  of  serious  perplexity.     Un 
their  left  lay  the  Tigris,  so  deep  that  they  could  not  fathom  it  with  their 
speai-s;  while  in  their  front  rose  the  steep  and  lofty  mountains  of  the 
Carduclii,  which  came  so  near  the  river  as  hardly  to  leave  a  passage  for 
its  waters.     A  Rhodian  soldier  proposed  to  transport  the  amiy  acmss  the 
Ti-ris  by  means  of  inflated  skms ;  but  the  appearance  of  large  masses  of 
threnem/s  cavalry  on  the  opposite  bank  rendered  this  ingenious  scheme 
impracticable.     As  all  other  roads  seemed  barred,  they  formed  the  reso- 
lution  of  striking  into  the  mountains  of  the  Carduchi, -a  tribe  of  fierce 
and  warlike  highlanders,  who,  though  surrounded  on  aU  sides  by  the 
dominions  of  the  Persian  king,  had  succeeded  in  maintaimng  their  inde- 
pendence.^  On  the  farther  side  of  these  mountains  lay  Armenia,  where 
both  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  might  be  forded  near  their  sources. 
The  Greeks  found  the  first  mountain-pass  undefended,  and  descended 
thence  into  some  villages ;  but  all  their  attempts  to  conciliate  the  inhab- 
itants  pmved  unavaihng.     Every  pass  was  disputed.     Sometimes  huge 
TOcks  were  hurled  down  on  the  defiling  army;  sometimes  they  were 
attacked  by  the  Carduchian  slingers  and  bowmen.     The  latter  were  of 
cxtraoi^inaiy  skiU,  and  their  bows  and  arrows  of  such  strength  as  to 
pierce  the  shields  and  corslets,  and  even  the  brazen  helmets,  of  the  Greeks. 
After  a  difficult  and  dangen>us  march  of  seven  days,  dunng  which  their 
Bufferings  were  far  greater  than  any  they  had  experienced  from  the  Per- 
gians,  the  army  at  length  emerged  into  the  plain,  and  reached  the  nver 
Centrites,  the  boundary  of  Armenia. 

§  12.  Then-  first  attempts  to  cross  the  Centrites  failed.  The  cavalry  «>f 
Tiribazus,  satrap  of  Armenia,  Uned  the  opposite  bank  of  the  nver,  which 
was  two  hundred  feet  broad,  up  to  the  neck  in  depth,  with  a  rapid  current 
and  slippery  bottom.  All  the  efforU  of  the  Greeks  to  ford  it  proved 
abortive  ;  and  as  the  Carduchi  were  threatenmg  their  rear,  their  situation 
seemed  altogether  desperate.  On  the  following  morning,  however,  two 
yomi-  men  fortunately  discovered  a  ford  about  half  a  mile  higher  up  the 
streak,  by  which  the  whole  army  succeeded  in  getting  across.  They  now 
prosecuted  their  march  in  Armenia,  and  in  three  days  amved  at  some 


hi 


B.  C.  401.  J 


ARRIVE   IN   SIGHT   OP  THE  EUXINE. 


403 


villages  situated  on  the  river  Teleboas.  Here  Tiribazus  proposed  to  them 
that  they  should  proceed  unmolested  through  his  satrapy,  taking  what 
supplies  they  wanted,  but  without  damaging  the  villages.  During  the  first 
part  of  their  march  Tiribazus  kept  his  word,  and  the  only  annoyance  they 
felt  was  the  severity  of  the  weather.  It  was  now  the  month  of  December, 
and  Armenia  was  cold  and  exposed,  being  a  table-land  raised  high  above 
the  level  of  the  sea.  Whilst  halting  near  some  well-supplied  villages,  the 
Greeks  were  overtaken  by  two  deep  falls  of  snow,  which  ahnost  buried 
them  in  their  open  bivouacs.  Hence  a  five  days'  march  brought  them  to 
the  eastern  branch  of  the  Euphrates.  Ci-ossing  the  river,  they  proceeded 
on  the  other  side  of  it  over  plains  covered  with  deep  snow,  and  in  the  face 
of  a  biting  north  wind.  Here  many  of  the  slaves  and  beasts  of  burden, 
and  even  a  few  of  the  soldiers,  fell  victims  to  the  cold.  Some  had  their 
feet  frost-bitten ;  some  were  bhnded  by  the  snow ;  wliilst  others,  exhausted 
with  cold  and  hunger,  sunk  down  and  died.  The  army  next  arrived  at 
some  singular  vilkges,  consisting  of  dwellings  excavated  m  the  earth,  and 
entered  by  means  of  a  ladder  through  an  opening  like  a  well.  As  these 
villages  were  plentifully  stocked  with  cattle,  com,  vegetables,  and  beer, 
they  here  took  up  their  quarters  for  a  week,  in  order  to  refresh  them- 
selves. On  the  morning  after  their  arrival,  they  despatched  a  detach- 
ment which  brought  in  most  of  the  soldiers  left  behind  during  the  march 
On  the  eighth  day  they  proceeded  on  their  way,  ascending  the  banks  of 
the  Phasis,  not  the  celebrated  river  of  that  name,  but  probably  the  one 
usually  called  Araxes. 

§  13.  From  thence  they  fought  their  way  through  the  country  of  the 
Taochi  and  Chalybes,  both  of  them  brave  and  warlike  tribes.  Then,  after 
crossing  the  Harpasus  (the  modem  Tchorouk),  they  reached  the  country 
of  iho^  Scythini,  in  whose  territory  they  found  abundance  in  a  large  and 
populous  city  called  Gymnias.  The  chief  of  this  place  liavmg  engaged  to 
conduct  them  within  sight  of  the  Euxine,  they  proceeded  for  five  days 
under  his  guidance ;  when,  aft«r  ascending  a  mountain,  the  sea  suddenly 
burst  on  the  view  of  the  vanguard.  The  men  proclaimed  their  joy  by  loud 
shouts  of  "  The  sea !  the  sea ! "  The  rest  of  the  army  hurried  to  the  sum- 
mit, and  gave  vent  to  their  joy  and  exultation  in  tears  and  mutual  em- 
braces. With  spontaneous  impulse  they  erected  a  pile  of  stones,  by  way 
of  trophy,  to  mark  the  spot;  and  dismissed  then*  guide  with  many  presents 
and  expressions  of  the  warmest  gratitude. 

The  Greeks  now  entered  the  country  of  the  Macrones,  with  whom  they 
opened  negotiations  through  a  peltast  conversant  with  their  language,  and 
agreed  for  an  unmolested  passage  and  the  purchase  of  provisions.  The 
Colchians,  through  whose  territory  the  march  next  lay,  attempted  to  op- 
pose their  progress,  but  were  soon  dispersed.  The  honey  of  this  region 
produced  a  singular  effect  upon  the  Greeks.  It  was  grateful  to  the  palate, 
and  when  eaten  in  moderation  produced  a  species  of  intoxication;  but 


\i  < 


4^4 


HISTOBT  OP   GBEECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVI. 


B.  C.  400.] 


PROCEEDINGS   AT   BYZANTIUM. 


405 


..ose  W.0  pa.00.  largely  of  it  we«  seized  with  vo„.ting  and  dia.l.«a. 

and  thrown  into  a  state  ^^f>^^^^XZ.U  them  to  the  objects  for 
Two  days'  forther  march  at  l^^S^^  T*"^^^  ^t  one  time  had  never 
.bich  they  had  «.  often  P-^«^  ^d"!  By  the  inhabit^,  of 
hoped  to  see  ^ain,  — a  ^«'"«"  "'^  ,  ,^  y,^  „ow  arrived,  they 
TTpezusorTrebizond  o„^-E«^^^^^  C„j,,i,„  ,m^„es 

,.ere  hospitably  ^^'if^'^^^^^ ^,,  the  hardships  they  had  under- 
near  the  to.vn,  '^f^f^^^'rf  ^ They  also  seized  this  opportunity  to  dis- 
gone  by  a  repose  "^ 'I'f  ^  ^f  ^^/^^^e  for  a  safe  deliverance,  after  the 
eharge  the  vows  which  they  »^d  "»^\    Tissaphernes,  by  offering  up 

'-'T  r  rsrpit'  fH-ls''^«  CoLco.  ..d  other  g<^. 
sacrifices  to  Zeus  the  rrescrvc  ,  ceremonies. 

Solemn  games  followed  and  «•-?'«;  f^^^^^^^J,:  Ten  Thousand  was 
§  14.  The  most  difficult  part  of  the  return  ot  ^^  ^^^ 

„„;  accompUshed,  but  much  still  -^^^X-eeu.e^l-  remamder  of 
sea  awakened  in  the  army  -"rc'^S  -laimed  a  Thurian  soldier, 
fl^eir  journey  on  that  element        ^om^^;^  ^^  ^^^^j^^^„„ 

« I  am  weary  of  packmg  up,  of  marcmn„  j 

and  feUing  into  line,  of  standmg  -"'■-;;'j,  "^'"ly  ^ea  thJ  rest  of 
Bhould  Uke  to  get  rid  of  aU  tl.se  ^^^^^^^^^^  J  :  ^^d'and  asleep,  like 
the  way,  so  that  I  m^g  t  ^  G.  -^^.^  ^,,,,  .,,^d.ss 
Odysseus  of  old.      The  shouts  oi    i  v  ^^^.„  che.nso- 

showed  that  the  Thurian  had  touched  the  nghtcho^       Byzantium  and 

pbus,  one  of  the  principal  o^^i;^^^^^Zfo^  the  Ly,  his  pro- 
endeavor  to  procure  '^f'^J''''^l^ZIr^n  Thousand  were  em- 
posal  was  joyfuUy  accept«l.  ^e^"^  f' ;'^^,i„„  ^u  the  vessels  possible, 
S^yed  in  marauding  expeditions  «"•!  ™  ^^  ^^i""  i^Ue  supply.  That 
L  Le  Cheirisophus  should  fad  m  obtammg  t^^  rcq        ^^^^  1^^^^^  ^^^^^ 

officer  delayed  to  return;  provisions  8*^^ J^  J    ,, h^d  been  collected 

itself  compeUed  to  evacuate  Trape^"^-  ^ei-asus,  whither  the 

totransi^rtthewomen  the.d.  and*^^^^^^^      ^^^  ^^^^^  ^^  .,,„ 

amy  proceeded  by  land.    Here  tney  ^^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^^^  ^f 

they  we.^  mustered  and  'ey>ewed ;  w^^en  it  ^^^^  ^^.^^  ^^^^^^ 

hophtes  still  --f  «V°  ?'f „l'^^.^^  n  th  men. 

bowmen,  &c.,  made  a  total  "^  "°'«;  '^nev  to  Cotyora,  through  the  ter- 
From  Cerasus  they  P^'^f^.^^^'f  J°"™Thev  were  obliged  to  fight  their 
ritories  of  the  Mosyn^ci  and  ^^^'y'^J^lIg.^i  plundering  the 
way  through  the  fo^er  o^f^.T'^a  from  whlh  they  derived  their 

"~'^'"  rSyrS  wldln  'J:i  for  CHeinsophus  and  the  ti.ns- 
name.     At  Cotyora  iney  ^^  ^  ^  j^,  return.     Ihe 

ports.    Many  difficulties  ^'^'\T^  ^11^^' rlr.^  «'>-"Sl»  ^''^'''^ 
Miabitants  of  Sinop6  represented  to  them  that  a  ^^^  ^^ 

gonia  was  unpracticable,  -**%"'^'7/i.;^"a  sufficient  number  of 
tend.    After  remaining  forty-five  days  at  Cotyora,  a  sum 


vessels  was  collected  to  convey  the  army  to  Sinope.  A  passage  of  twen- 
ty-four hours  brought  them  to  that  town,  where  they  were  hospitably 
received  and  lodged  in  the  neighboring  sea-port  of  Armene.  Here  they 
were  joined  by  Cheirisophus  who,  however,  brought  with  him  only  a 
single  trireme.  From  Sinope  the  army  proceeded  to  Heraclea,  and  from 
thence  to  Calpe,  where  Cheirisophus  died.  From  Calpe  they  marched 
axjross  Bithynia  to  Chrysopolis,  a  town  immediately  opposite  to  Byzan 
tium,  where  they  spent  a  week  in  realizmg  the  booty  which  they  had 
brought  with  them. 

§  15.  The  satrap   Phamabazus  was  desirous  that  the  Greeks   should 
evacuate  Asia  Minor ;  and,  at  his  instance,  Anaxibius,  the  Lacedjemonian 
admiral  on  the  station,  induced  them  to  cross  over  by  promising  to  provide 
them  with  pay  when  they  should  have  reached  the  other  side.     But  in- 
stead of  fulfilling  his  agreement,  Anaxibius  ordered  them,  after  their  arrival 
at  Byzantium,  to  proceed  to  the  Thracian  Chersonese,  where  the  Lacedae- 
monian harmost,  Syniscus,  would  find  them  pay ;  and  during  this  long 
march  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  they  were  directed  to  support  them- 
selves by  plundering  the  Thracian  villages.     Preparatory  to  the  march 
they  were  ordered  to  muster  outside  the  walls  of  Byzantium.     But  the 
Greeks,  irritated  by  the  deception  which  had  been  practised  on  them,  and 
which,  through  want  of  caution  on  the  part  of  Anaxibius,  became  known 
to  them  before  they  had  all  quitted  the  town,  prevented  the  gates  fix)m 
being  closed,  and  rushed  in  infuriated  masses  back  into  the  city,  uttering 
loud  threats,  and  bent  on  plunder  and  havoc.     The  lives  and  property 
of  the  citizens  were  at  their  mercy;  for  at  the  first  alarm  Anaxibius  had 
retired  with  his  troops  into  the  citadel,  whilst  the  affrighted  inhabitants 
were  either  barricading  their  houses,  or  flying  to  the  ships  for   refuge. 
In  this  conjuncture  Xenophon  felt  that  the  destruction  of  a  city  like  By- 
zantium would  draw  down  upon  the  army  the  vengeance  not  merely  of  the 
Lacedaemonians,  but  of  all  Greece.     With  great  presence  of  mind,  and 
under  color  of  aiding  their  designs,  he  caused  the  soldiers  to  form  in  an 
open  square  called  the  Thracion,  and  by  a  well-timed  speech  diverted 
them  from  their  designs. 

Shortly  afterwards,  the  army  entered  into  the  service  of  Seuthes,  a 
Thracian  prince,  who  was  anxious  to  recover  his  sovereignty  over  three 
revolted  tribes.  But  after  they  had  accomplished  this  object,  Seuthes 
neglected  to  provide  the  pay  which  he  had  stipulated,  or  to  fulfil  the 
magnificent  promises  which  he  had  made  to  Xenophon  personally,  of 
giving  him  his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  putting  him  in  possession  of  the 
town  of  Bisanthe. 

The  army,  now  reduced  to  six  thousand,  was  thus  again  thrown  into 
difficulties,  when  it  entered  on  the  last  phase  of  its  checkered  career  by 
engaging  to  serve  the  LacedaBmonians  in  a  war  which  they  had  just  de- 
clared against  the  satraps  Tissaphernes  and   Phamabazus.     Xenophon 


406 


HI8T0KT  OF  OKEECE. 


[Chaf.  XXXVI. 


accordingly  conducted  Ms  comrades  to  Pergamus  in  Mysia,  where  a  con- 
siderable booty  fell  into  their  hands  by  the  capture  of  a  castle  not  far  from 
that  place.  Xenophon  was  allowed  to  select  the  choicest  lots  from  the 
booty  thus  acquired,  as  a  tribute  of  gratitude  and  admiration  for  the  ser- 
vices which  he  had  rendered. 

Shortly  after  this  adventure,  in  the  spring  of  B.  c.  399,  Thimbron,  the 
Lacedaemonian  commander,  arrived  at  Pergamus,  and  the  remainder  of 
the  Ten  Thousand  Greeks  became  incorporated  with  his  army.  Xeno- 
phon now  returned  to  Athens,  where  he  must  have  arrived  shortly  after 
the  execution  of  his  master  Socrates.  Disgusted  probably  by  that  event, 
he  rejoined  his  old  comrades  in  Asia,  and  subsequently  returned  to  Greece 
along  with  Agesilaus,  as  we  have  already  related.* 


•  See  p.  SM. 


B.C.405.] 


THE   SPARTAN   SUPREMACY. 


407 


,> 


i: 


Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates,  in  the  Street  of  Tripods  at  Athens. 


CHAPTER    XXXVIL 

PROM  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  SPARTAN  EMPIRE  TO  THE  BATTLE 

OF  CNIDOS. 

i  1.  Invasion  and  Reduction  of  Elis  by  King  Agis.  §  2.  Ambitious  Projects  of  Lysander. 
§  3.  He  procures  the  Throne  for  Agesilaus.  §  4.  Character  of  Agesilaus.  §  5.  Nature  of 
the  Spartan  Empire.  §  6.  Affairs  of  Asia  Minor.  §  7.  Agesilaus  proceeds  thither.  ^  8. 
Mortifies  Lysander.  §  9.  Campaigns  of  Agesilaus  against  Tissaphernes  and  Pharnabazus. 
§  10.  Execution  of  Tissaphernes.  $  11.  Proceedings  of  Conon.  Rhodes  revolts  from 
Sparta.  §  12.  Agesilaus  ravages  the  Satrapy  of  Pharnabazus.  Interview  between 
them.    §  13.  RecaU  of  Agesilaus.    §  14.  Battle  of  Cnidos. 

§  1.  Resuming  the  thread  of  the  narrative,  we  shall  now  briefly  trace 
the  history  of  the  Spartan  supremacy,  which  resulted  from  the  battle  of 
JEgospotami,  and  the  consequent  capture  of  Athens,  related  in  the  preced- 
ing book.  This  supremacy  lasted  altogether  thirty-four  years,  from  the 
victory  of  iEgospotami  in  b.  c.  405  to  the  defeat  of  Leuctra  in  b.  c.  371. 


'  • '  'I 


'1  i 


* 


< 


408 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE, 


[Chap.  XXXVIL 


B.  C.  398.] 


ACCESSION   OF   AGESILAUS. 


409 


It  was,  however,  only  during  the  first  nine  years  of  this  period  that  Sparta 
exercised  an  iindisputed  sway  in  Greece,  since  the  battle  of  Cnidus,  fought 
in  B.  c.  394,  deprived  her  of  her  maritime  ascendency,  and  consequently 

of  much  of  her  power. 

After  the  fall  of  Athens  Sparta  stood  without  a  rival  in  Greece,     ihe 
first  use  she  made  of  her  undisputed  power  was  to  take  vengeance  on  her 
neighbors  the  Eleans  for  some  wrongs  and  insults  which  she  had  received 
at  their  hands.    It  will  be  recollected,  that  in  the  year  in  which  Alcibiades 
conducted  the  Athenian  theoria  at  Olympia  with  so  much  splendor,  the 
Eleans  had  excluded  the  Spartans  from  the  festival ;  and  moreover,  that 
they  had  subsequently,  in  conjunction  with  Argos  and  Mantinea,  borne 
arms  against  Sparta.    To  these  causes  of  offence  a  fresh  insult  had  been 
recently  added  by  the  exclusion  of  King  Agis  from  the  temple  of  Olympia, 
whither  he  had  gone  to  offer  sacrifice  and  consult  the  oracle.    The  Spar 
tans  also  viewed  with  dislike  and  suspicion  the  democratical  form  of 
government  established  in  Elis.     Accordingly,  they  now  demanded  that 
the  Eleans  should  make  good  their  quota  of  the  expenses  of  the  war 
against  Athens,  and  also  that  they  should  relinquish  their  authority  over 
their  dependent  townships  in  the  district  of  Triphylia.     Upon  the  refusal 
of  the  Eleans  to  comply  with  these  demands.  King  Agis  entered  their  ter- 
ritory at  the  head  of  a  Lacediemonian  army,  in  the  summer  of  b.  c.  402, 
but  he  was  induced  to  retire  and  disband  his  troops  by  the  unfavorable 
omen  of  an  earthquake.     In  the  following  year,  however,  he  resumed  the 
expedition  with  more  success.     Assisted  by  the  allies  of  Sparta,  among 
whom  even  the  Athenians  now  furnished  their  contingent,  he  ravaged  and 
plundered  the  territory  of  Elis,  performed  by  force  the  sacrifice  at  Olym- 
pia from  which  he  ha^  been   debarred,  and  ultimately  compelled  the 
Eleans  to  accept  a  humiliating  peace.     This  success  placed  Sparta  ma 
more  commanding  position  than  she  had  ever  before  occupied;  and  she 
took  advantage  of  it  to  root  out  her  ancient  enemies  the  Messenians,  some 
of  whom  had  been  planted  by  the  Athenians  in  Naupactus,  and  others  in 

the  island  of  Cephallenia.  -  -r  j  j 

§  2  Meanwhile  the  overgrown  wealth  and  power  of  Lysander  made 
him  ill-satisfied  to  remain  in  the  condition  of  a  private  citizen.  Stimu- 
lated  by  the  flattery  which  he  received  from  every  quarter,  he  began  to 
contemplate  settmg  aside  the  two  regal  families  of  Pausanias  and  Agis,  and, 
by  rendering  the  crown  elective,  to  pave  the  way  for  his  own  accession  to  it. 
It  is  to  be  recollected,  however,  that  at  Sparta  such  a  design  must  not  be 
regarded  in  quite  the  same  light  as  in  any  other  monarchy.  Although  the 
two  chief  magistrates  there  enjoyed  the  title  of  Bmileus,  or  King,  they 
were  not  kings  in  the  modem  sense  of  the  term.  They  were  merely 
hereditary  magistrates,  enjoying  indeed  certain  privileges,  and  exercising 
certain  definite  civil  and  military  functions ;  but  they  had  no  share  m  the 
government,  which  was  carried  on  by  the  Ephorsand  the  Senate,  with 


occasional  appeals  t»  the  public  assembly ;  and  even  in  the  discharge  of 
their  appointed  duties  they  were  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Ephors. 

§  3.  Aware  of  the  influence  of  religion  over  the  Spartan  mind,  Lysander 
m  pursuance  of  his  scheme,  endeavored  by  bribery  to  procure  for  it  the 
sanction  of  the  oracles  of  Delphi,  Dodona,  and  Zeus  Ammon  in  Li])ya 
But  the  priests  of  those  famous  temples  proving  on  this  occasion  incor- 
ruptible, he  employed  his  influence  in  obtaining  for  another  the  sceptre 
which  had  eluded  his  own  gra^sp.     About  a  year  after  his  campaign  in 
Ehs,  King  Agis  died,  leaving  a  son  named  Leotychides,  about  fifteen  years 
of  age.     The  legitimacy  of  Leotychides  was  however  doubted,  and  Aois 
himself  suspected  him  to  be  the  offspring  of  Alcibiades.     Agesilaus,  the 
younger  brother  of  Agis,  but  by  a  different  mother,  took  advantage  of  these 
doubts,  and,  being  assisted  by  the  powerful  influence  of  Lysander,  suc- 
ceeded in  setting  aside  Leotychides  and  ascending  the  throne,  b.  c.  3*98. 

§  4.  Agesilaus  was  now  forty  years  of  age,  and  esteemed  a  model  of 
those  virtues  more  pecuHarly  deemed  Spartan.     He  was  obedient  to  the 
constituted  authorities,  emulous  to  excel,  courageous,  energetic,  capable  of 
bearing  all  sorts  of  hardship  and  fatigue,  simple  and  fi-ugal  in  his  mode  of 
life.     To  these  severer  qualities  he  added  the  popular  attractions  of  an 
agreeable  countenance  and  pleasing  address.     The  character  of  Agesilaus 
seems,  however,  to  have  been  magnified  beyond  its  real  worth  \y  the 
indiscriminating  panegyrics  of  his  biographers,. who  relate  of  him  many 
trivial  anecdotes  with  a  sort  of  unctuous  admiration ;  and  though  he  was 
indisputably  a  good  general,  yet  his  campaigns  present  us  with'little  that 
is  striking  or  decisive.     Previously  to  his  accession  he  had  fiUed  no 
prominent  public  office,  and  his  character  consequently  remained  in  a  great 
measure  unknown  even  to  Lysander  himself;  who  erroneously  considered 
hun  to  be  of  a  yielding  and  manageable  disposition,  and  hoped  by  a  skUful 
use  of  those  qualities  to  extend  his  own  influence,  and  under  the  name  of 
another  to  be  in  reaUty  king  himself. 

^  The  personal  defects  of  Agesilaus  at  first  stood  in  the  way  of  his  promo- 
tion.    He  was  not  only  low  in  stature,  but  also  lame  of  one  leg ;  and  there 
was  an  ancient  oracle  which  warned  the  Spartans  to  beware  "  of  a  lame 
reign."     The  ingenuity  of  Lysander,  assisted  probably  by  the  popular 
quaUties  of  Agesilaus,  contrived  to  overcome  this  objection  by  interpreting 
a  lame  reign  to  mean,  not  any  bodily  defect  in  the  kmg,  but  the  reign  of 
one  who  was  not  a  genuine  descendant  of  Hercules.     Once  possessed  of 
power,  AgesUaus  suppUed  any  defect  in  his  title  by  the  prudence  and 
pohcy  of  his  conduct ;  and  by  the  marked  deference  which  he  paid  both  to 
the  Ephors  and  the  Senators,  he  succeeded  in  gamihg  for  himself  more 
real  power  than  had  been  enjoyed  by  any  of  his  predecessors.     The  very 
beginning  of  his  reign  was  threatened  by  the  conspiracy  of  Cinadon,  one 
of  the  poorer  class  of  citizens,  but  possessing  all  the  pride  of  an  ancient 
Spartan.    The  conspiracy,  however,  was  discovered,  and  Cinadon  and 

52 


410 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVII. 


lis  accomplices  were  arrested  by  a  stratagem  of  the  Ephors  and  put  to 
death. 

§  5.  The  discontent  which  gave  birth  to  tin's  conspiracy  originated  in  a 
great  measure  from  the  altered  condition  of  Spartan  citizens,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  extension  of  Spartan  power  and  dominion.  Sparta  had 
HOW  stepped  into  the  place  of  Athens.  In  the  various  cities  which  had 
belonged  to  the  Athenian  empire,  Lysander  established  an  oligarchical 
Council  of  Ten,  called  a  Deharchy  *  or  Decemvirate,  subject  to  the  con- 
trol of  a  Spai*tan  Hartnosi^  or  governor.  The  Dekarchies,  however, 
remained  only  a  short  time  in  power,  since  the  Spartan  government 
regarded  them  with  jealousy  as  the  partisans  of  Lysander ;  but  llarmosts 
continued  to  be  placed  in  every  state  subject  to  their  empire.  The  gov- 
ernment of  the  Harmosts  was  corrupt  and  oppressive ;  no  justice  could  bo 
obtained  against  them  by  an  appeal  to  the  Spartan  authorities  at  home ; 
and  the  Grecian  cities  soon  had  cause  to  regret  the  milder  and  more 
equitable  sway  of  Athens. 

The  commencement  of  the  Spartan  degeneracy  and  decay  may  be  dated 
from  her  entrance  upon  imperial  power.  Before  the  victories  of  Lysander, 
iron  had  formed  the  only  Spartan  money.  That  commander  brought  vast 
sums  of  gold  and  silver  into  the  public  treasury,  in  spite  of  the  opposition 
of  some  of  the  Ephors,  who  regarded  such  a  proceeding  as  a  flagrant  vio- 
lation of  the  ordinances  of  Lycurgus.  Several  instances  of  corruption 
recorded  in  the  course  of  this  history  have,  however,  shown  that  the 
Spartans  were  far  from  insensible  to  the  love  of  money,  and  that  they  con- 
trived to  gratify  it  even  under  the  old  system.  But  properly  regarded,  an 
extension  of  the  currency  was  rendered  necessary  by  the  altered  situation 
irf"  Sparta.  It  would  have  been  impossible  to  maintain  a  large  fleet  and  a 
colonial  empire  without  the  requisite  funds ;  and  how,  for  instance,  could 
a  revenue  of  one  thousand  talents,  which  Sparta  levied  from  the  subject 
states,  have  been  represented  in  iron  money  ?  Whether  Sparta  had  now 
entered  on  a  career  to  which  the  national  genius  was  suited  is  another 
question ;  and  it  would  not  perhaps  be  difficult  to  show  that,  in  grasping 
tiie  splendid  prize  of  empire,  she  lost  those  homely  virtues  which 
previously  formed  her  chief  distinction,  and  for  which  her  children  were 
naturally  most  fitted.  It  is  at  all  events  certain  that  the  influx  of  wealth 
caused  a  great  alteration  in  her  internal  condition.  It  was  only  the  lead- 
ing men  who  were  able  to  enrich  themselves  by  foreign  conunands  or  at 
the  expense  of  the  public  treasury.  Hence  arose  a  still  more  marked  dis- 
tinction between  the  higher  class  of  citizens,  caUed  Peers,  and  the  lower, 
called  the  Equals  or  the  Inferiors.  %    The  latter,  though  nominally  in  the 


t  'ApfAeHrr^f ,  literally  "  one  who  fits  or  anranget. 
X  Seep. 59. 


ft 


•    ) 


B.  C.  397.] 


WAR  IN  ASIA  MINOR. 


411 


enjo}Tnent  of  equal  privileges,  were  no  longer  able,  in  consequence  of  the 
altered  scale  of  living,  to  bear  their  share  at  the  Syssitia,  or  public  tables, 
and  thus  sank  into  a  degraded  and  discontented  class,  in  which  Cinadon 
found  the  materials  of  his  sedition. 

§  6.  The  affairs  of  Asia  Minor  soon  began  to  draw  the  attention  of 
AgesUaus  to  that  quarter.     The  assistance  lent  to  Cyrus  by  the  Spartans 
was  no  secret  at  the  Persian  court,  and  Tissaphernes,  who  had  been 
rewarded  for  his  fidelity  with  the  satrapy  of  Cyrus  in  addition  to  his  own, 
no  sooner  returned  to  his  government  than  he  attax^ked  the  Ionian  cities, 
then  under  the  protection  of  Sparta.     A  considerable  Lacedsemonian  force 
under  Thimbron  was  despatched  to  their  assistance,  and  which,  as  related 
in  the  preceding  chapter,  was  joined  by  the  remnant  of  the  Greeks  who 
had  served  under  Cyrus.     Thimbron,  however,  proved  so  inefficient  a 
commander,  that  he  was  superseded  apparently  at  the  end  of  399  or  begin- 
nmg  of  398  b.  c,  and  Dercyllidas  appointed  in  his  place,  a  man  who  from 
his  cunning  and  resources  had  acquired  the  name  of  Sisyphus.     On  assum- 
ing the  command,  Dercyllidas  concluded  a  truce  with  Tissaphernes,  in 
order  that  he  might  direct  his  whole  force  against  Pharnabazus,  from 
whom  he  had  received  a  personal  injury.     He  overran  tlie  greater  part  of 
MAm  with  great  rapidity,  reducing  nine  towns  in  eight  days,  and  took  up 
his  winter  quarters  in  Bithynia.     Early  in  the  ensuing  spring  he  pro- 
oeeded  into  Thrace,  where  he  built  a  wall  across  the  Chersonese,  to  pro- 
tect the  Grecian  colonies  from  the  attacks  of  the  barbarians  of  the  interior. 
On  his  return  to  Asia  he  received  orders  from  the  Ephors  to  attack  Tissa- 
phernes in  Caria,  whilst  the  Lacedaemonian  fleet  under  Pharax  co-operated 
with  hun  on  the  coast.     But  here  the  Persians  appeared  in  such  force, 
the  two  satraps  having  united  their  armies,  that  he  was  able  to  effect  but 
little ;  and  being  surprised  in  an  unfavorable  position,  would  himself  have 
suffered  severely  but  for  the  timidity  of  Tissaphernes,  who  was  afi-aid  to 
venture  upon  an  action.     Under  these  circumstances  an  armistice  was 
agreed  to  for  the  purpose  of  treating  for  a  peace.    Dercyllidas  demanded  on 
the  part  of  the  Spartans  the  complete  independence  of  the  Grecian  cities 
in  Asia :  the  Persians  on  their  side  required  the  Lacedaemonians  to  with- 
di-aw  their  army  from  Asia,  as  well  as  their  various  harmosts,  or  govemore. 
This  armistice  took  place  in  397  b.  c.     Pharnabazus  availed  himself 
of  it  to  make  active  preparations  for  a  renewal  of  the  war.     He  obtained 
large  reinforcements  of  Persian  troops,  and  began  to  organize  a  fleet  in 
Phoenicia  and  Cilicia.     This  was  to  be  intrusted  to  the  Athenian  admiral 
Conon,  of  whom  we  now  first  hear  again  after  a  lapse  of  seven  years  since 
his  defeat  at  .Egospotami.     After  that  disastrous  battle,  Conon  fled  with 
nine  triremes  to  Cyprus,  where  he  was  now  living  under  the  protection  of 
Evagoras,  prince  of  Salamis.     At  the  instance  of  Pharnabazus,  seconded 
by  Evagoras,  Conon  consented  to  accept  the  command  of  the  Persian  fleet, 
which  was  to  be  raised  to  the  number  of  three  hundred  vessels. 

§  7.  It  was  the  news  of  tliese  extensive  preparations  that  induced  Ages- 


!• 


, 


t 


»     ' 


\ 


412 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVIL 


B   C.  396.] 


AGESILADS   IN   ASIA. 


413 


aans,  on  tbe  suggestion  of  Lysander,  to  volunteer  his  services  against  the 
Persians.  He  proposed  to  take  with  him  only  thirty  full  Spartan  citizens, 
or  peers,  to  act  as  a  sort  of  council,  together  with  two  thousand  Neoda- 
modes,  or  enfranchised  Helots,  and  six  thousand  hoplites  of  the  alhes. 
But  Thebes,  Corinth,  and  Athens  refused,  on  different  pleas,  to  jom  the 
expedition.  Lysander  intended  to  be  the  leader  of  the  thirty  Spartaiis, 
and  expected  through  them  to  be  the  virtual  commander  of  the  expedition 
of  which  Agcsilaus  was  nominally  the  head. 

Since  the  time  of  Agiunemnon  no  Grecian  king  had  led  an  army  into 
Asia;  and  Agesilaiis  studiously  availed  himself  of  the  prestige  of  that 
precedent  in  oixler  to  attract  recruits  to  his  standard.  The  Spartan  kings 
claimed  to  inherit  the  sceptre  of  Agememnon ;  and  to  render  the  parallel 
more  complete,  Agesiluus  proceeded  with  a  division  of  his  fleet  to  Aulis, 
intending  there  to  imitate  the  memorable  sacrifice  of  the  Homenc  hero. 
But  as  he  had  neglected  to  ask  the  permission  of  the  Thebans,  and  con- 
ducted the  sacrifice  and  solemnities  by  means  of  his  own  prophets  and 
mmisters,  and  m  a  manner  at  variance  with  the  usual  rites  of  the  temple, 
the  Tliebajis  were  offended,  and  expelled  him  by  armed  force ;  —  an  insult 

which  he  never  forgave.  j  ^    i, 

§  8.  It  was  in  396  b.  c.  that  Agesilaus  annved  at  Ephesus,  and  took 
the  command  in  Asia.  He  demanded  the  same  conditions  of  peace  as  those 
previously  made  by  Dercyllidas;  and  in  order  that  there  might  be  time 
to  communicate  with  the  Persian  court,  the  armistice  was  renewed  tor 
three  months.  Duiing  this  inters  al  of  repose,  Lysander,  by  his  arrogance 
and  pretensions,  offended  both  Agesilaus  and  the  Thirty  Spartans.  Ages- 
ilaus, determined  to  uphold  his  dignity,  subjected  Lysander  to  so  many 
humiliations  that  he  wa^  at  last  fain  to  request  his  dismissal  from  Ephesus, 
and  was  accordingly  sent  to  the  Hellespont,  where  he  did  good  service  to 

the  Spartan  interests.  , 

§  9.  Meanwhile   Tissaphemes,  having  received  large  reinforcements, 
sent  a  message  to  Agesilaus  before  the  armistice  had  expired,  ordering  him 
to  quit  Asia.     Agesilaus  replied  by  saying  that  he  thanked  the  satrap  for 
perjuring  himself  so  flagrantly  as  to  set  the  gods  against  him,  and  immedi- 
ately  made  preparations  as  if  he  would  attack  Tissaphemes  in  Cana;  but 
havin-  thus  put  the  enemy  on  a  false  scent,  he  suddenly  turned  northwards 
into  Phryria,  the  satrapy  of  Phamabazus,  and  marched  without  oi^position 
to  the  neighborhood  of  Dascylium,  the  residence  of  the  satrap  himself. 
Here,  however,  he  was  repulsed  by  the  Persian  cavahy ;  and  the  sacn- 
fices  proving  unfavorable  for  an  advance,  Agesilaus  gave  orders  to  retreat. 
He  now  proceeded  into  winter  quarters  at  Ephesus,  where  he  employed 
himself  in  organizing  a  body  of  cavalry  to  compete  with  the  Persians.     A 
conscription  wa.  accordmgly  made  of  the  richest  Greeks  in  the  various 
towns,  who,  however,  were  aUowed  if  they  pleased  to  provide  substitutes. 
By  these  and  other  energetic  exertions,  which  during  the  winter  gave  to 
Ephesus  the  appearance  of  one  vast  arsenal,  the  army  was  brought  mto 


excellent  condition ;  and  Agesilaus  gave  out  early  in  the  spring  of  395 
B.  c.  that  he  should  march  direct  upon  Sardis.  Tissaphemes,  suspecting 
another  feint,  now  dispersed  his  cavalry  in  the  plain  of  the  Ma^-inder.  But 
this  time  Agesilaus  marched  as  he  had  announced,  and  in  three  days  ar- 
rived unopposed  on  the  banks  of  the  Pactolus,  before  the  Persian  cavalry 
could  be  recalled.  When  they  at  last  came  up,  the  newly  raised  Grecian 
horse,  assisted  by  the  peltasts  and  some  of  the  younger  and  more  active 
hopUtes,  soon  succeeded  in  putting  them  to  flight.  Many  of  tbe  Persians 
were  drowned  in  the  Pactolus,  and  their  camp,  containing  much  booty  and 
several  camels,  was  taken. 

§  10.  Agesilaus  now  pushed  his  ravages  up  to  the  very  gates  of  Sardis, 
the  residence  of  Tissaphemes.     But  the  career  of  that  timid  and  treacher- 
ous satrap  was  drawing  to  a  close.     The  queen-mother,  Paiysatis,  who 
had  succeeded  in  regaining  her  influence  over  Artaxerxes,  making  a  pre- 
text of  the  disasters  which  had  attended  the  arms  of  Tissaphernes,°  but  in 
reaHty  to  avenge  the  part  which  he  had  taken  against  her  son  Cyrus, 
caused  an  order  to  be  sent  down  from  Susa  for  his  execution  ;  in  pursu- 
ance of  which  he  was  seized  in  a  bath  at  Colossas,  and  beheaded.     Ti- 
thraustes,  who  had  been  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  this  order,  succeeded 
Tissaphemes  in  the  satrapy,  and  immediately  reopened  negotiations  with 
Agesilaus ;  proposing  that,  if  he  quitted  Asia,  the  Greek  cities  there  should 
enjoy  their  independence,  with  the  sole  exception  of  paying  to  Persia  the 
tribute  originally  imposed  upon  them.     Agesilaus  replied  that  he  could 
decide  nothing  without  consulting  the  authorities  at  home.     For  this  pur- 
pose an  armistice  of  six  months  was  concluded ;  and  meanwhile  Tithraustes 
by  a  subsidy  of  thirty  talents,  induced  AgesUaus  to  move  out  of  his  satrapy 
into  that  of  Pharnabazus. 

§  11.  During  this  march 'into  Phrygia  Agesilaus  received  a  new  com- 
mission from  home,  appointmg  him  the  head  of  the  naval  as  weU  as  of  the 
land  force,  —  two  commands  never  before  united  in  a  single  Spartan.  For 
the  first  time  since  the  battle  of  ^gospotami  the  naval  supremacy  of  Spar- 
ta was  threatened.  Conon,  with  a  fleet  of  forty  triremes,  occupied  the 
port  of  Caunus,  on  the  confines  of  Caria  and  Lycia,  and  was  there  block- 
aded by  a  Lacedaemonian  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  triremes  under 
Pharax ;  but  a  reinforcement  of  forty  more  ships  having  come  to  the  -aid 
of  Conon,  Pharax  raised  the  blockade  and  retired  to  Rhodes.  Here  the 
first  symptoms  appeared  of  the  detestation  in  which  the  Spartan  govern- 
ment was  held.  The  mhabitants  rose,  comj^elled  the  Spartan  fleet  to  leave 
the  island,  and  put  themselves  under  the  protection  of  Conon,  who  now 
sailed  thither. 

§  12.  Agesilaus,  having  despatched  orders  to  the  Lacedemonian  mari- 
time dependencies  to  prepare  a  new  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  tri- 
reines  against  the  following  year,  and  having  appointed  his  brother-in-law, 
Peisander,  to  the  command  of  it,  marched  himself  into  the  satrapy  of  Phar- 
nabazus.    He  passed  the  winter  in  the  neighborhood  of  DascyHura,  the 


i 


414 


BISTORT   OF  GREKeE. 


[Chap.  XXXVII. 


rich  and  fertae  country  about  which  afforded  comfortable  quarters  and 
abundant  plunder  to  the  Grecian  army.  a^ii„. 

Towa,^  the  close  of  the  winter,  a  Greek  of  Cyz.cus,  n^ed  Apolte- 
phancs,  brought  about  an  interview  between  AgesUaus  and  ^^^^ 
Lesilaus,  with  the  Tliirty,  having  arrived  first  at  the  appointed  ptace,  sat 
down  witlK,ut  ceremony  on  the  grass.  When  the  salrap  c«me,  accompa^ 
nicd  with  aU  the  luxury  of  Oriental  pomp,  his  attendants  pre,«ired  to  spread 
some  rich  carpets  for  him ;  but  Phamabazus,  obserymg  how  the  Spartans 
were  seated,  was  ashamed  to  avail  hunself  of  such  luxuncs,  and  sat  down 
TnThel^  by  the  side  of  Agesilaus.  After  mutual  salutes  Phan.abaz^ 
began  to  rcprJach  the  Greeks  with  their  treatment  of  one  who  had  always 
been  their  faithful  ally.  "You  have  reduced  me  so  low,  he  obsen-ed 
« that  I  have  scarcely  u  dinner  except  from  your  leavmgs.  My  residences, 
my  parks  and  hm.ting-grounds,  the  charm  of  my  life,  are  all  burnt  or  d^ 

with  shame ;  and  Agesihms,  after  a  long  pause,  remarked  m  aP^ogT' *^ 
their  war  with  the  Persian  kmg  compelled  them  to  act  as  they  had  done 
fl»t  towards  hhnself  personally  they  had  the  most  fnendly  feehngs,  Mid 
invited  him  to  join  their  alliance,  when  they  would  support  h.m  m  m^e- 
pendence  of  the  Persian  king.    The  r^ply  of  Phamabazus  wj^  cha«^ 
^zed  by  a  noble  frankness.    "If  the  king,"  he  said    "«*;o«W  depnve 
me  of  my  command,  I  would  willingly  become  your  ally;  but  so  long  as 
I  am  intrusted  with  the  supreme  power,  expect  from  me  noth'°gJ>»t 
war."    Agesilaus  was  touched  with  the  satrap's  magnanimity.    Takmg 
•  him  by  thThand,  he  observed,  "Would  to  Heaven  that  with  such  noble 
iJents  it  wer.  possible  for  you  to  be  our  friend     But  at  aU  evenU  I 
win  at  once  quit  your  territory,  and  never  agam  molest  you  or  your  prop- 
erty  so  long  as  there  are  other  Persians  against  whom  to  turn  my  anns 

§  13.  In  pursuaiH*  of  this  promise  Agesikus  now  entered  the  phuns  of 
Theb£,  near  the  Gulf  of  Eteus ;  but  whilst  he  was  here  prepanng  an  ex- 
peditiJn  on  a  gi-and  scale  into  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor,  he  was  suddenly 
JSned  home  (B.  C.  394)  to  avert  the  dangers  which  threatened  h,s  native 

^^MSiwhae  Conon,  who  had  remained  ahnost  inactive  since  the  revolt 
of  Khodes,  proceeded  in  person  to  Babylon,  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  a 
considemble  sum  of  money  f«.m  Artaxerxes.  He  shared  his  command 
with  Phamabazus,  and  by  their  joint  exertions  a  powerf-ul  fleet,  partly 
Phainician  and  partly  Grecimi,  was  speedily  equipped,  supenor  in  number 
to  that  of  the  Lacedemonians  under  Peisander.  About  the  month  of  July 
Conon  proceeded  to  the  peninsula  of  Cnidos,  in  Caria,  and  offered  Pe^an- 
der  battle.  Though  inferior  in  strength,  Peisander  did  not  shrmk  from 
the  encounter.  Being  abandoned,  however,  by  his  Asiatic  aU.es  he  was 
«K>n  overpowered  by  numbers,  and  fell  gallantly  fighting  to  the  hist.  More 
than  half  the  Lacedemonian  fleet  was  either  captured  or  destroyed.  IhM 
event  occurred  about  the  beginning  of  August,  b.  C.  394. 


t! 


B.  C.  394.] 


UI8SI0N   OF   TIJIOCKATES. 


415 


r   ' 


l» 


View  of  Corinth  and  the  Acrocorinthos. 


CHAPTER    XXXVni. 


THE  CORINTHIAN  WAR. — 


FROM  THE  BATTLE  OF  CNIDOS  TO  THE  PEACE 
OF  ANTALCIDAS. 


T^Z  .1  Timocrates  to  the  Grecmn  Cities.  §  2.  Hostilities  between  Sparta  and 
inebes  §3.  The  Athenians  join  the  Tliebans.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Lysander.  Re- 
treat of  Pausanias.  M-  League  against  Sparta.  Battle  of  Corinth.  §5.  Homeward 
March  of  Agesilaus.  §  6.  Battle  of  Coronea.  §  7.  Ix)ss  of  the  Spartan  Maritime  Empire. 
^  8.  Conon  rebuilds  the  Walls  of  Athens.  4  9.  Civil  Di.ssensions  at  Corinth.  4  10.  Cam- 
paign of  Agesilaus  in  the  Corinthian  Territory.  §  11.  New  System  of  Tactics  introduced 
by  Iphicrates.  Destruction  of  a  Spartan  Mora  by  his  light-armed  Troops,  i  12.  Nego- 
tiations of  Antalcida-s  with  the  Persians.  Death  of  Conon.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Thim- 
bron.  ^13  Maritime  War  on  the  Coast  of  Asia.  Revolt  of  Rhodes.  Thrasvbulus 
appointed  Athenian  Commander.     His  De.ath  at  A.pendus.    Anaxibius  defeated  by 

i^rt^P  f'^^'n'    ^  1*-  ^^^''  between  Athens  and  ^gina.    Teleutias  sur- 

prises the  Peirajus.    §  15.  Peace  of  Antalcidas.    §  16.  Its  Character. 

§  1.  The  jealousy  and  ill-will  mth  which  the  newly  acquired  empire 
of  the  Spartans  was  regarded  by  the  other  Grecian  states  had  not  escaped 
the  notice  of  the  Persimis ;  and  when  Tithraustes  succeeded  to  the  satrapy 
of  Tissaphemes  he  resolved  to  avail  himself  of  this  feeling  by  excitin^r  a 
war  against  Sparta  in  the  heart  of  Greece  itself.     With  this  view  he  de- 
spatched one  Timocrates,  a  Rhodian,  to  the  leading  Grecian  cities  which 
appeared  hostile  to  Sparta,  carrying  with  him  a  sum  of  fifty  talents  to  be 
distributed  among  the  chief  men  in  each  for  the  puriDose  of  bringing  them 
oyer  to  the  views  of  Persia.     This ,  transaction,  however,  is  scarcely  to  be 
viewed  in  the  light  of  a  private  bribe,  but  rather  as  a  sum  pubHcly 


4 


r 


Ill 


414 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVII. 


B.  C.  394.] 


MISSION    OF    TIMOCRATES. 


415 


r 


rich  and  fertile  country  about  wi.ich  .dTorded  comfortable  quarters  and 
abundant  plunder  to  tlie  Grecian  army.  j    »     ii„ 

Towai  the  close  of  the  wimcr,  a  Greek  of  Cyzicus,  named  Apoll,^ 
phanc,  b..ught  about  an  interview  between  Age.ilaus  and  Pharrjabazus 
Lesilau.,  wUh  the  Thirty,  having  arrived  fir..t  at  the  appomted  place,  ^at 
do^n  without  ceremony  on  the  gra.s.     When  the  satrap  <--'"^'  "Po- 
nied with  all  the  luxu.-y  of  Oriental  iK.mp,  his  attendants  prepared  to  ^,«ad 
some  rich  carpets  for  him  ;  but  Pharnabazus,  observn,g  how  the  Spa  tans 
wl  seated,  vas  ashamed  to  avail  himself  of  such  luxunes,  and  sat  down 
::  the  grass'  by  the  side  of  Agesilaus.     After  nu.tual  salutes  P  an.aWs 
begax.  to  reproach  the  Greeks  with  their  treatment  of  one  vvd.o  had  .dways 
Sn  their  faithful  ally.    "You  have  reduced  me  so  ^<J^^^ 
"that  I  have  scarcely  a  dinner  except  from  yourleavmgs.    My  icMdence^, 
„y  parks  and  hunting-gtx^unds,  the  ehami  of  my  life,  are  all  burnt  or  de- 
"."^y^.     Pray  tell  mVif  this  is  gratitude."     The  Spartans  seemed  struck 
with  shame;  and  Agesilaus,  after  a  long  pause,  remarked  m  -P-^f'^f^ 
their  war  with  the  Persian  king  compeUed  them  to  act  as  they  had  done ; 
Ihltowards  hunself  personally  they  had  the  most  friendly  feelmgs.a^ 
invited  him  to  join  their  alliance,  when  they  would  support  lum  m  mde- 
nendence  of  the  Persian  king.     The  reply  of  Phamabazus  was  charac- 
^riX  I  noble  fntnkness."  "If  the  king,"  he  said    "^'-W     «P-^ 
me  of  mv  command,  I  would  willingly  become  your  ally;  but  so  long  as 
I  am  int'rusted  with  the  supreme  ix,wer,  exj-eet  from  me  "othmg  tmt 
war."    Agesilaus  was  touched  with  the  satrap's  magnannnity.     Taking 
him  bv  the  hand,  he  observed,  "Would  to  Heaven  that  w.th  such  noble 
^^mimentlitwe;  p^sible  for  you  to  be  our  friend.     But  at  all  events  I 
will  at  once  quit  your  territory,  and  never  again  molest  you  or  your  prop- 
erty  so  long  as  there  are  other  Persians  against  whom  to  turn  my  arms. 

§  13.  In  pursuance  of  this  promise  Agesilaus  now  entered  the  plams  of 
Thebe,  near  the  Gulf  of  Eteus;  but  whilst  he  was  here  preparmg  an  ex- 
pe^mfon  on  a  g,-and  scale  i«o  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor,  he  was  suddenly 
Sled  home%-  C  304)  to  avert  the  danger,  which  threatened  h.s  native 

""MeYnwhile  Conon,  who  had  remained  almost  inactiv;e  since  the  revolt 
of  Rhodes,  proceeded  in  person  to  Babylon,  and  succeeded  in  obtammg  a 
considemHe'  sum  of  money  fn>m  Artaxerxes.  He  shared  h,s  command 
with  Phai-nabazus,  and  by  their  joint  exertions  a  powerf-ul  fleet,  partly 
Phoenician  and  partly  Grecian,  was  speedily  equipped,  supenor  m  number 
,0  that  of  the  Lacedaemonians  under  Peisander.  About  the  ™onth  of  July 
Conon  procecled  to  the  peninsula  of  Cnidos,  in  Cana,  and  offered  Pevsan- 
der  battle.  Though  inferior  in  strength,  P-i^ander  d.d  not  shnnk  f,^m 
the  encounter.  Being  abandoned,  however,  by  us  Astatic  allies  he  was 
soon  over,x,wered  by  numbers,  and  fell  gallantly  fighting  to  the  last  More 
than  half  the  Lacedaemonian  fleet  was  either  captured  or  destroyed.  This 
event  occurred  about  the  beginning  of  August,  b.  c.  394. 


View  of  Corinth  and  the  Acrooorinthos. 


CHAPTER    XXXVHL 

TIIE  CORINTHIAN  WAK.  — FROM  THE   BATTLE   OF  CXIDOS   TO  THE  PEACE 

OF   ANTALCIDAS. 

«  1.  Mission  of  Timocrates  to  the  Greeian  Cities.    «  2.  Hostilities  between  Sparta  and 
ineoes.    §  3.  1  he  Athenians  join  tlie  Thcbans.    Defeat  and  Death  of  Lvsander.    Re- 
treat of  Pausanias.    M-  League  asainst  Sparta.     Rattle  of  Corinth.    4  5.  Homeward 
March  of  Agesilaus.    §  G.  Hattle  of  Coronea.    §  7.  Loss  of  the  .Spartan  Maritime  Empire. 
§  8.  Conon  rebuil.ls  the  Walls  of  Athens.    §  9.  Civil  Dissensions  at  Corinth,    i,  10.  Cam- 
paign of  Agcs.lans  in  the  Corinthian  Territory.    §  11.  New  Svstcm  of  Tactics  introduced 
by  Iplncratcs.     Destruction  of  a  Spartan  Mora  by  his  light-armed  Troops.      §  12.  Nego- 
hations  of  Antalci.Ias  with  the  Persians.     Deatli  of  Conon.    Defeat  and  Death  of  Thim- 
bron.    «  13.  M.aritimo   War  on  the  Coast  of  Asia.    Revolt  of  Rhodes.    Thrasvbulus 
appon>tcd  Athenian  Comman.lcr.     His  Death  at  Aspendus.    Anaxibius  defeated  bv 
Iphicrates  at  the  Hellespont.    ^  14.  War  between  Athens  and  ^gina.    Telentias  snr- 
p-nscs  the  Peira:us.    {15.  Peace  of  Autalcidas.    5  16.  Its  Character. 

§  1.  The  jealousy  and  ill-will  with  which  the  newly  acquired  empire 
of  the  Spartans  w.-is  regarded  by  the  other  Grecian  states  had  not  escaped 
the  notice  of  the  Persians ;  and  when  Tithraustes  succeeded  to  the  satrapy 
of  Tissaphemes  he  resolved  to  av.ail  himself  of  this  feeling  by  exciting  a 
war  against  Sparta  in  the  heart  of  Greece  itself.     With  this  view  he  de- 
spatched one  Tiniocrates,  a  Rhodian,  to  the  leading  Greeian  cities  which 
appeared  hostile  to  Sparta,  carrying  with  him  a  sum  of  fifty  talents  to  be 
distributed  among  the  chief  men  in  each  for  the  puqjose  of  bringing  them 
oyer  to  the  views  of  Persia.     This,  transaction,  however,  is  scarcely  to  be 
viewed  in  the  light  of  a  private  bribe,  but  rather  as  a  sum  publicly 


%. 


:|, 


^*1 


416 


BISTORT   OP   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVIII. 


advanced  for  a  specific  purpose.    Timocrates  was  successful  in  Tliebes, 
Corinth,  and  Ai^os ;  but  he  appears  not  to  hare  visited  Athens. 

§  2.  HostiUUes  were  at  first  confined  to  Sparta  and  Thebes.  A  quarrel 
having  arisen  between  the  Opuntian  Locrians  and  the  Phocians  respect- 
ing a  strip  of  border  land,  the  former  people  appealed  to  the  Thebans,  who 
invaded  Phocis.  The  Phocians  on  their  side  invoked  the  aid  of  the  Lat-e- 
dicmonians,  who,  elated  with  the  prosperous  state  of  their  affau^  m  Asia, 
and  moreover  desirous  of  avenging  the  afironts  they  had  received  from  the 
Thebans,  readily  listened  to  the  appeal  Lysander,  who  took  an  active 
part  in  promotmg  the  war,  was  du«cted  to  attack  the  town  of  Haliartus, 
havin"  first  augmented  the  small  force  which  he  took  with  him  by  con- 
tingents levied  among  the  tribes  of  Mount  CEta ;  and  it  was  arranged  that 
Kin"  Pausanias  should  join  hun  on  a  fixed  day  under  the  walls  of  that 
tow^,  with  the  main  body  of  the  Lacedaemonians  and  their  Pelopomiesmn 

allies.  e  r    y 

§  3.  Nothing  could  more  strikingly  denote  the  altered  state  of  feelmg  m 
Greece  than  the  request  for  assistance  which  the  Thebans,  thus  menaced, 
made  to  their  ancient  enemies  and  rivals,  the  Athenians ;  even  offenng  as 
an  inducement,  to  assist  them  in  recovering  their  lost  empire.     Nor  were 
the  Athenians  backward  in  responding  to  the  appeal.     Disunion,  howeve^ 
prevailed  among  the  Bccotians  themselves ;  and  Orchomenus,  the  second 
dty  to  importance  in  their  confederacy,  revolted  at  the  approach  of  Ly- 
sander, and  jotoed  the  Lacedajmonians.    That  commander,  after  ravagmg 
the  country  round  Lebadea,  proceeded  according  to  agreement  to  Haliartus, 
though  he  had  as  yet  received  no  tidmgs  of  Pausanias.     Here,  m  a  sally 
made  by  the  citizens,  opportunely  supported  by  the  unexpected  arrival  of  a 
body  of  Thebans,  the  army  of  Lysander  was  routed,  and  himself  slam ;  and 
though  his  troops,  favored  by  some  rugged  ground  to  their  rear,  succeeded 
to  rallying  and  repulstog  their  assailants,  yet,  disheartened  by  the  severe 
loss  which  they  had  suffered,  and  by  the  death  of  their  general,  they  dis- 
banded and  dispersed  themselves  to  the  night-lime.      Thus  when  Pau- 
sanias at  last  came  up,  he  found  no  army  to  unite  with;  and  as  an 
imposmg  Athenian  force  had  arrived,  he  now,  with  the  advice  of  his 
council,  took  the  humiliattog  step— always  deemed  a  confession  of  in- 
feriority—of  requesting  a  truce  to  order  to  bury  the  dead  who  had  fallen 
to  the  preceding  battle.    Even  this,  however,  the  Thebans  would  not 
grant,  except  on  the  condition  that  the  Lacedsemonians  should  immediately 
quit  theu-  territory.    With  these  terms  Pausanias  was  forced  to  comply ; 
and  after  duly  interring  the  bodies  of  Lysander  and  his  fallen  comrade^ 
the  Lacedemonians  dejectedly  pursued  their  homeward  march,  followed 
by  the  Thebans,  who  manifested  by  repeated  insults,  and  even  by  blows 
administered  to  stragglers,  the  insolence  tospired  by  their  success.    Pau- 
canias,  afraid  to  face  the  pubUc  mdignation  of  the  Spartans,  took  refuge  in 
the  temple  of  Athena  Alea  at  Tegea;  and  betog  condemned  to  death  m 


B.  C.  394.] 


BATTLE   OF   CORINTH. 


417 


k 


his  absence  only  escaped  that  fate  by  remainmg  in  the  .anctuarv      TTo 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Agesipolis.  =  ">  '"e  .anctuary.     He 

arls^'   a'Jh  '"^^l^fSP^"'*  took  fi^sh  courage  from  this  disaster  to  her 

Zneeti^tost  h^r  tJ  ""f  ^'"^  ""'^  ^"™^"^  ^"'^  Thebes  a  solmn 
AoZmZ     L  n    ,^''%^'"8:"«  ""^  ««">  joined  by  the  Eubceans,  the 

at  Corta  rrnl.  ."u"""  '""■"«  "^  ''^  »•  «•  'he  a"ies  assembled 

at  Cormth,  and  the  war,  which  had  been  hitherto  re^ai-ded  as  mPr.W 

t^^'a  ^'"^"'e""'^  aspect  of  affairs  detenuined  the  Ephore  to 

reca  1  Ages.laus,  as  related  to  the  preceding  chapter.  ^ 

Ihe  alhes  were  soon  in  a  condition  to  take  the  field  with  a  foree  of 
wenty-four  thousand   hoplitcs,  of  whom   one    fourth  were   AtheZ 
together  with  a  considemble  body  of  light  troops  and  cav^J     Th"' 
d»mo„,ans,  under  the  conduct  of  Aristodemus,  had  also  made  the  Z 
active  preparations.     The  exact  amount  of  their  force  is  noTkno^!^  but 
was  m  all  probability  toferior  to  that  of  the  ahies.     The  lat  er  were  ful  o 
«.nfidence,  and  the  Corinthian  Timolaus  proposed  marching  sti^Jt  ^n 
Sparta,  in  order,  as  he  expressed  it,  to  buiT,  the  wasps  m  their  ne^t  befor^ 
Ihey  came  forth  to  sting.     This  bold,  but  perhaps  judicious  advL  wl! 
however  anticipated  by  the  unwonted  activity  of  tL  Laceda^monilns '  X 

had  f^UT  :^  'T'"''  ^''  ^--"^"  V  Tegea  and  jSt 
had  tAen  up  a  iwsition  at  Sicyon.  The  allies,  who  had  proceeded  as  f^ 
as  Nemea,  now  fell  back  upon  Corinth,  and  encamped  L  ^ITtTJZ 
P^und  m  the  neighborhood  of  the  city.  Here  a  battle  ensuTdto  £ 
^e  Lacedaemonians  gained  the  victory,  though  their  allied  tn;.ps  were 
pu  to  he  rout.  Of  the  Spartans  themselves  only  eight  men  fell  b^rf 
theu-  allies  e  even  hundred  perished,  and  of  the  confederates  "^  nly 
as  twenty-eight  hundred.  This  battle,  called  the  battle  of  ^rinthTi 
fought^pparently  about  the  same    tmie  as  that  of  Cnidos,  in  j;^;! 

expedition  into  Asia,  was  now  on  his  homewanl  march.     By  the  promise 

Znv  ofr  T  r  ""  !,'  "™^  '"  "*='=°'"P''"y  '"■"'  '""ong^t  whom  were 
ma^y  of  the  Ten  Thousand,  with  Xenophon  at  their  head.  The  route  of 
Agesilaus  was  much  the  same  as  the  one  formerly  tiuvelled  by  Xetes 

W  i^pect.  At  Amphipohs  he  received  the  news  of  the  victory  at  Corinth  • 
but  his  heart  was  so  full  of  schemes  agamst  Persia,  that  the  feelm.  wWch 
.t  awakened  m  his  bosom  was  rather  one  of  regrot  that  so  many  Greeks 

OJ  joy  at  the  success  of  his  countrymen.  Having  forced  his  way  through 
a  desultoiy  opposition  offered  by  the  Thessalian  "cavaliy,  he  crossed  MolTnt 

da 


I 


ilB 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


(Chap.  XXX  VIII. 


ilipTto  lo  *.  tali™  of  Ph"'  '-"^'»-    ""•  *,',*1  ta  Z 

neei  uuu  j,  victory,  he  ordered  an  advance. 

^"'^'  T  riro*"  sTowtantto  sUence,  tUl  .itWn  alx,«t  a  furlong, 
rn^xTlnt^i'rtL  p^^,  a„d  charged  at  a  «  p.. 

Sey  succeeded  in  driving  in  the  Of -— !  7^  Z t'  ^  in  *! 
af  the  army  of  Agesilaus,  and  penetrated  a^  tar  as  tne  oa^,  „ 

Ct  on  thrremainder  of  the  line  Agesilaus  w.xs  victorious,  and  the 
rear.     But  on  tue  remauiuci  companions,  who  had 

Thehans  now  saw  tl'emselves  cut  off  from  *-^  7I'j,^i„^  ,t,„t  ^a 
retreated  and  taken  up  a  posmon  <>» JT '  "^^^^^^^      ,„  ^^  ,^,  ^ 
forming  in  deep  and  compact  order,  the  Theb~^ '«    J^ 
body,  but  they  were  opposed  by  Agesdaus  and  bs  t^P-  J 
the  conflicting  masses  v'hich  ensued  w^  ^e  o     J™"^-  ^^^ 

rt:";^  wa^shout  wassuppr^s^l  but^si^n.^^^^^^ 

11    I     1  ««  K^  a#^Pn  and  furious  exclamations.     Agesuaus,  wu^  ^"^ 
aUy  broken  by  deep  a"™  ^^  ^„^^;„  ,„  f^rfous  an  onset, 

front  ranks,  unequal  by  his  size  ana  strengi 

.as  fluug  down,  m,dden  on,  -J^rhut^yrT?  ;esLed  him  from 

7^'iTr^^l  S^th':^^yM.».b,  -  not  Without 

!„.       The  victory  of  Agesikus  was  not  very  decisive ;  but  the 

Th:Lltcitra^2dged  tleir  defeat  by  soliciting  the  customary 

truce  for  the  ^^f^f'^f"^"^.,  Delphi  where  he  dedicated  to  Apollo 
After  the  batfle  Agesilaus  visited  Uelpiu,  ^n^^^  ^  ^^ 

a  tithe,  valued  at  the  large  sum  of  one  hundred  talent  "f  the  ^^'^ 
!.»  1,^^   acnuired  during  his  Asiatic  campaigns.     He  then  returnea  lo 
wt  TherThe  was  "received  with  the  most  lively  demonstrations  rf 
Siude  -d  esteem,  and  became  henceforwards  the  sole  director  of 

^TT  tS  less  than  two  months  the  Lacedemonians  had  fought  two 
Jl  I'rd,  and  one  at  sea;  namely,  tl^ose  of  Corinth  Corone^  a^d 

-^j:=t£e^reL=p:^^^^^^^ 

i:;h2*;-S  it  after  the  battle  of  iE^potami.    For  as  Conon  and 


B.  C.  393.]  CONON  BEBUILDS   THE   WALLS    OF   ATHENS.  419 

L'™rno";'l  "'*  *''\^'*='<'™-  «-'  fro-  -land  to  island,  and 
from  port  to  port,  their  approach  was  eveiT^-her^  the  signal  for  the  flight 
or  expulsion  of  the  Spartan  harmosts.  Abydos  formed  tfe  on^  ex  eS 
to  this  unn-ersa  surrender.  Fortunately  for  Sparta  the  able  aXx" 
penenced  Dercyllid...  was  then  harmost  in  that  city,  and  by  his  "tiX 
and  courage  he  succeeded  in  preserving  not  only  Abydo/but  Z^lT 
opposite  Chersonese,  f«,m  the  gi.sp  of  plarnabal.  "^  '  '  ^"  *' 
§  8.  In  the  spring  of  the  foUoiring  year,  b.  c.  393.  Conon  and  Ph.Tma- 
bazus  sailed  from  the  Hellespont  with  a  powerful  fleet,  and,  after^X 
f£:  ir        •'^*^^^'='^''-'  •^'-'^'l  their  courJe  to'the   pC- 

the  1  land  of  Cythera,  where  they  established  an  Athenian  garrison,  they 
^M  to  the  Istlmius  of  Corinth,  then  occupied  as  a  cent  Jpost  by  the 
alhes.  The  appearance  of  a  Persian  fleet  in  the  Saronic  Gulf  was  a 
strange  sight  to  Grecian  eyes,  and  one  which  might  have  served^  a 

sured  the  alhes  of  his  support,  and  gave  earnest  of  it  by  advancing  to 
Aem  a  considerabk  sum  of  money.  Conon  dextei^usly  availed  hmTself 
of  the  hatred  of  Phamabazus  towards  Sparta  to  procure  a  boon  for  his 

rl7  T'-  /f  "'"'"^^  "'"'  ""  *''"  P°'"'  "^  P>^eedmg  homewanis 
Conon  obtamed  leave  to  employ  the  seamen  in  rebuilding  the  fortifications 
of  Peu-ieusand  the  long  walls  of  Athens.  Phamabazus  also  granted  a 
large  sum  for  the  same  purpose ;  and  Conon  had  thus  the  glory  of  apnear- 
ing,  hke  a  second  Tliemistocles,  the  deliverer  and  restorer  of  his  count'ry 

SV^TtwVr"'"'"""  V""^""^'  *'•'  '^^''^'"'''  ''^°  ''^d  "ost  rejoiced 
at  the  fall  of  Athens,  as  well  as  the  Pereians,  who  had  subsidized  Sparta 

to  destroy  the  city,  now  gave  their  funds  and  labor  to  restore  it.  Before 
the  end  of  autumn  the  walls  were  rebuilt.  Athens  seemed  now  restored 
If  not  to  power,  at  least  to  independence ;  and  if  she  reflected  but  the  shad- 
ow of  her  former  greatness,  she  was  at  least  raised  up  from  the  depths  of 
her  degradation.  Having  thus,  as  it  were,  founded  Athens  a  second  time, 
Conon  sailed  to  the  islands  to  lay  again  the  foundations  of  an  Athenian 
maritime  empire. 

§  9.  During  the  remainder  of  this  and  the  whole  of  the  following  year 
(B.  c.  392),  the  war  was  can-ied  on  in  the  Corinthian  territory."  The 
Onean  Mount.-iins,  which  extend  across  the  Isthmus  south  of  its  narrow- 
est part,  afford  an  excellent  line  of  defence  against  an  invading  army. 
Through  these  mountains  there  are  only  three  passes,  one  by  the  Saronic 
Gulf  close  to  Cenchrese,  a  second  through  a  ravine  at  the  eastern  side  of 
the  Acroconnthos  or  citadel  of  Corinth,  and  a  third  along  the  narrow  strip 
of  land  which  lies  between  the  western  foot  of  the  Acrocorinthos  and  the 
tonnthian  Gulf.   The  two  former  of  these  passes  could  easily  be  defended 
by  a  resolute  body  of  troops  against  superior  numbers ;  and  the  third  was 
wanpletely  protected  by  two  long  walls  runnmg  down  from  Corinth  to 


I 


^2<j  HI9T0BT  OF  OKEECE.  ICn*^-  XXXYIH. 

»    V  ♦i.<.~,rt  of  the  citT  upon  the  Corinthian  Gulf.    Corinth  and  the 

Lechieum,  the  port  of  the  city  "P°"jn^  ^  ^    ^^^  ^lUed  troops; 

passes  of  the  Onean  Mountauis  were  ""^ J^"?^  J„   ^j.,  ^b„ie  brunt 

L  whUe  the  alUes  ^^-J-ltS^nsU  »^^^^^^^^^ 

rirofi£rs^':i^=r.l:iiusto.n. 


B.  C.  391.] 


VICTORY  OF  IPHICRATES. 


421 


Plan  of  €k>xinth. 


A.  Acrocorinthofl. 

B.  Corinth. 


C.  Lechaeum. 
I,  I.  Long  Wallf. 


.  1,  e  ^o  A  IflTffe  number  of  the  other  Corinthians  par- 
old  alliance  with  Sparta.  A  ^^^  "^^^^^^^  ^^^  -^  ^^er,  who  were 
ticipated  in  these  feelings   and  *^^^;^"^";^ 

tion  among  the  '''"'/'^l       i  „  ^^  „f  jhe  Eucleia,  and  massacred 

"^  t"^',  Z  CTjy^^  tt  :tLt-ph.e  and  in  the  thea J. 
numbers  of  *«  °PP°=;'r^P'*^  ^^^  „  ,i„,e  union  with  Argos,  that  even  the 

The  government  now  f™;"^°  ^  ^^„,.^a,  and  the  very  name 

boundary  marks  between  the  two  sUU^were  re  .^^^^^.^, 

of  Corinth  was  changed  to  that  of  Argos.     m  „  ^       jhe  Lace- 

Corinth,  which  was  stiU  -»~  »"  ;;^;t  tn^lU  thS  connected 
d»monian  commander  at  S-yo^  -«^n  t^e  Ion  ^^.^^  ^^  ^^ 

Corinth  with  Lectoeum.    In  the  spaxje  between  , 

considerable  breadth  and  about  a  ™'«  "^/^^i^i^t  ^^ad  matched 
,       i^.«,ppn  the  Lacedaimonians  and  the  tonntlwans,Tvuu  ua 

place  between  the  J.ace  Corinthians,  however,  were  de- 

out  of  the  city  to  dislodge  «em.     ine  v.  considerable 

feated,  and  this  victory  was  «  %*^j2:^^ronians  now  mashed 

happened  in  b.  c.  392. 


§  10.  The  breach  effected  in  the  long  walls  of  Corinth  excited  great 
alarm  at  Athens,  as  it  opened  a  secure  passage  to  the  Lacedaemonians 
mto  Attica  and  Boeotia,    Accordingly  the  Athenians  moved  in  great  force 
to  Corinth,  with  carpenters  and  other  necessary  workmen ;  and  with  this 
assistance  the  Corinthians  soon  restored  the  breach.     In  the  summer  of 
B.  c.  391,  this  step  was,  however,  rendered  useless,  in  consequence  of 
Agesilaus,  assisted  by  the  Lacedaemonian  fleet  under  his  brother  Teleutias, 
having  obtained  possession  not  only  of  the  long  walls,  but  also  of  the  port 
of  Lechaeum  itself.     Agesilaus  followed  up  his  success  by  marching  into 
the  rocky  peninsula  between  the  bay  of  Lechaeum  and  the  Alcyonian  sea, 
from  which  Corinth  derived  both  support  and  assistance.     The  two  prin- 
cipal places  in   this  district,  Peiraeum  and  CEnoe,  together  with  large 
booty  and  many  captives,  fell  into  his  hands.     Corinth  was  now  surround- 
ed on  every  side ;  and  the  Thebans  were  th^o^\^l  into  such  alarm  that 
they  sent  envoys  to  Agesilaus  to  treat  of  peace.     Agesilaus  had  never 
forgiven  the  Thebans  for  having  interrupted  his  sacrifice  at  Aulis;  and 
he  now  seized  the  opportunity  of  gratifying  his  spite  against  them.    Ac- 
cordingly,  when   they   were  introduced   into   his   presence,   he   treated 
them  with  the  most  mai-ked  contempt,  and  affected  not  to  notice  them. 
But  a  retributive  IS^emesis  was  at  hand.     As  Agesilaus  sat  in  a  pavihon 
on  the  banks  of  a  lake  which  adjoined  the  sacred  grove  of  Hera,  feasting 
his  eyes  with  the  spectacle  of  a  long  train  of  captives,  paraded  under  the 
guard  of  Lacedaemonian  hoplites,  a  man  galloped  up  on  a  foaming  horse, 
and  acquamted  him  with  a  disaster  more  novel  and  more  astounding  than 
any  that  had  ever  yet  befallen  the  Spartan  arms.     This  was  nothing  less 
then  the  destruction  of  a  whole  Lacedaemonian  mom,  or  battalion,  by  the 
light-armed  mercenaries  of  the  Athenian  Iphicrates. 

§  11.  For  the  preceding  two  years  Iphicrates  had  commanded  a  body 
of  mercenai-ies,  consisting  of  peltasts,*  who  had  been  first  organized  by 
Conon  after  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Athens.     For  this  force  Iphicrates 
introduced  those  improved  arms  and  tactics  which  form  an  epoch  in  the 
Grecian  art  of  war.     His  object  was  to  combine  as  far  as  possible  the 
peculiar  advantages  of  the  hopUtes  and  light-armed  troops.     He  substi- 
tuted a  Knen  corslet  for  the  coat  of  mail  worn  by  the  hoplites,  and  les- 
sened the  shield,  while  he  rendered  the  light  javelin  and  short  sword  of 
the  peltasts   more  effective  by  lengthening  them  both  one  half.     These 
troops  soon  proved  very  effective.     At  their  head  Iphicrates  attacked  and 
defeated  the  Phliasians,  gained  a  victory  near  Sicyon,  and  inflicted  such 
loss  upon  the  Arcadian  hoplites  that  they  were  afraid  to  meet  his  peltasts 
in  the  field.     He  now  ventured  upon  a  bolder  exploit 

A  body  of  Amyclaean  hoplites  had  obtained  leave  to  celebrate  the  festi- 
val of  the  Hyacinthia  in  their  native  city ;  and  a  Lacedaemonian  wiwo, 


>!) 


*  So  called  from  the  pelta,  or  kind  of  shield  which  they  carried. 


1^ 


422 


mSTOBY  OF  GREECE. 


[Cbap.  xxxvm 


six  hundred  strong,  was  appointed  to  escort  them  till  they  should  be 
considered  out  of  reach  of  attack.     Iphicrates,  who  was  m  Connth  with 
his  i>eltasts,  suffered  the  Amycteans  and  their  escort  to  pass  unmolested; 
but  on   the  return  of  the  Lacedjemonians,  he  saUied  forth  with  incon- 
ceivable  hardihood,  and  attacked  them  in  the  flank  and  rear.     So  many 
fell  under  the  darts  and  arrows  of  the  peltasts,  that  the  Laceaxmoman 
captain  called  a  halt,  and  ordered  the  youngest  and  most  active  of  his  hop- 
Htes  to  rush  forward  and  drive  off  the  assailants.     But  their  heavy  arras 
rendered  them  quite  unequid  to  such  a  mode  of  fighting;  nor  did  the 
Lacedaemonian  cavalry,  which  now  came  up,  but  which  acted  with  very 
Kttle  vigor  and  courage,  produce  any  better  effect.    At  length  the  Laccdie- 
monians  succeeded  in  reaching  an  eminence,  where  they  endeavored  to 
make  a  stand;  but  at  this  moment  Callias  arrived  whh  some  Athenian 
hoplites  from  Corinth,  whereupon  the  already  disheartened  Lacediemo- 
nians  broke  and  fled  in  confusion,  pursued  by  the  peltasts,  who  committed 
such  havoc,  chasing  and  killing  some  of  them  even  in  the  sea,  that  but 
very  few  of  the  whole  body  succeeded  in  reaching  Lechaum. 

The  news  of  this  defeat  produced  a  great  change  in  the  conduct  of  the 
Theban  envoys  then  with  Agesilaus.     They  did  not  say  another  word 
about  peace,  but  merely  asked  permission  to  communicate  with  their  conn- 
fcrymen  at  Corinth.     Agesilaus,  perceiving  their  altered  sentiments   and 
taking  them  with  him,  marched  on  the  foUowing  day  with  his  whole  force 
to  Corinth,  where  he  defied  the  garrison  to  come  out  to  battle.     But  Iphi- 
crates  was  too  prudent  to  hazard  his  recently  achieved  success ;  and 
Agesilaus  marched  back  to  Sparta  as  it  were  by  steahh,  avoiding  all  those 
places  where  the  inhabitants,  though  allies,  were  likely  to  show  then- 
satisfaction  at  the  disgrace  of  the  Spartan  arms.     No  sooner  was  he  de- 
parted  than  Iphicrates  sallied  forth  from  Corinth  and  retook  Sidus,  Crom- 
myon,  Peineum,  and  CEnoe,  thus  liberating  idl  the  northern  and  eastern 
territory  of  Corinth.      But,  in  spite  of  his  military  abilities  and  great 
services,  the  domineering  character  of  Iphicrates  had  rendered  him  so  un- 
popular  at  Corinth,  that  the  Athenians  were  obliged  to  recall  him,  and 

appoint  Chabrias  in  his  place. 

§  12.  Meantune  important  events  had  taken  place  in  connection  ^ith 
the  maritime  war.     The  success  of  Conon  had  inspired  the  Lacedaemoni- 
ans with  such  alarm,  that  they  resolved  to  spare  no  efforts  to  regam  the 
good-wiU  of  the  Persians.     With  this  view  they  sent  Antalcidas,  an  able 
pohtician  trained  in  the  school  of  Lysander,  to  negotiate  with  Tiribazus, 
who  had  succeeded  Tithraustes  in  the  satrapy  of  Ionia,  m  order  to  bring 
about  a  general  peace  under  the  mediation  of  Persia.     His  negotiations, 
however,  though   supported  by  the  influence  of  Tiribazus,  at  present 
proved  unsuccessful.     Conon,  and  the  other  representatives  of  the  alHes 
hi  Asia,  rejected  with  indignation  the  proposal  of  Antalcidas  to  abandon 
the  Grecian  cities  in  Asia  to  Persia;  nor  was  the  court  of  Susa  itself  as 


B.  C.  389.] 


REVOLT    OF   RHODES. 


4^5 


yet  disposed  to  entertam  any  amicable  relations  with  Sparta.  Tiribazus, 
however,  covertly  supplied  the  Lacedaemonians  with  money  for  the  pur- 
poses of  their  fleet,  and,  by  a  gross  breach  of  pubhc  faith,  caused  Conon 
to  be  seized  and  detained,  under  the  pretence  tliat  he  was  acting  contrary 
to  the  interests  of  the  Great  King.  This  event  proved  the  end  of  Conon's 
public  life.  According  to  one  account  the  Persians  caused  him  to  he  put 
to  death  in  prison ;  but  it  seems  more  probable  that  he  escaped  and  again 
took  refuge  with  Evagoras  in  Cyprus.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,\e 
public  labors  of  one  of  the  most  useful,  if  not  one  of  the  gi-eatest,  of  Athe- 
nian citizens,  were  now  brought  to  a  close :  a  man  from  whose  hands  his 
country  reaped  nothing  but  benefit,  and  to  whose  reputation  history  seems 
to  have  done  but  scanty  justice. 

Struthas,  who  held  the  command  in  Ionia  during  the  absence  of  Tiri- 
bazus at  Susa,  carried  on  hostilities  with  vigor  against  the  Lacedemoni- 
ans. In  spite  of  his  proved  incapacity,  Thimbron  had  been  again  in- 
trusted with  the  command  of  an  army  of  eight  thousand  men  ;  but  while 
on  his  march  from  Ephesus  he  was  surprised  by  Struthas,  and  suffered  a 
complete  defeat.  Thimbron  himself  was  among  the  slain,  and  those  of 
his  soldiers  who  escaped  were  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the  nei'»hborin<» 
aties. 

§  13.  The  island  of  Rhodes  now  demanded  the  attention  of  the  bellige- 
rents. The  democratical  party  in  this  island,  having  obtained  the  upper 
hand,  had  revolted  from  Persia;  and  the  Spartans,  fearing  that  they  would 
form  an  alliance  with  Athens,  sent  Teleutias,  the  brother  of  Agesilaus,  with 
a  fleet  to  reduce  the  island,  although  tliey  were  themselves  at  war  with 
Persia,  so  much  greater  was  their  fear  of  the  Athenians  than  of  the  Per- 
sians. On  his  way  from  Cnidos,  Teleutias  fell  in  with  and  captured  an 
Athenian  squadron  of  ten  triremes  under  Philocrates,  which  was  proceed- 
mg  to  assist  Evagoras  in  a  struggle  that  was  impending  between  him  and 
the  Persians.  The  news  of  this  reverse,  as  well  as  the  great  increase  of 
the  Lacedemonian  fleet,  induced  the  Athenians  to  despatch,  in  b.  c.  389, 

a  fleet  of  forty  triremes,  under  Thrasybulus,  to  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor, 

a  feat  which  betokens  a  considerable  renovation  of  their  naval  power. 
Thrasybulus  first  proceeded  to  the  Hellespont,  where  he  extended  the 
Athenian  alliance  among  the  people  on  both  sides  of  the  straits,  persuad- 
ed or  compelled  Byzantium  and  other  cities  to  estabhsh  democratical  gov- 
ernments, and  reimposed  the  toll  of  a  tenth  on  all  vessels  pas^ving  from 
the  Euxine.  After  this,  Thrasybulus  sailed  to  Lesbos,  where  he  defeated 
the  Lacedemonian  harmost,  and  next  visited  several  places  on  the  main- 
land, with  the  view  of  raising  funds  for  his  meditated  expedition  to  Rhodes. 
But  the  inhabitants  of  Aspendus  in  Pamphyha,  where  he  had  obtained 
some  contributions,  surprised  his  naval  camp  in  the  night,  and  slew  him. 
Thus  perished  the  man  who  had  deHvered  his  country  from  the  Thirty 
Tyrants.     He  was  succeeded  in  his  command  by  Agyrrhius. 


1^, 
.1  J 


424 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXX  VTO. 


Tlie  success  of  Thrasybulus  in  the  HeUespont  created  such  anxiety  at 
Sparta,  that  the  Ephors  were  induced  to  supersede  DercyUidas,  and  ap- 
point Anaxibius  to  the  government  of  Abydos.  Anaxibius  took  with  hun 
a  force  that  rendered  Wm  master  of  the  straits,  and  enabled  him  to  inter- 
cept the  merchantmen  bound  to  Athens  and  other  ports  belonging  to  the 
aUies.  The  Athenians  now  despatched  Iphicrates  with  eight  triremes  and 
twelve  hundred  peltasts  to  make  head  against  Anaxibius ;  and  by  a  weU- 
kid  stratagem  the  Athenian  commander  succeeded  in  surprising  Anaxibms 
amon-  the  mountain  ranges  of  Ida,  whilst  on  his  homeward  march  from 
Antandros  to  Abydos.  The  troops  of  Anaxibius  were  completely  routed 
and  himself  and  twelve  other  harmosts  slain.  ^  u    tt  i 

§  14.  This  exploit  rendered  the  Athenians  again  masters  of  the  Hel- 
lespont,    But  whilst  thus  successful  in  that  quarter,  their  attention  was 
attracted  nearer  home  by  the  affairs  of  ^gina.    After  the  battle  of  iEgos- 
potami,  Lysander  had  restored  to  the  island  as  many  of  the  ancient  popu- 
lation as  he  could  find ;  and  they  were  now  induced  by  the  Lacedajmoman 
harmost  to  infest  the  Athenian  trade  with  their  privateers ;  so  that,  in  the 
lan-ua*e  of  Pericles,  ^gina  again  became  "the  eyesore  of  Peineus. 
The  most  memorable  event  in  this  period  of  the  war  was  the  surpnse  of 
Peiraeus  by  Teleutias  with  a  squadron  of  only  twelve  sail.     Teleutias  was 
the  most  popular  commander  in  the  Lacediemonian  fleet,  and  was  sent  by 
the  Ephors  to  appease  the  discontent  among  the  Lacedoemoman  seamen 
at  ^-ina,  in  consequence  of  not  receiving  their  pay.     Teleutias  plainly 
told  them  that  they  had  nothhig  to  depend  upon  but  their  swords,  and  he 
bade  them  prepare  for  an  enterprise,  the  object  of  which  he  did  not  then 
disclose.     This  was  nothing  less  than  an  attack  upon  Peirajus ;  an  enter- 
prise  which  it  seemed  almost  insane  to  attempt  with  a  force  of  only  twelve 
triremes.     But  Teleutias  reckoned  on  taking  the  Athenians  by  surprise. 
Quitting  the  harbor  of  JEgina  at  nightfall,   and  rowing  along  leisurely 
and  in  silence,  Teleutias  found  himself  at  daybreak  within  half  a  mile  of 
Peir^us,  and  when  it-was  fully  light  he  steered  his  vessels  straight  mto 
the  harbor,  which  was  beginning  to  assume  again  some  of  its  former  com- 
mercial importance.     Here,  as  he  expected,  he  found  no  preparations  for 
repellinc-  an  attack,  and  though  the  alarm  was  immediately  raised,  he  had 
time  to  inflict  considerable  damage  before  any  troops  could  be  got  together 
to  oppose  him.    His  men  disembarked  on  the  quays,  and  carried  off,  not 
only  the  portable  merchandise,  but  also  the  shipmasters,  tradesmen,  and 
others  whom  they  found  there.     The  larger  merchant-ships  were  boarded 
and  plundered ;  several  of  the  smaller  were  towed  off  with  their  whole 
cargoes  •  and  even  three  or  four  triremes  met  the  same  fate.    All  this  booty 
Teleutias  succeeded  m  canying  safely  into  ^gina,  together  with  several 
corn-ships,  and  other  merchantmen  which  he  fell  in  with  off  Sunium.    The 
prizes  were  then  sold,  and  yielded  so  large  a  sum  that  Teleutias  was  able 
to  pay  the  seamen  a  month's  wages. 


B.  C.  387.] 


PEACE    OF  ANTALCIDAS. 


42^ 


! 


§  15.  Whilst  these  things  were  passing  in  Greece,  Antalcidas,  conducted 
by  Tiribazus,  had  repaired  to  the  Persian  court  a  second  time,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  renewing  his  negotiations  for  a  general  peace,  on  the  same  basis  as 
he  had  proposed  before.     This  time  he  succeeded  in  winning  the  favor  of 
the  Persian  monarch,  in  spite  of  his  dislike  of  the  Spartans  generally,  and 
prevailed  on  him  both  to  adopt  the  peace,  and  to  declare  war  against  those 
who  should  reject  it.    Antalcidtis  and  Tiribazus  again  arrived  on  the  coasts 
of  Asia  Minor  in  the  spring  of  b.  c.  387,  not  only  armed  with  these  pow- 
ers, but  provided  with  an  ample  force  to  carry  them  into  execution.     In 
addition  to  the  entire  fleet  of  Persia,  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  had  placed 
twenty  triremes  at  the  service  of  the  Laceda3monians ;  and  Antalcidas 
now  sailed  with  a  large  fleet  to  the  Hellespont,  where  Iphicrates  and  the 
Athenians  were  still  predominant.     But  the  overwhelming  force  of  Antal- 
cidas, the  largest  that  had  been  seen  in  the  Hellespont  since  the  battle  of 
-^gospotami,  rendered  all  resistance  hopeless.     The  supplies  of  com  from 
the  Euxine  no  longer  found  their  way  to  Athens ;  the  -^ginetan  privateers 
resumed  their  depredations ;  and  the  Athenians,  depressed  at  once  both 
by  what  they  felt  and  by  what  they  anticipated,  began  to  long  for  peace. 
The  Argives  participated  in  the  same  desire ;  and  as  without  the  assistance 
of  Athens  it  seemed  hopeless  for  the  other  allies  to  struggle  against  Sparta, 
all  Greece  seemed  inclined  to  listen  to  an  accommodation. 

Under  these  circumstances  deputies  from  the  Grecian  states  were  sum- 
moned to  meet  Tiribazus ;  who,  afler  exhibiting  to  them  the  royal  seal  of 
Persia,  read  to  them  the  following  teiTas  of  a  peace :  "  King  Artaxerxes 
thinks  it  just  that  the  cities  in  Asia  and  the  islands  of  Clazomen^  and 
Cyprus  should  belong  to  him.  He  also  thinks  it  just  to  leave  all  the  other 
Grecian  cities,  both  small  and  great,  independent,  —  except  Lemnos,  Ln- 
bros,  and  Scyros,  which  are  to  belong  to  Athens,  as  of  old.  Should  any 
parties  refuse  to  accept  this  peace,  I  will  make  war  upon  them,  along 
with  those  who  are  of  the  same  mind,  both  by  land  and  sea,  with  ships 
and  with  money." 

The  deputies  reported  these  terms  to  their  respective  governments,  all 
of  which  at  once  accepted  the  peace  with  the  exception  of  the  Thebans, 
who  claimed  to  take  the  oath  not  in  their  own  behalf  alone,  but  for  the 
Boeotian  confederacy  in  general.     But  when  Agesilaus  threatened  the 
Thebans  with  war  if  they  did  not  comply,  they  consented  to  take  the  oath 
for  their  own  city  alone,  —  thus  virtually  renouncmg  their  federal  headship. 
§  16.  This  disgraceful  peace,  called  the  peace  of  Antalcidas,  was  con- 
cluded in  the  year  b.  c.  387.     By  it  Hellas  seemed  prostrated  at  the  feet 
of  the  barbarians  ;  for  its  very  terms,  engraven  on  stone  and  set  up  in  the 
sanctuaries  of  Greece,  recognized  the  Persian  king  as  the  arbiter  of  her 
destinies.    Although  Athens  cannot  be  entirely  exonerated  from  the  blame 
of  this  transaction,  the  chief  guilt  rests  upon  Sparta,  whose  designs  were 
far  deeper  and  more  hypocritical  than  they  appeared.    Under  the  specious 

54 


•  I 


426 


BISTORT  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXVIII. 


pretext  of  securing  the  mdependence  of  the  Grecian  c.t.es  her  only  object 
was  to  break  up  the  confederacies  under  Athens  and  Thebes,  and,  with 
the  assistance  of  Persia,  to  pave  the  way  for  her  own  absolute  dominion 
in  Greece.  Her  real  aim  is  pithily  characterized  in  an  anecdote  recorded 
of  Agesilaus.  When  somebody  remarked,  "Alas  for  Hellas  that  our 
Sparfans  should  be  Medizing  !  "  -  «  Say  rather,"  replied  Agesilaus,  that 
the  Medes  are  Lacanisdnff,'* 


Adventures  of  Dionysus,  from  the  Chomgic  Monument  of  Lysicrates. 


B.  C.  385.] 


BEBUILDING   OF  PLAT-£A. 


427 


Adventures  of  Dionysus,  from  the  Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates. 


I 


» 


I 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 


FROM  THE  PEACE  OP  ANTALCIDAS  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  CALLIA8. 

§  1.  Aggressions  of  Sparta  in  Boeotia.  Rebuilding  of  Plataea.  §  2.  Reduction  of  Mantinea. 
§3.  Olynthian  Confederation.  Sparta  interferes.  §4.  Seizure  of  the  Cadmea  at  Thebes 
by  the  Lacedaemonians.  §  5.  Reduction  of  Olynthus.  §  6.  Unpopularity  of  Sparta.  §7. 
Revolution  at  Thebes.  §  8.  The  Lacedsemonians  expelled  from  the  Cadmea.  §  9.  Their 
Expeditions  against  Thebes.  Alarm  of  the  Athenians,  who  ally  themselves  with  Thebes. 
4  10.  Reorganization  of  the  Athenian  Confederation.  §  11.  Preparations  for  War.  The 
Theban  "  Sacred  Band."  ^  12.  Character  of  Eparaeinondas.  §  13.  Spartan  Invasions  of 
Boeotia.  §  14.  Maritime  Affairs.  Battle  of  Naxos.  Success  of  Timotheus.  §  15.  Prog 
ress  of  the  Theban  Arms.  §  16.  The  Athenians  form  a  Peace  with  Sparta,  which  is  im- 
mediately broken.  Proceedings  at  Corcyra.  ^  17.  The  Lacedaemonians  solicit  Persian 
Aid.    $  18.  Congress  at  Sparta  to  treat  of  Peace.    The  Thebans  are  excluded  from  it. 

§  1.  No  sooner  was  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  concluded,  than  Sparta, 
directed  by  Agesilaus,  the  ever-active  enemy  of  Thebes,  exerted  all  her 
power  to  weaken  that  city.     She  began  by  proclaiming  the  independence 
of  the  various  Boeotian  cities,  and  by  organizing  in  each  a  local  oligarchy, 
adverse  to  Thebes  and  favorable  to  herself.     The  popular  feeling  in  these 
cities  was  in  general  opposed  to  the  Spartan  dominion ;  two  alone,  Orchome- 
nus  and  Thespia,  preferred  it  to  that  of  Thebes ;  and  in  these  the  Lace-  • 
daemonians  placed  garrisons,  and  made  them  their  main  stations  in  Boeotia. 
Even  such  a  step  as  this  seemed  to  exceed  the  spirit  of  the  treaty,  which 
required  merely  the  independence  of  each  city ;  but  the  restoration  of  Pla- 
taea,  now  effected  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  was  an  evident  work  of  super- 
erogation, undertaken  only  to  annoy  and  weaken  Thebes,  and  to  form  a 
place  for  another  Lacedaemonian  garrison.     Since  the  destruction  of  Pla- 
taea,  most  of  her  remaining  citizens  had  become  domiciled  at  Athens,  had 
married  Athenian  women,  and  had  thus  almost  forgotten  their  native  coun- 
try.    These  were  now  restored,  and  their  city  rebuilt ;  but  merely  that  it 
might  become  a   Spartan  outpost.     Thebes  was  at  present  too  weak  to 
resist  these  encroachments  on  her  dignity  and  power,  which  even  at  Sparta 


t 

I 


1 


» 


Fill 

m 


4^8 


mSTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIX 


were  regarded  with  dissatisfaction  by  King  Agesipolis  and  the  more  moder- 
ate party.  j.  •      *  t 
§  2.  The  Lacedaemonians  now  found  themselves  in  a  condition  to  wreak 
their  vengeance  on  the  Mantineans,  by  whom  they  deemed  themselves 
aei^rieved.    They  could  not,  indeed,  bring  any  charge  of  positive  hostility 
aSinst  the  Mantineans;  but  they  accused  them  of  lukewarmness  and 
equivocal  fidelity;  of  having  been  slack  in  furnishing  their  contingents 
during  the  late  war;  and  of  having  supplied  the  Ai-gives  with  corn  when 
at  war  with  Sparta.     On  these  grounds  a  message  was  sent  requiring  the 
Mantineans  to  raze  their  walls ;  and  as  they  hesitated  to  comply,  an  army 
was  despatched  under  Agesipolis  to  enforce  obedience.    Agesiix)hs  suc- 
ceeded in  taking  Mantinea,  which  was  well  supplied  with  provisions  by 
damming  up  the  river  Ophis  which  ran  through  it.     The  inundation  thus 
caused  undermined  the  walls,  which  were  built  of  baked  bricks,  and  obliged 
the  citizens  to  capitulate.     Much  harder  terms  were  now  exacted  from 
them.     They  were  required  not  only  to  demolish  their  fortifications,  but 
also  a  great  part  of  their  town,  so  as  to  restore  it  to  the  fonn  of  five  vil- 
lages, out  of  which  it  had  been  originally  formed.     Each  of  these  villages 
was  left  unfortified,  and  placed  under  a  separate  oligarchical  govemment. 
About  the  same  time  the  Lacediemonians  compeUed  the  city  of  Phlms  to 
recall  a  body  of  exiles  who  had  been  expelled  on  account  of  their  attach- 
ment to  the  interests  of  Sparta. 

§  3.  But  the  attention  of  Sparta  was  soon  called  to  more  distant  regions. 
Olynthus,  a  town  situated  at  the  head  of  the  Toronaic  Gulf  in  the  penmsula 
of  the  Macedonian  Chalcidice,  had  become  the  head  of  a  powerful  confed- 
eration, which  included  several  of  the  adjacent  Grecian  cities,  and  among 
them  Potidiea,  on  the  isthmus  of  Palle-ne.     Acanthus  and  Apollonia,  the 
lar-est  cities  after  Olynthus  in  the  Chalcidic  peninsula,  had  refused  to 
ioin  the  league ;  and  a^  they  were  threatened  with  war  by  Olynthus,  they 
despatched  envoys  to  Sparta  to  solicit  aid  (b.  c.  383).     The  envoys  gave 
an  alarming  account  of  the  designs  of  Olynthus:  and  they  being  seconded 
by  ambassadors  from  Amyntas,  king  of  Macedonia,  the  Lacedaemonians 
were  easily  persuaded  to  enter  upon  an  undertaking  which  harmomzed 
with  their  present  course  of  policy.    Their  alhes  were  persuaded  or  rather 
overawed  into  the  adoption  of  their  views,  and  an  army  of  ten  thousand 
men  was  voted.     The  emergency,  however,  was  so  pressing  that  Eudami- 
das  was  despatched  at  once  with  a  force  of  two  thousand  hoplites.    March- 
in*-  rapidly  with  only  a  portion  even  of  these,  he  arrived  in  season  to 
defend  Acanthus  and  Apollonia,  and  even  succeeded  in  inducing  Potidaea  to 
revolt  fmm  the  league.     But  though  joined  by  Amyntas  with  his  forces, 
he  was  not  strong  enough  to  take  the  field  openly  against  the  Olynthimis. 
§  4   This  expedition  of  the  Lacedaemonians  led  mcidentally  to  an  affair 
of  much  greater  unportance.    The  Thebans  had  entered  mto  an  alliance 
with  Olynthus,  and  had  forbidden  any  of  their  citizens  to  jom  the  Lace- 


B.  C.  383] 


SEIZURE    OF   THE    CADMEA   AT   THEBES. 


429 


dajmonian  army  destined  to  act  against  it ;  but  they  were  not  strong  enough 
to  prevent  its  marching  through  their  territory.  Phoebidas,  the  brother  oi 
Eudamidas,  was  appointed  to  collect  the  tooops  which  were  not  m  readi- 
ness at  the  time  of  his  brother's  departure,  and  to  march  with  all  possible 
speed  towards  Olynthus.  On  his  way  through  Boeotia  he  halted  with  liis 
division  at  a  gymnasium  not  far  from  Thebes ;  where  he  was  visited  by 
Leontia*les,  one  of  the  polemarchs  of  the  city,  and  two  or  three  othei 
leaders  of  the  Lacedaemonian  party  in  Thebes.  It  happened  that  the  fes- 
tival of  the  Thesmophoria  was  on  the  point  of  being  celebrated,  during 
which  the  Cadmea,  or  Theban  Acropolis,  was  given  up  for  the  exclusive 
use  of  the  women.  The  opportunity  seemed  favorable  for  a  surprise ;  and 
Leontiades  and  Phoebidas  concerted  a  plot  to  seize  it.  Whilst  the  festival 
was  celebrating,  Phoebidas  pretended  to  resume  his  march,  but  only  made 
a  circuit  round  the  city  walls ;  whilst  Leontiades,  stealing  out  of  the 
Senate,  mounted  his  horse,  and,  joining  the  Lacedaemonian  troops,  con- 
ducted them  towards  the  Cadmea  It  was  a  sultry  summer's  afternoon, 
80  that  the  very  streets  were  deserted ,'  and  Phoebidas,  without  encounter- 
ing any  opposition,  seized  the  citadel  and  all  the  women  in  it,  to  serve  as 
hostages  for  the  quiet  submission  of  the  Thebans.  Leontiades  then 
retmnied  to  the  Senate,  and  caused  his  fellow-polemarch,  Ismenias,  who 
was  the  head  of  the  opposite,  or  patriotic  party,  to  be  seized  and  im- 
prisoned. After  this  blow,  three  hundred  of  the  leading  men  of  his  party 
fled  to  Athens  for  safety.  Ismenias  was  shortly  afterwards  brought  to 
trial  by  Leontiades  before  a  packed  court,  and  put  to  death  on  the  ground 
of  his  receiving  money  from  Persia  and  stirring  up  the  late  war. 

This  treaciierous  act  during  a  period  of  profound  peace  awakened  the 
liveliest  indignation  throughout  Greece.  Sparta  herself  could  not  venture 
to  justify  it  openly,  and  Phoebidas  was  made  the  scape-goat  of  her  affected 
displeasure.  The  Epliors,  though  they  had  secretly  authorized  the  proceed- 
ing, now  disavowed  him ;  and  Agesilaus  alone,  prompted  by  his  burning 
hatred  of  Thebes,  stood  forth  m  his  defence.  The  result  was  a  truly  Laco- 
nian  piece  of  hypocrisy.  As  a  sort  of  atonement  to  the  violated  feeling  of 
Greece,  Phoebidas  was  censured,  fined,  and  dismissed.  But  that  this  was  a 
mere  farce  is  evident  from  the  faet  of  his  subsequent  restoration  to  com- 
mand ;  and,  however  indignant  the  Lacedaemonians  affected  to  appear  at 
the  act  of  Phoebidas,  they  took  care  to  reap  the  fruits  of  it  by  retaining 
their  garrison  in  the  Cadmea. 

§  5.  The  once  haughty  Thebes  was  now  enrolled  a  member  of  the 
Lacediemonian  alliance,  and  furnished  her  contingent  —  the  grateful  offer- 
ing of  the  new  Theban  government  —  for  the  war  which  Sparta  was  pros- 
ecuting with  redoubled  vigor  against  Olynthus.  The  troops  of  that  city, 
however,  especially  its  cavahy,  were  excellent,  and  the  struggle  was  pro- 
tracted for  several  years.  During  the  course  of  it  King  Agesipolis  died  of 
a  fever  brought  on  by  his  exertions;  and  the  war,  which  had  begun  in 


1 


m 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[CJhap.  XXXIX. 


Im 


B.C.  383,  was  ultimately  brought  to  a  close  by  his  successor,  Polybiades, 
in  B.  c.  379 :  who,  by  closely  blockadiog  Olynthus,  deprived  it  of  its  sup- 
plies,  and  thus  forced  it  to  capitulate.  The  Olynthian  confederacy  was 
now  dissolved;  the  Grecian  cities  belonging  to  it  were  compelled  to  join 
the  Laeediemonian  alliance ;  whilst  the  maritime  towns  of  Macedonia  were 
again  reduced  under  the  domination  of  Amyntas.  Sparta  thus  mflicted  a 
great  blow  upon  Hellas;  lor  the  Olynthian  confederacy  might  have  served 
as  a  counterpoise  to  the  growing  power  of  Macedon,  destmed  soon  to  over- 
whelm the  rest  of  Greece.  .  , ,  w 
About  the  same  time  as  the  reduction  of  Olynthus,  Phlius  yielded  to 
the  arms  of  Agesilaus,  who,  on  the  complaint  of  the  restored  exiles  tlmt 
they  could  not  obtain  a  restitution  of  their  rights,  had  undertaken  the 
siege  of  that  city.    A  government  nominated  by  Agesikus  was  now 

appointed  there.  i.  •  i  ♦ 

§  6.  The  power  of  Sparta  on  land  had  now  attained  its  greatest  height. 
At  sea,  she  divided  with  Athens  the  empire  of  the  smaller  islands,  whilst 
the  larger  ones  seem  to  have  been  independent  of  both.  Her  unpopu- 
larity m  Greece  was  commensurate  with  the  extent  of  her  harshly 
administered  dominion.  She  was  leagued  on  all  sides  with  the  enemies  of 
Grecian  freedom,  —  with  the  Persians,  with  Amyntas  of  Macedon,  and 
with  Dionysius  of  Syracuse.  But  she  had  now  reached  the  tuming-pomt 
of  her  fortunes,  and  her  successes,  which  had  been  earned  without  scruple, 
were  soon  to  be  followed  by  misfortunes  and  disgrace.  The  first  blow 
came  from  Thebes,  where  she  had  perpetrated  her  most  signal  injustice. 

§  7.  That  city  had  been  for  three  years  in  the  hands  of  Leontiades  and 
the  Spartan  party.  During  this  time  great  discontent  had  grown  up 
among  the  resident  citizens ;  and  there  was  also  the  party  of  exasperated 
exiles,  who  had  taken  refuge  at  Athens.  Among  these  exiles  was  Pelopi- 
das,  a  young  man  of  birth  and  fortune,  who  had  ah-eady  distinguished 
himself  by  his  disinterested  patriotism  and  ardent  character.  He  applied 
a  great  part  of  his  wealth  to  the  relief  of  his  indigent  fellow-citizens,  and 
gave  such  undivided  attention  to  pubUc  affairs  as  to  neglect  the  manage- 

ment  of  his  own  property. 

Pelopidas  took  the  lead  in  the  plans  now  formed  for  the  Uberation  of 
his  country,  and  was  the  heart  and  soul  of  the  enterprise.  Rebuked  by 
his  friends  on  account  of  his  carelessness,  he  replied  that  money  was  cer- 
tainly useful  to  such  as  were  lame  and  blmd.  His  warm  and  generous 
heart  was  irresistibly  attracted  by  everythmg  great  and  noble ;  and  hence 
he  was  led  to  form  a  close  and  intimate  friendship  with  Epamemondas, 
who  was  several  years  older  than  himself,  and  of  a  still  loftier  char- 
acter. Their  friendship  is  said  to  have  originated  in  a  campaign  in 
which  they  served  together,  when,  Pelopidas  having  fallen  in  battle  ap- 
parently dead,  Epameinondas  protected  his  body  at  the  imminent  risk 
of  his  own  life.    Pelopidas  afterwards  endeavored  to  persuade  Epamei- 


B.  C.  379.] 


LIBERATION    OF   THEBES. 


431 


nondas  to  share  his  riches  with  him ;  and  when  he  did  not  succeed,  he 
resolved  to  live  on  the  same  frugal  fare  as  his  great  friend.  A  secret 
correspondence  was  opened  with  his  friends  at  Thebes,  the  chief  of  whom 
were  Phyllidas,  secretary  to  the  polemarchs,  and  Charon.  Epameinondas 
was  soHcited  to  take  a  part  in  the  conspiracy  ;  but,  though  he  viewed  the 
Lacedemonian  government  with  abhorrence,  liis  principles  forbade  him  to 
participate  m  a  plot  which  was  to  be  earned  out  by  treachery  and 
murder. 

The  dominant  faction,  besides  the  advantage  of  the  actual  possession  of 
power,  was  supported  by  a  garrison  of  fifteen  hundred  Lacedaemonians. 
The  enterprise,  therefore,  was  one  of  considerable  difficulty  and  danger. 
In  the  execution  of  it  Phyllidas  took  a  leading  part.     It  was  an-anged  that 
he  should  give  a  supper  to  Archias  and  Philippus,  the  two  polemarchs, 
whose  company  was  to  be  secured  by  the  allurement  of  an  introduction  to 
some  Theban  women  remarkable  for  then-  beauty.     After  they  had  par- 
taken freely  of  wine,  the  conspirators  were  to  be  introduced,  disguised  as 
women,  and  to  complete  their  work  by  the  assassination  of  the  polemai-chs. 
On  the  day  before  the  banquet,  Pelopidas,  with  six  other  exiles,  arrived 
at  Thebes  from  Athens,  and,  straggling  thi-ough  the  gates  towards  dusk  in 
the  disguise  of  rustics  and  huntsmen,  arrived  safely  at  the  house  of  Charon, 
where  they  remained  concealed  till  the  appointed  hour.     Before  it  arrived* 
however,  a  summons  which  Charon  received  to  attend  the  polemarchs 
fiUed  the  conspirators  with  the  liveliest  alarm.     These  magistrates,  whilst 
enjoymg  the  good  cheer  of  Phyllidas,  received  a  vague  message  from 
Athens  respecting  some  plot  formed  by  the  exUes ;  and,  as  Charon  was 
known  to  be  connected  with  them,  he  was  unmediately  sent  for  and  ques- 
tioned.    By  the  aid  of  Phyllidas,  however,  Charon  contrived  to  lull  the 
suspicions  of  the  polemarchs,  who  were  ah-eady  half  intoxicated.     Shortly 
after  the  departure  of  Charon  another  messenger  arrived  from  Athens 
with  a  letter  for  Archias,  in  which  the  whole  plot  was  accurately  detailed. 
The  messenger,  in  accordance  with  liis  mstructions,  informed  Archias  that 
the  letter  related  to  matters  of  serious  importance.     But  the  polemarch, 
completely  engrossed  by  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  thrust  the  letter  under 
the  pillow  of  his  couch,  exclaiming,  "  Serious  matters  to-morrow." 

The  hour  of  their  fate  was  now  ripe,  and  the  polemarclis,  flushed  with 
wme,  desired  Phyllidas  to  introduce  the  women.  The  conspirators,  dis- 
guised with  veils,  and  in  the  ample  folds  of  female  attire,  were  ushered 
into  the  room.  For  men  in  the  state  of  the  revellers  the  deception  was 
complete;  but  when  they  attempted  to  lift  the  veils  from  the  women,  their 
passion  was  rewarded  by  the  mortal  thrust  of  a  dagger.  After  thus  slaymg 
the  two  polemarchs,  the  conspu^tors  went  to  the  house  of  Leontiades, 
whom  they  found  recHning  after  supper,  whilst  his  wife  sat  spinning  by  his 
side.  Leontiades,  who  was  strong  and  courageous,  immediately  seized  his 
Bword  and  inflicted  a  mortal  wound  on  one  of  the  conspu-ators,  but  was  at 


I' 

I' 


i' 


432 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIX. 


length  overpowered  and  kiUed  by  Pelopidas.    Then  the  conspirators  pro- 
ceeded to  the  gaol,  and,  havmg  Uberated  the  prisoners,  supphed  them  with 

The  news  of  the  revolution  soon  spread  abroad.  Epameinondas,  whose 
repugnance  to  these  proceedings  attached  only  to  their  secret  and  treacher- 
ous character,  now  appeared,  accompanied  by  a  few  friends  m  arms. 
Proclamations  were  issued  announcing  that  Thebes  was  free,  and  caUmg 
upon  all  citizens  who  valued  their  liberty  to  muster  in  the  market-place. 
As  soon  as  day  dawned,  and  the  citizens  became  aware  that  they  were 
summoned  to  vindicate  their  Uberty,  then-  joy  and  enthusiasm  were  un- 
bounded. For  the  first  time  since  the  seizure  of  their  citadel  they  met 
in  public  assembly ;  the  conspirators,  being  introduced,  were  crowned  by 
the  priests  with  wreaths,  and  thanked  in  the  name  of  their  country's  gods ; 
whilst  the  assembly,  with  grateful  acclamation,  unanimously  nominated 
Pelopidas,  Charon,  and  Mellon  as  the  first  restored  Boeotarchs. 

§  8.  Meanwhile  the  remainder  of  the  Theban  exiles,  accompanied  by  a 
body  of  Athenian  volunteers,  assembled  on  the  frontiers  of  Bceotia ;  and, 
at  the  first  news  of  the  success  of  the  conspiracy,  hastened  to  Thebes  to 
complete  the  revolution.  The  Lacedaemonian  garrison  sent  to  Thespiffi 
and  Plated  for  remforcements ;  but  these  were  dispersed  by  the  Theban 
cavaliy  before  they  could  approach  the  gates.  The  Thebans,  under  their 
new  Boeotarchs,  were  already  mounting  to  the  assault  of  Cadmea,  when 
the  Lacedaemonians  capitulated,  and  were  allowed  to  march  out  with  the 
honors  of  war.  But  several  of  the  Theban  citizens  of  the  Lacedaemonian 
party,  who  had  taken  refuge  m  the  citadel,  were  put  to  death,  and  in  some 
cases  even  their  children  shared  their  fate.  The  surrender  of  the  Cadmea 
seems  to  have  been  a  disgraceful  dereliction  of  duty  on  the  part  of  the 
three  commanding  Spartan  harmosts ;  nor  are  we  surprised  to  hear  tliat 
two  of  them  were  put  to  death,  and  the  third  fined  and  banished. 

§  9.  The  news  of  this  revolution  gave  a  shock  to  the  Lacedaemonian 
power  throughout  Greece.  At  Sparta  itself  it  occasioned  the  greatest 
consternation.  Although  it  was  the  depth  of  winter,  the  allied  contingents 
were  immediately  called  out,  and  an  expedition  undertaken  against  Thebes. 
As  Agesilaus,  being  now  more  than  sixty  years  of  age,  declined  to  take 
the  cwnmand,  it  was  assigned  to  his  colleague,  Cleombrotus,  who  pene- 
trated as  far  into  Bceotia  as  Cynoscephalaj ;  but  ailer  remaining  there 
sixteen  days,  he  returned  to  Sparta  without  having  effected  anytliing, 
leavmg,  however,  a  third  of  his  army  at  Thespiae,  under  the  command  of 
Sphodrias.  This  expedition  caused  great  alarm  at  Athens.  The  Lax^- 
dsemonians  sent  envoys  to  demand  satisfaction  for  the  part  which  the 
Athenians  had  taken  in  the  Theban  revolution.  Among  those  who  had 
mded  and  abetted  the  plot  were  two  of  the  Strategi  or  generals,  who  were 
now  sacrificed  to  the  pubUc  security,  one  of  them  being  condemned  and 
executed,  and  the  other,  who  fled  before  trial,  sentenced  to  banishment. 


B.C.378.]  ATHENIAN  CONFEDERACY  REORGANIZED.  403 

The  Thebans,  now  fearing  that  the  Athenians  would  remain  quiet  and 
leave  hem  to  contend  single-handed  against  the  Spartans,  bribed  Spht 
dna.  to  mvade   Attica.     Accordingly   Sphodria.   set  out  from  Thespt 
with  the  intention  of  surprising  the  Peir^us  by  night;  but  being  over- 
taken  by  daylight  whilst  still  on  the  Thriasian  plain  near  Eleusis    he 
retreated,  though  not  without  committing  various   acts  of  depredJion. 
This  attempt  excited  the  liveliest  indignation  at  Athens.     The  Lacedce 
monian  envoys  still  at  Athens,  were  seized  and  interrogated,  but  exculpat- 
ed  themselves  from  all  knowledge  of  the  enterprise.     Sphodrias  himself 
was  mdictecl  for  it  at  Sparta,  but  the  influence  of  Agesilaus  procured  his 
acquittal.     His  escape  was  denounced  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  Greece 
At  Athens  It  at  once  produced  an  alliance  with  Thebes,  and  a  declaration 
ot  war  against  Sparta  (b.  c.  378). 

§  10.  From  this  time  must  be  dated  the  era  of  a  new  political  combi- 
nation m  Greece.     Athens  strained   every   nerve   to   organize   a  fresh 
confederaey.     She  already  possessed  the  nucleus  of  one  in  a  small  body 
of  maritime  alhes^  and  envoys  were  now  sent  to  the  principal  ports  and 
islands  m  the  ^gean,  inviting  them  to  join  the  alliance  on  e^ual  and 
honorable  terms.     Thebes  did  not  scruple  to  enroll  herself  as  one  of  its 
eariiest  members.     At  Athens  itself  the  fortifications  of  Peh-seus  were 
completed,  new  ships  of  war  were  built,  and  every  means  taken  to  insure 
nava    supreniacy.     The   basis   on   which  the   confederacv   was   formed 
closely  resembled  that  of  Delos.     The  cities  composing  it  Were  to  be  ^. 
dependent,  and  to  send  deputies  to  a  congress  at  Athens,  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  a  common  fund  for  the  support  of  a  naval  force.     Care  was 
taken  to  bamsn  aU  recollections  connected  with  the  former  unpopularity 
of  the  Athenian  empire.     The  name  of  the  tribute  was  no  longer  pharos  * 
but  ^to.,t  or  "  contribution  » ;  and  all  previous  rights  of  clerucL  we^e 
formally  renounced.     The  confederacy,  which  ultimately  numbered  sev- 
enty cities,  was  chiefly  organized  through  the  exertions  of  Chabria.   of 
Timotheus  the  son  of  Conon,  and  of  the  orator  CaUistratus;  but  of  these 
ielZe  ^^   P«^ti^"larfy   successful^  in   procuring  accessions  to  the 

§  1 1.  -Hie  first  proceeding  of  the  assembled  congress  was  to  vote  twenty- 
thousand  hophtes,  five  hundred  cavaliy,  and  two  hundred  triremes      To 
meet  the  necessary  expenses,  a  new  graduated  assessment  of  the  eisphora  1 
or  property  tax,  was  instituted  at  Athens  itself  (b.  c.  378) ;  a  species  of 
tax  never  miposed  except  on  urgent  occasions.     These  proceedings  show 
Uie  ardor  with  which  Athens  embarked  in  the  war.     Nor  were  the  The- 
bans  less  zealous,  amongst  whom  the  Spartan  government  had  left  a  hvely 
feehng  of  antipathy.     They  hastened  to  enn)ll  themselves  under  Pelopid^ 
and  his  colleagues  ;  the  most  fertile  portion  of  the  Theban  territory  was 


I 


k 


t^t^MS^ 


55 


t  <rviTaf  If . 


X  €iaxf>opd. 


434 


HISTOBT   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XJCXIX. 


B.  C.  376.] 


BATTLE   OP  NAXOS. 


435 


surrounded  with  a  ditch  and  palisade,  in  order  to  prot^t  it  from  inv^on; 
the  miUtary  force  was  put  in  the  best  training  and  the  famous  &^^ 
Band"  was  now  for  the  first  time  instituted.  Th.s  hand  was  a  regiment 
of  three  hundred  hoplites.  It  w;^  supported  at  the  public  expense  and 
kept  constantly  un.ler  arms.  It  was  composed  of  young  and  chosen  ctU- 
zens  of  the  best  families,  and  orgamzed  in  such  a  manner  that  each  m^ 
had  at  his  side  a  dear  and  intimate  friend.    Its  special  duty  wa.  the  de 

fence  of  tlie  Cadinea.  .      ^ 

§  12.  The  Thebans  had  always  been  excellent  soldiers;  but  their  good 

fortune  now  gave  them  the  greatest  genend  that  ^--^  "^^^^^ 
Been.    Epameinondas,  who  now  appears   conspicuously   in   public   We, 
deserves  \he  reputation,  not  merely  of  a  Theban,but  of  a  Grecian  l-i.. 
Sprung  from  a  poor  but  ancient  family,  Epamemonclas  possessed  all  the 
b;st  qiialities  of  his  nation,  without  that  heaviness,  either  of  body  or  mmd, 
which  characterized  and  deterionited  the  Theban  peop  e.    In  the  ex- 
S  es  of  the  gymnasium  he  aimed  rather  at  feats  of  ski  ,  than  of  mere 
Tr^real  strenjh.     He  excelled  in  music, --a  term  which  among  the 
Greeks  denoted  not  only  instrumental  and  vocal  performance,  and  dancmg, 
but  also  the  just  and  rhythmical  intonation  of  the  voice  and  movemen 
Tthe  My.    To  these  aiomplishments  he  united  the  more  mtellectual 
IS;  o^Lsophy.    Through  the  Theban  Simmias,  and  the  Tarentme 
Spinthai's,  both  of  whom  had  been  companions  of  Socrates,  Epameinon^^ 
^bibed  th;  wisdom  and  the  method  of  the  great  plnlosopher  o   Athen^, 
whilst  by  the  Pythagorean  Lysis,  a  Tarentme  ^^^^^^^"^^^ 
he  was  initiated  mto  the  more  recondite  doctrmes  of  the  earhest  of  Grecian 
saaes     By  these  varied  communications  his  mind  was  enlarged  beyond 
Z  sphere  of  vulgai-  superstition,  and  emancipated  from  that  trniorous 
interpretation  of  nature,  which  caused  even  some  of  the  leadmg  men  of 
those  days  to  behold  a  portent  in  the  most  ordinary  phenomenon.    A  stiU 
rarer  accomplishment  for  a  Theban  was  that  of  eloquence,  which  he 
possessed  in  no  ordinary  degree.    These  intellectual  qualities  were  matched 
Tith  moral  virtues  worthy  to  consort  with  them.     Though  eloquent,  he 
was  discreet;  though  poor,  he  was  neither  avaricious  nor  corrupt;  though 
naturally  firm  and  courageous,  he  was  averse  to  cruelty,  violence,  and 
bloodshed;  though  a  patriot,  he  was  a  stranger  to  personal  ambition,  and 
scorned  the  little  arts  by  which  popularity  is  too  often  courted.     Pelopi- 
das   as  we  have  already  said,  was  his  bosom  friend.    It  was  natural, 
therefore,  that,  when  Pelopidas  was  named  Boeotarch,  Epamemondas 
should  be  prominently  employed  in  organizing  the  means  of  war ;  but  it  was 
not  till  some  years  later  that  his  military  genius  shone  forth  in  its  full  lustre. 
§  13   The  Spartans  were  resolved  to  avenge  the  repulse  they  had 
received,  and  in  the  summer  of  b.  c.  378,  Agesihius  marched  with  a 
lar-e  ai-my  into  Boeotia.    He  succeeded  m  breaking  through  the  Theban 
.cii^umvalktion,  and  ravaged  the  country  up  to  the  very  gates  of  Thebes 


though  the  combined  Theban  and  Athenian  armies  — the  latter  under 
Chabrias  — presented  too  formidable  a  front  for  him  to  venture  upon  an 
engagement.  After  spending  a  month  in  the  BceotiaD  ten-itory  without 
stnking  a  decisive  blow,  Agesilaus  returned  to  Sparta  with  the  bulk  of  his 
army,  leaving  the  rest  under  the  command  of  Phoebidas  at  Thespia  • 
who  shortly  afterwards  fell  in  a  skirmish.  A  second  expedition  under- 
taken by  Agesilaus  in  the  following  summer  (b.  c.  377)  ended  much  in 
the  same  manner.  An  injury  to  his  leg,  which  he  received  on  the  home- 
ward  march,  and  which  was  aggravated  by  the  unskilfulness  of  his  surgeoii, 
disabled  him  for  a  long  time  from  active  service ;  so  that  the  invasion  in 
the  summer  of  b.  c.  376  was  conducted  by  Cleombrotus.  But  the  Thebans 
haxi  now  acquired  both  skill  and  confidence.  They  anticipated  the  Lace- 
daemonians in  seizing  the  passes  of  Citheron ;  and  Cleombrotus,  instead 
of  invading  Boeotia,  was  forced  to  retreat  ingloriously. 

§  14  This  ill-success  on  land  determined  the  Lacedjemonians  to  try 
what  they  could  effect  at  sea ;  and  a  fleet  of  sixty  tiiremes  under  PolUo 
was  accordingly  despatched  into  the  iEgean.     Near  Naxos  they  feU  in 
with  the  Athenian  fleet  under  Chabrias,  who  completely  defeated  them, 
thus  regaining  once  more  for  Athens  the  mastery  of  the  seas  (b.  c.  376). 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  young  Phocion  first  distinguished  himself. 
The  Athenians  followed  up  this  success  by  sending  Timotheus,  the  son  of 
Conon,  with  a  fleet  into  the  western  seas.    Timotheus  won  success  as  much 
by  prudence  and  conciUation  as  by  arms.    The  inhabitants  of  Cepliallenia 
and  Corcyra,  several  of  the  tribes  of  Epeirus,  together  with  the  Acama- 
nians  dwelling  on  the  coast,  were  persuaded  to  jom  the  Athenian  alKance. 
Off  Acarnania  he  was  attacked  by  the  Peloponnesian  fleet,  which  however 
he  defeated;  and  being  subsequently  reinforced  by  some  triremes  from 
Corcyra,  he  became  completely  master  of  the  seas  in  that  quarter. 

§  15.  The  justice  and  forbearance,  however,  which  Timotheus  observed 
towards  friends  and  neutrals,   obliged  liim   to   draw   largely  upon   the 
Athenian  treasury;  and  the  losses  inflicted  on  the  Athenian  commerce 
by  the  privateers  of  ^gina  caused  the  drain  to  be  still  more  seriously  felt. 
Athens  was  thus  compelled  to  make  fresh  demands  on  the  members  of  the 
confederacy ;  with  which,  however,  the  Thebans  refused  to  comply,  though 
it  was  partly  at  their  instance  that  the  Athenian  fleet  had  been  sent  into 
the  ^gean.     This  refusal  was  embittered  by  jealousy  of  the  rapid  strides, 
which,  owing  to  the  diversion  caused  by  the  maritime  efforts  of  Athens, 
Thebes  had  recently  been  makmg.     For  two  years  Boeotia  had  been  free 
from  Spartan  invasion ;  and  Tliebes  had  employed  this  time  in  extending 
her  dominion  over  the  neighboring  cities.    One  of  her  most  important 
successes  during  this  period  was  the  victory  gained  by  Pelopidas  near 
Tegyra,  a  village  dependent  upon  Orchomenus  (b.  c.  375).     The  Spartan 
harmost  of  Orchomenus  having  left  that  town  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
garrison  in  order  to  make  an  incursion  into  Locris,  Pelopidas  formed  the 


I, 


(, 


4eS0 


HISTOBY  OF  aBEECE. 


[Cbap<  XXXIX. 


project  of  surprising  Oixshomenus,  but,  finding  it  impracticable,  was  on  his 
rosd  home,  when  he  fell  in  near  Tegyra  with  the  Lacedemonians  on  their 
return  from  Locris.     Pelopidas  had  with  him  only  the  Sacred  Band  and 
a  small  body  of  cavaby,  while  the  Lacedaemonians  were  nearly  twice  as 
numerous.     He  did  not,  however,  shrink  from  the  conflict  onthis account ; 
and  when  one  of  his  men,  running  up  to  him,  exclaimed,  "We  are  tailen 
mto  the  midst  of  the  enemy,"  he  replied,  "  Why  so,  more  than  they  mto  the 
midst  of  us  ?  "    In  the  battle  which  ensued,  the  two  Spartan  commanders 
fell  at  the  first  charge,  and  then-  men  were  put  to  the  rout.     So  signal  a 
victory  inspired  the  Thebans  with  new  confidence  and  vigor,  as  it  showed 
that  Spaxta  was  not  invincible  even  in  a  pitched  battle  and  with  the  ad- 
TantagVof  numbers  on  her  side.     By  the  year  374  b.  c,  the  Thebans  had 
succe^ed  in  entirely  expelKng  the  Lacedaemonians  from  Bceotia,  had  put 
down  the  oligarchical  factions  in  the  various   cities,  and  revived  the 
Boeotian  confederacy.    Orchomenus  alone,  which  lay  on  the  borders  of 
Fhocis,  together  with  its  dependency  Cheronea,  still  remained  under 
Spartan  government.    The  Thebans  now  began  to  look  beyond  their  own 
bo^ariS  an4  to  retaUate  on  the  Phocians  for  the  assistance  they  had  en 
to  Sparta.     The  success  of  the  Thebans  in  that  quarter  would  have  laid 
open  to  them  the  temple  of  Delphi  with  aU  its  treasures ;  nor  did  such  a 
rTult  seem  improbable,  as  the   Phocians  were  ai  the  same  tmie  hard 
pressed  by  Jason  of  Phene  in  Thessaly.     But  at   the  mstance   of  the 
Phocians  Cleombrotus  came  to  their  aid,  and  succeeded  m  assunng  their 

safety,  as  well  as  that  of  Orchomenus.  .     .  ,1,^  :,«! 

§  16.  Such  were  the  successes  of  the  Thebans  which  revived  the  jeal- 
ousy  and  distrust  of  Athens.    Phocis  was  her  ancient  ally ;  and  the  The- 
ban  menace  of  that  country,  coupled  with  the  anger  excited  by  the  refu^ 
of  the  Thebans  to  pay  the  required  tribute,  induced  the  AA~;«^^^ 
proposals  of  peace  to  Sparta,     These  were  eagerly  adopted,  and  Tmio- 
L^was  instructed  to  sail  back  to  Athens  with  the  fleet.    The  peace, 
however,  was  broken  almost  as  soon  as  made.     On  his  way  back,  Tmio- 
theus  disembarked  at  Zacynthus  some  exiles  belonging  to  that  island,  and 
assisted  them  in  establisldng  a  fortified  post.     For  this  proceedmg  Sparto 
demanded  redress  at  Athens  in  the  name  of  the  Zacynthian  government ; 
which  being  refused,  war  was  again  declared.    The  Lacedaemonians  now 
sent  a  lar-e  force  under  the  command  of  Mnasippus  to  subdue  the  impor- 
tant  island  of  Corcyra,  which  has  not  appeared  in  Grecian  histoiy  smce 
the  time  of  the  fearful  dissensions  by  which  it  was  torn  asunder  m    lie 
Peloponnesian  war.     Mnasippus  having  effected  a  landing  and  blockaded 
the  coital,  the  Corcyi-^ans  hivoked  the  aid  of  the  Athenians,  who  appoint- 
ed  Timotheus  to  conduct  a  fleet  to  their  reUef ;  and  whilst  tins  was 
pieparing  despatched  Stesicles  with  six  hundred  peltasts  overland  through 
Thessaly  and  Epeirus.    These,  bemg  conveyed  across  the   channel  to 
Corcyra,  contrived  to  get  into  the  city,  and  revived  the  hopes  of  the 


B.  C.  371.] 


PEACE  BETWEEN  ATHENS   AND   SPARTA. 


m 


besieged  with  the  news  of  the  approaching  Athenian  fleet.  The  distress 
and  privation  had  now  become  very  great  within  the  city;  but  the  mis- 
conduct of  Mnasippus  afforded  the  Corcyraeans  an  opportunity  of  retrieving 
their  affau-s.  His  soldiers,  who  were  mostly  mercenaries,  being  irregular- 
ly paid  and  harshly  treated,  became  mutinous  and  insubordinate;  the 
watch  was  badly  kept;  and  the  besieged,  observing  their  opportunity, 
made  a  sally,  in  which  the  Lacedasmonians  were  defeated  and  Mnasippus 
hunself  slain.  Shortly  afterwards,  the  approach  of  the  Athenian  fleet 
being  announced,  the  Lacedaemonians  hastily  evacuated  the  island,  leav- 
ing behind  them  a  large  store  of  provisions  and  many  slaves,  besides 
a  considerable  number  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers. 

When  the  Athenian  fleet  arrived,  it  was  found  to  be  commanded  by 
Iphicrates,  Chabrias,  and  the  orator  Callistratus.  Timotheus  had  been 
superseded  in  the  command,  because  he  was  thought  to  have  wasted  time 
unnecessarily  in  equipping  the  fleet.  Iphicrates,  soon  after  his  arrival  at 
Corc}Ta,  captured  nine  out  of  ten  triremes  sent  by  Dionysius  of  Syracuse 
to  the  assistance  of  Sparta.  From  thence  he  crossed  over  to  the  opposite 
coast  of  Acarnania,  and  even  laid  waste  the  western  shores  of  Pelopon- 
nesus. 

§  17.  These  successes  of  the  Athenians  occasioned  great  alarm  at 
Sparta.  Antalcidas  was  again  despatched  (b.  c.  372)  to  solicit  the  inter- 
vention of  Persia,  on  the  plea  that  the  peace  had  been  infringed  by  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Boeotian  confederation.  But  even  Athens  had 
become  anxious  for  peace,  in  consequence  of  the  increasing  jealousy  of 
Thebes,  which  had  recently  destroyed  the  restored  city  of  Platsea,  and 
obliged  its  inhabitants  once  more  to  seek  refuge  at  Athens.  Prompted  by 
these  feelings,  the  Athenians  opened  negotiations  for  a  peace  with  Sparta; 
a  resolution  which  was  also  adopted  by  the  majority  of  the  allies.  Due 
notice  of  this  intention  was  given  to  the  Thebans,  who  were  also  invited  to 
send  deputies  to  Sparta. 

§  18.  A  congi-ess  was  accordingly  opened  in  that  city  in  the  spring  of 
371  B.  c.     The  Athenians  were  represented  by  Callias,  Autocles,  and 
Callistratus ;  and  the  Thebans  by  Epameinondas,  then  one  of  the  pole- 
marclis.     The  terms  of  a  peace  were  agreed  upon,  by  which  the  inde- 
pendence  of  the    various    Grecian    cities   was   to  be  recognized;    the 
armaments  on  both  sides  were  to  be  disbanded,  and  the  Spartan  harmosts 
and  garrisons  everywhere  dismissed.     Sparta  ratified  the  treaty  for  herself 
and  her  allies ;  but  Athens  took  the  oaths  only  for  herself,  and  was  fol- 
lowed separately  by  her  allies.     But  when  the  turn  of  the  Thebans  came, 
Epameinondas  refused  to  sign  except  in  the  name  of  the  Boeotian  confed- 
eration, and  justified  his  refusal  in  a  bold  and  eloquent  speech,  in  which 
he  maintained  that  the  title  of  Thebes  to  the  headship  of  Bceotia  rested  on 
as  good  a  foundation  as  the  claim  of  Sparta  to  the  sovereignty  of  Laconia, 
wliich  he  maintained  was  derived  only  from  the  power  of  the  sword. 


■w\ 


} 


m 


1S8 


HISTORY   OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XxxiX. 


B.  C.  371.] 


DESIRE  AT   SPARTA  TO   CRUSH  THEBES. 


439 


TMs  norel  and  startling  view  of  the  matter,  which  nobody  before  had  even 
ventured  to  open,  was  peculiarly  insulting  to  Spartan  ears.  Agesilaus 
was  incensed  beyond  measure  at  what  lie  regai-ded  as  another  instance  of 
Theban  insolence.  Starting  abruptly  from  his  seat,  and  addressmg 
Epameinondas,  he  exclaimed:  "Speak  out,  — will  you,  or  will  you  not 
leave  each  Ba>otian  city  indei>endent  ?  "  Epameinondas  replied  by  another 
question:  "Will  ijou  leave  each  of  the  Laconian  towns  independent?" 
Agesilaus  made  no  answer,  but,  directing  the  name  of  the  Thebaus  to  be 
struck  out  of  the  treaty,  proclaimed  them  excluded  from  it. 

Thus  ended  the  congress.  The  peace  concluded  between  Sparta, 
Athens,  and  their  respective  allies,  was  called  the  peace  of  Callias.  The 
result  with  regard  to  Thebes  and  Sparta  wiU  appear  in  the  foUowmg 
chapter. 


The  Wind  Boreas,  from  the  Horologium  of  Andronicus  Cyrrheates  at  Atheni. 


Ithome,  from  the  Stadium  of  Messene. 


CHAPTER  XL. 


THE   SUPREMACY   OF   THEBES. 

§  1.  Invasion  of  Bceotia  by  Cleombrotus.  §  2.  Battle  of  Leuctra.  §  3.  Its  Effect  throughout 
Greece.  ^  4.  Jason  of  Phera;  joins  the  Thebans.  §  5.  Progress  of  Thebes.  §  6.  Assas- 
sination of  Jason.  $  7.  Establishment  of  the  Arcadian  League.  §  8.  First  Invasion  of 
Peloponnesus  by  Epameinondas.  Alarm  at  Sparta.  Vigorous  Measures  of  Agesilaus. 
§  9.  Epameinondas  founds  Megalopolis,  and  restores  the  Messenians.  §  10.  Alliance 
between  Athens  and  Sparta.  Second  Invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Epameinondas. 
§  11.  Invasion  of  Laconia  by  the  Arcadians.  §  12.  Expedition  of  Pelopidas  into  Thessaly. 
The  "  Tearless  Battle  "  between  the  Arcadians  and  Lacedocmonians.  $13.  Third  Inva- 
sion of  Peloponnesus  by  Epameinondas.  §  14,  Mission  of  Pelopidas  to  the  Court  of  Susa. 
§  15.  Seizure  of  Pelopidas  by  Alexander.  His  Release.  §  16.  The  Athenians  acquire 
Oropus.  Alliance  between  Athens  and  Arcadia.  §  17.  Attempt  of  the  Athenians  to 
seize  Corinth,  followed  by  an  Alliance  between  the  Corinthians  and  Thebans.  §  18.  Sue 
cess  of  the  Athenians  at  Sea.  A  Theban  Fleet  commanded  by  Epameinondas.  §  19. 
Death  of  Pelopidas.  §  20.  Wars  between  Elis  and  Arcadia.  Battle  at  Olympia  during 
the  Festival.  §  21.  Dissensions  among  the  Arcadians.  §  22.  Fourth  Invasion  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus by  Epameinondas.  Attempts  upon  Sparta  and  Mantinea.  §  23.  Battle  of 
Mantinea,  and  Death  of  Epameinondas.     §  24.  Death  of  Agesilaus. 


§  1.  In  pursuance  of  the  treaty,  the  Lacedairaonians  withdrew  their  hai^ 
mosts  and  garrisons,  whilst  the  Athenians  recaUed  Iphicrates  with  the 
fleet  from  the  Ionian  Sea.  Only  one  feeling  prevailed  at  Sparta,  —  a 
desire  to  crush  Thebes ;  and  this  was  carried  to  an  almost  insane  extent ; 
so  that  even  Xenophon,  a  warm  partisan  of  the  Lacedivmonians,  compares 
it  to  the  misleading  and  fatal  inspiration  of  the  Homeric  Ate.     But  this 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XXXIX. 


Tliis  novel  and  startling  view  of  the  matter,  wliicli  nobody  before  had  even 
ventured  to  open,  was  peculiarly  insulting  to  Si)artan  ears.  Agesilaus 
was  incensed  beyond  nie:Hure  at  what  he  regarded  as  another  instance  of 
Theban  insolence.  Starting  abruptly  from  liis  seat,  and  'iddrcssing 
Epameinondas,  he  exclaimed:  "Speak  out,  — will  you,  or  will  you  not 
leave  each  Bceotian  city  imlcpendent  ?  "  Epameinondas  replied  by  another 
question:  "Will  ,yo^r  leave  each  of  the  Laconian  towns  hidei)endent  ?  " 
Agesilaus  made  no  answer,  but,  directing  the  name  of  the  Thebans  to  be 
struck  out  of  the  treaty,  proclaimed  them  excluded  from  it. 

Thus  ended  tlie  congress.  The  peace  concluded  between  Sparta, 
Athens,  and  their  resptictive  allies,  was  called  the  peace  of  Callias.  The 
result  with  regaal  to  Thebes  and  Spsirta  will  appear  in  the  followmg 
chapter. 


The  Wind  Boreas,  from  the  Horologium  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestes  at  Athena. 


B.  C.  371.] 


DESIRE   AT   SPARTA  TO   CRUSH   THEBES. 


439 


Ithome,  from  the  Stadium  of  Messene. 


CHAPTER  XL. 


THE   SUPREMACY   OF  THEBES. 

^  1.  Invasion  of  Bceotia  by  Cleombrotus.  §2.  Battle  of  Leuctra.  §3.  Its  Effect  throughout 
Greece.  §  4.  Jason  of  Pheraj  joins  the  Thebans.  §  5.  Progress  of  Thebes.  §  6.  Assas- 
Bination  of  Jason,  t^  7.  Estabhshment  of  tlie  Arcadian  I.eague.  §  8.  First  Invasion  of 
Peloponnesus  by  Epameinondas.  Alarm  at  Sparta.  Vigorous  Measures  of  Agesilaus. 
§  9.  Epameinondas  founds  Jlegalopolis,  and  restores  the  ^losseiiians.  §  10.  Alliance 
between  Athens  and  Sparta.  Second  Invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  Ej^ameinondas. 
§  11.  Invasion  of  Laconia  by  the  Arcadians.  §  12.  Expedition  of  l*elopidas  into  Thessaly. 
The  "Tearless  Battle"  between  the  Arcadians  and  Laccdirmonians.  ^  LS.  Third  Inva- 
sion of  Peloponnesus  by  Epameinondas.  §  14.  Mission  of  Pelo{)idas  to  the  Court  of  Snsa. 
§  15.  Seizure  of  Pelopidas  by  Alexander.  His  Kelease.  §  10.  The  Athenians  actpiire 
Oropus.  Alliance  between  Athens  and  Arcadia.  §  17.  AttemjJt  of  the  Athenians  to 
seize  Corinth,  followed  by  an  Alliance  between  the  Corinthians  and  Thebans.  §  IS.  Sue 
cess  of  tlie  Atlienians  at  Sea.  A  Theban  Fleet  commanded  by  Epameinondas.  §  19. 
Death  of  Pelopidas.  §  20.  Wars  between  Elis  and  Arcadia.  Battle  at  Olynipia  during 
the  Festival.  ^  21.  Dissensions  among  the  Arcadians.  §  22.  Fourth  Invasion  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus by  Epameinondas.  Attempts  upon  Sparta  and  Mantinea.  ^  23.  Battle  of 
Mantinea,  and  Death  of  Epameinondas.     §  24.  Death  of  Agesilaus. 


§  1.  In  pursuance  of  the  treaty,  the  Laeediemonians  withdrew  their  har- 
mosts  and  garrisons,  whilst  the  Athenians  recalled  Iphierates  with  the 
fleet  from  the  Ionian  Sea.  Only  one  feeling  prevailed  at  Sparta,  —  a 
desire  to  crush  Thebes ;  and  this  was  carried  to  an  almost  insane  extent ; 
80  that  even  Xenoi>hon,  a  warm  partisan  of  the  Laeediemonians,  com[)ares 
it  to  the  misleading  and  fatal  inspiration  of  the  Homeric  Ate.     But  this 


440 


HISTOBT   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XL. 


B.  C.  371.] 


BATTLE   OF  LEUCTEA. 


^nkm 


was  an  afterthought  Before  the  actual  collision,  the  general  opinion, 
not  only  at  Sparta,  but  throughout  Greece,  was  very  different.  Thebes 
was  regarded  as  doomed  to  destraction;  and  it  was  not  for  a  moment 
imagined  that,  single-handed,  she  wouW  be  able  to  resist  the  might  of 
Sparta.  At  the  time  when  the  peace  waa  concluded,  Cleombrotus  hap- 
pened to  be  m  Phocis  at  the  head  of  a  Lacedaemonian  army ;  and  he  now 
received  orders  to  invade  Boeotia  without  delay.  The  Thebans,  on  their 
side,  were  equally  determined  on  resistance.  In  order  to  prevent  Cleom- 
brotus from  penetrating  into  Bceotia,  Epameinondas  occupied  with  a 
strong  force  the  narrow  pass  near  Coronea,  situated  between  the  Lake 
Copaii  and  a  spur  of  Mount  HeUcon,  through  which  Agesikus  had  forced 
ft  passage  on  his  homeward  march  from  Asia.  But  Cleombrotus  took  a 
circuitous  road,  deemed  hai^ly  practicable,  and  therefore  but  slightly 
guarded,  over  the  mountains  to  the  south.  Arrivmg  thus  unexpectedly 
before  Creusis  on  the  Crisssean  Gulf,  he  took  that  plaxie  by  surprise,  and 
seized  twelve  Theban  triremes  which  lay  in  the  harbor.  Then,  having 
left  a  garrison  in  the  town,  he  directed  his  march  through  the  territory  of 
Thespia),  and  encamped  on  the  memorable  plain  of  Leuctra. 

§2.  This  march  of  Cleombrotus  displays  considerable  military  skill. 
He  had  not  only  succeeded  in  penetrating  into  Boeotia  ahnost  without 
opposition;  but,  by  seizing  the  port  of  Creusis,  he  had  secured  a  safe 
retreat  in  case  of  disaster.  The  Thebans  were  discouraged  at  his  progress, 
and  it  required  all  the  energy  and  address  of  Epameinondas  and  Pelopidas 
to  revive  their  drooping  spirits.  Omens  of  evil  import  had  attended  their 
march  from  Thebes ;  and  when  they  encamped  within  sight  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians, three  out  of  the  seven  Boeotarchs  were  for  returning  to  the 
city  and  shutting  themselves  up  in  it,  after  sending  away  their  wives  and 
children  to  Athens.  But  Epameinondas  had  too  much  confidence  in  his 
own  genius  to  listen  to  such  timorous  counsels.  His  own  mind  was  proof 
against  the  fears  of  superstition,  and  luckily  some  favorable  portents  now 
gave  encouragement  to  his  troops.  A  Spartan  exile  serving  with  the 
Thebans  bade  them  remark,  that  on  that  very  spot  stood  the  tomb  of  two 
BcBOtian  virgms  who  slew  themselves  in  consequence  of  having  been 
outraged  by  Lacedaemonians.  The  shades  of  these  injured  maidens,  he 
said,  would  now  demand  vengeance ;  and  the  Theban  commanders,  seizing 
the  omen,  crowned  the  tombs  with  wreaths. 

The  forces  on  each  side  are  not  accurately  known,  but  it  seems  probable 
that  the  Thebans  were  outnumbered  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  The  mili- 
tary genius  of  Epameinondas,  however,  compensated  any  inferiority  of 
numbers  by  novelty  of  tactics.  Up  to  this  time  Grecian  battles  had  been 
uniformly  conducted  by  a  general  attack  in  line.  Epameinondas  now  first 
iulopted  the  manceuvre,  used  with  such  success  by  Napoleon  in  modem 
times,  of  concentrating  heavy  masses  on  a  given  point  of  the  enemy's 
•rmy.    Having  formed  his  left  wing  into  a  dense  column  of  fifty  deep,  so 


that  its  depth  was  greater  than  its  front,  he  directed  it  against  the  Lace- 
daemonian  right,  containing  the  best  troops  in  their  army,  drawn  up  twelve 
deep,  and  led  by  Cleombrotus  in  person.     Meanwhile  the  Theban  centre 
and  right  were  ordered  to  be  kept  out  of  action,  and  in  readiness  to  sup- 
port the  advance  of  the  left  wing.     The  battle  began  with  skirmishes  of 
cavalry  in  front,  in  which  the  Lacedaemonian  horse  were  soon  driven  in. 
The  Theban  left,  the  Sacred  Band  with  Pelopidas  at  their  head,  leading 
the  van,  now  fell  with  such  irresistible  weight  on  the  Laeedjemonian  right, 
as  to  bear  down  all  opposition.     The  shock  was  terrible.     Cleombrotus 
himself  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  onset,  and  with  difficulty  carried  off 
by  his  comrades.     Numbers  of  his  officers,  as  well  as  of  his  men,  were 
slain,  and  the  whole  wing  was  broken  and  driven  back  to  their  camp.     On 
no  other  part  of  the  line  was  there  any  serious  fighting;  partly  owing  to 
the  disposition  made  by  Epameinondas,  and  partly  to  the  lukewarmness  of 
the  Spartan  allies,  who  occupied  the  centre  and  part  of  the  right  wing. 
Tlic  loss  of  the  Thebans  was  small  compared  with  that  of  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians.    Out  of  seven  hundred  Spartans  in  the  army  of  the  latter,  four 
hundred  had  fallen ;  and  their  king  also  had  been  slain,  an  event  which 
had  not  occurred  since  the  fatal  day  of  Thermopylse.    Many  of  their  aUies 
hardly  concealed  the  satisfaction  which  they  felt  at  their  defeat ;  whilst 
so  great  was  the  depression  among  the  Lacedaemonians  themselves,  that 
very  few  were  found  bold  enough  to  propose  a  renewal  of  the  combat,  in 
order  to  recover  the  bodies  of  the  slain.     The  majority  decided  that  a 
truce  should  be  sohcited  for  that  purpose.     But,  though  the  bodies  of  the 
fallen  were  given  up,  their  arms  were  retained;  and  five  centuries  after- 
wards  the  shields  of  the  principal  Spartan  officers  were  seen  at  Thebes 
by  the  traveller  Pausanias. 

§  3.  The  victory  of  Leuctra  was  gained  within  three  weeks  after  the 
exclusion  of  the  Thebans  from  the  peace  of  Callias.     The  effect  of  it 
throughout  Greece  was  electrical.     It  was  everywhere  felt  that  a  new 
military  power  had  arisen,  — that  the  prestige  of  the  old  Spartan  discipline 
and  tactics  had  departed.     Yet  at  Sparta  itself,  though  the  reverse  was 
the  greatest  that  her  arms  had  ever  sustamed,  the  news  of  it  was  received 
with  an  assumption  of  indifference  chai-acteristic  of  the  people.    The  Ephore 
forbade  the  chorus  of  men,  who  were  celebrating  m  the  theatre  the  festival 
of  the  Gymnopaedia,  to  be  interrupted.     They  contented  themselves  with 
directing  the  names  of  the  slain  to  be  communicated  to  then-  relatives, 
and  with  issuing  an  order  forbidding  the  women  to  wail  and  mourn.    Those 
whose  friends  had  fallen  appeared  abroad  on  the  morrow  with  joyful  coun- 
tenances, whilst  the  relatives  of  the  survivors  seemed  overwhelmed  with 
grief  and  shame.     The  Ephors  then  directed  their  attention  to  the  rescue 
of  the  defeated  army.     The  whole  remaining  military  force  of  Sparta, 
including  even  the  more  aged  citizens,  together  with  what  forces  could  be 
collected  fix)m  the  allies,  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Archidamus, 

56 


■ » ■ 


442 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XL. 


B.  C.  370.] 


JASON   OF   PHER-£. 


443 


I' 


eon  of  Agesikus,  and  transported  by  sea  from  Corinth  to  Creusis,  which 
port  now  proved  an  invaluable  acquisition. 

§  4.  Immediately  after  the  battle  the  Thebans  had  sent  to  Jasonof 
PhenB  in  Thessaly,  to  solicit  his  aid  against  the  Lacedaemonians.    We 
have  already  had  occasion  to  mention  this  despot,  who  was  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  men  of  the  period.     He  was  Tagus,*  or  Generalissmio,  of  aU 
Thessaly ;  and  Macedonia  was  partially  dependent  on  him.     He  was  a 
man  of  boundless  ambition,  and  meditated  nothing  less  than  extendmg  his 
dominion  over  the  whole  of  Greece,  for  which  his  central  situation  seemed 
to  offer  many  facilities.     Upon  receiving  the  invitation  of  the  Thebans, 
Jason  immediately  resolved  to  join  them,  and  marched  with  such  rapidity 
that  he  forestalled  all  opposition,  though  he  had  to  proceed  through  the 
hostile  territories  of  the  Heracleots  and  Phocians.    When  he  amved,  the 
Thebans  were  anxious  that  he  should  unite  with  them  in  an  attack  upon 
the  LacedjEinonian  camp ;  but  Jason  dissuaded  them  from  the  enterpnse, 
advismg  them  not  to  drive  the  Lacedaemonians  to  despair,  and  offering  his 
mediation.     He  accordingly  succeeded  in  effecting  a  truce,  by  which  the 
Lacedjemonians  were  aUowed  to  depart  from  Bceotia  unmolested.     Theur 
commander,  however,  did  not  trust  to  this ;  but,  having  given  out  that  he 
meant  to  march  over  Mount  Cithjeron,  he  decamped  in  the  night  to  Creu- 
sis, and  fi-om  thence  proceeded  by  a  difficult  road  along  the  side  of  the 
rocks  ui)on  the  coast  to  ^gosthena  in  the  Megarid ;  where  he  was  met 
by  Archidamus  and  his  army.    As  the  defeated  troops  were  now  in  safety, 
the  object  of  the  latter  had  been  attained,  and  the  whole  armament  was 

disbanded. 

§  5.  According  to  Spartan  custom,  the  survivors  of  a  defeat  were  looked 
upon  as  degraded  men,  and  subjected  to  the  penalties  of  civil  infamy.     No 
aUowance  was  made  for  circumstances.     But  those  who  had  fled  at  Leuc- 
tra  were  three  hundred  in  number ;  an  attempt  to  enforce  against  them 
the  usual  penalties  might  prove  not  only  inconvenient,  but  even  danger- 
ous ;  and  on  the  proposal  of  Agesilaus,  they  were,  for  this  occasion  only, 
suspended.    The  loss  of  material  power  which  Sparta  sustained  by  the 
defeat  was  great.    The  ascendency  she  had  hitherto  enjoyed  in  parts  north 
of  the  Corinthian  Gulf  fell  from  her  at  once,  and  was  divided  between  Ja- 
son of  Pherse  and  the  Thebans.     The  latter,  flushed  by  success,  now 
panted  for  nothing  but  military  glory,  and  under  the  superintendence  of 
Epameinondas  devoted  themselves  to  an  active  course  of  warlike  training. 
Their  alliance  was  sought  on  every  side.     The  Phocians  were  the  first 
to  claim  it,  and  their  example  was  soon  followed  by  the  Eubceans,  the  Lo- 
crians,  the  Malians,  and  the  Heracleots.    In  this  flood-tide  of  power  the 
Thebans  longed  to  take  vengeance  on  their  ancient  enemy,  Orchomenos, 
to  destroy  the  town,  and  to  sell  the  inhabitants  for  slaves ;  and  from  this 

•  Tcryof . 


design  they  were  only  diverted  by  the  mildness  and  wisdom  of  Epamei- 
nondas. But  the  Orchomenians  were  forced  to  make  their  submission,  and 
were  then  readmitted  as  members  of  the  Boeotian  confederation.  The 
same  lenity  was  not  extended  to  the  Thespians,  who  were  expelled  from 
Bojotia,  and  their  territory  annexed  to  Thebes.  They  took  refuge,  Uke 
the  Plataeans,  at  Athens. 

§  6.  At  the  same  time  Jason  of  Pherae  was  also  extending  his  influence 
and  power.  It  was  known  that  he  was  revolving  some  important  enter- 
prise, but  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  would  turn  his  arms  against  the 
Persians,  against  the  cities  of  Chalcidice,  or  against  the  states  of  Southern 
Greece.  After  the  battle  of  Leuctra  the  last  seemed  the  most  probable. 
He  had  announced  his  intention  of  being  present  at  the  Pythian  festival, 
which  was  to  take  place  in  August,  370  b.  c,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous 
army;  on  which  occasion  his  sacrifice  to  the  Delphian  god  was  to  consist 
of  the  enormous  quantity  of  one  thousand  bulls,  and  ten  thousand  sheep, 
goats,  and  swine.  But  it  was  unpleasant  tidings  for  Grecian  ears  to  learn 
that  he  intended  to  usurp  the  presidency  and  management  of  the  festival, 
which  were  the  prerogatives  of  the  Amphictyonic  Council.  In  this  con- 
juncture the  alarmed  Delphians  consulted  the  god  as  to  what  they  should 
do  in  case  Jason  approached  then-  treasury,  and  received  for  answer  that 
he  would  himself  take  care  of  it.  Shortly  afterwards  the  despot  was  as- 
sassinated by  seven  youths  as  he  sat  in  public  to  give  audience  to  all 
comers.  The  death  of  Jason  was  felt  as  a  relief  by  Greece,  and  especially 
by  Thebes.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  two  brothers  Polyphron  and  Poly- 
dorus  ;  but  they  possessed  neither  his  ability  nor  his  power. 

§  7.  The  Athenians  stood  aloof  from  the  contending  parties.  They 
had  not  received  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Leuctra  with  any  pleasure,  for 
they  now  dreaded  Thebes  more  than  Sparta.  But  instead  of  helping  the 
latter,  they  endeavored  to  prevent  either  from  obtaining  the  supremacy 
in  Greece,  and  for  this  purpose  called  upon  the  other  states  to  form  a  new 
alhance  upon  the  terms  of  the  peace  of  Antalcidas.  Most  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  states  joined  this  new  league ;  but  the  Eleans  declined,  on  the 
ground  that  they  would  thus  deprive  themselves  of  their  sovereignty  over 
the  TriphyUan  cities. 

Thus  even  the  Peloponnesian  cities  became  independent  of  Sparta.  But 
this  was  not  all.  Never  did  any  state  fall  with  greater  rapidity.  She  not 
only  lost  the  dominion  over  states  which  she  had  exercised  for  centuries ; 
but  two  new  poUtical  powers  sprung  up  in  the  peninsula,  which  threatened 
her  own  independence.  The  first  of  these  was  the  Arcadian  confedera- 
tion, established  a  few  months  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra ;  the  second  was 
the  new  Messenian  state,  founded  by  Epamemondas  two  years  later. 

It  has  been  related  how  the  Lacedasmonians  had  some  years  previously ' 
broken  up  Mantinea  into  its  five  original  villages,  and  thus  degraded  it 
from  the  rank  of  a  city.     The  Mantineans,  assisted  by  the  Arcadians  oi 


444 

'^  JL  A 


BISTORT  OF  OBESCE. 


[C 


I 


!■ 


various  otlier  quarters,  now  availed  themselves  of  the  weakness  of  Sparta 
to  rebuild  their  town.  Its  restoration  suggested  the  still  more  extensive 
scheme  of  a  union  of  all  the  Arcadian  cities.  Hitherto  the  Arcadians  had 
been  a  race,  and  not  a  nation,  having  nothing  in  common  but  their  name. 
The  idea  of  uniting  them  into  a  federal  state  arose  with  Lycomedes,  one 
of  the  leading  men  of  the  restored  Mantinea.  It  was  expected  that  the 
Thebans  and  Argives  would  lend  their  aid  to  the  project,  which  was  well 
received  throughout  the  greater  part  of  Arcadia,  though  opposed  by  Tegea 
and  certain  other  cities  jealous  of  Mantinea.  The  Spartans  would  not  tamely 
allow  such  a  formidable  power  to  spring  up  at  theu-  very  doors ;  and,  ac- 
cordingly, Agesilaus  marched  with  a  Lacedaemonian  army  against  Manti- 
nea (b,  c.  370).  But  the  Mantineans  were  too  prudent  to  venture  on  an 
engagement  till  reinforced  by  the  Thebans,  to  whom  tliey  had  applied  for 
assistance ;  and  as  they  kept  within  their  walls,  Agesilaus,  after  ravaging 
their  territory,  marched  back  to  Sparta. 

§  8.  Ever  since  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  Epameinondas  had  been  watchmg 
an  opportunity  for  interfering  in  the  affairs  of  Peloponnesus.    But  his 
views  were  not  confined  to  the  establishment  of  an  Arcadian  union.    He 
also  proposed  to  restore  the  exiled  Messenians  to  their  territory.     That 
race  had  formerly  lived  under  a  dynasty  of  their  own  kings ;  but  for  the 
last  three  centuries  their  land  had  been  in  the  ix>s3ession  of  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, and  they  had  been  fugitives  upon  the  face  of  the  earth.    The  rea- 
toration  of  these  exiles,  now  dispersed  in  various  Hellenic  colonies,  to 
their  former  rights,  would  plant  a  bitterly  hostile  neighbor  on  the  very- 
borders  of  Laconia.    Epameinondas  accordingly  opened  communications 
with  them,  and  numbers  of  them  flocked  to  his  standard  during  his  march 
into  Arcadia,  late  in  the  autumn  of  370  b.  c.     He  entered  tliat  country 
shortly  after  Agesilaus  had  quitted  it,  and,  in  addition  to  the  Arcadians, 
was  immediately  joined  by  the  Argives  and  Eleans.    The  combined  force, 
includmg  the  Thebans,  is  estimated  at  seventy  thousand  men.     Epamei- 
nondas, who  had  in  reality  the  chief  command,  though  associated  with  the 
other  Boeotarchs,  brought  with  him  choice  bodies  of  auxiliaries  from  Pho- 
cis,  Locris,  and  other  places,  and  especially  the  excellent  cavalry  and  pel- 
tasts  of  Thessaly.    But  it  was  the  Theban  bands  themselves  that  were 
the  object  of  universal  admiration ;  which,  under  the  inspection  of  Epamei- 
nondas, had  been  brought  into  the  highest  state  of  discipline  and  effi- 
ciency.   The  Peloponnesian  allies,  elated  at  the  sight  of  so  large  and  so 
well  appointed  an  army,  pressed  Epameinondas  to  invade  Laconia  itself, 
mnee  his  services  were  no  longer  required  in  Arcadia,  in  consequence  of 
the  retreat  of  Agesilaus.    Although  it  was  now  mid-winter,  he  resolved, 
after  some  hesitation,  to  comply  with  their  request.     Dividing  his  army 
into  four  parts,  he  crossed  without  any  serious  opposition  the  mountains 
separating  Arcadia  from  Laconia,  and  reunited  his  forces  at  Sellasia. 
From  thence  he  marched  to  Amyclse,  two  or  three  miles  below  Sparta, 


1^ 


B.  C.  370.]  EPAMEINONDAS    INVADES   PELOPONNESUS. 


4M 


where  he  crossed  the  river  Eurotas,  and  then  advanced  cautiously  towards 
the  capital. 

Sparta,  which  was  wholly  unfortified,  was  now  filled  with  confusion  and 
alarm.  The  women,  who  had  never  yet  seen  the  face  of  an  enemy,  gave 
vent  to  their  fears  in  wailing  and  lamentation.  Moreover,  the  state  was 
in  great  danger  from  her  own  intestine  divisions.  Not  only  was  she 
threatened  by  the  customary  discontent  of  the  Perioeci  and  Helots,  but 
the  large  class  of  poor  and  discontented  citizens  called  "  Inferiors  "  looked 
with  anger  on  the  wealth  and  pohtical  power  of  the  "  Peers."  *  But  the 
emergency  was  pressing,  and  called  for  decisive  measures.  The  Ephors 
ventured  on  the  step  of  offering  freedom  to  such  Helots  as  would  enlist 
as  hoplites  for  the  defence  of  the  city.  The  call  was  responded  to  by  no 
fewer  than  six  thousand,  who  now  inspired  fear  by  their  very  numbers ; 
and  the  altirm  was  justified  and  heightened  by  the  fact  that  a  considerable 
body  of  Perioeci  and  Helots  had  actually  joined  the  Thebans. 

In  the  midst  of  these  pressing  dangers,  Sparta  was  saved  by  the  vigi- 
lance and  enei^y  of  her  aged  king  Agesilaus.  He  repulsed  the  cavalry 
of  Epameinondas  as  they  advanced  towards  the  city;  and  so  vigorous 
were  his  measures  of  defence,  that  Epameinondas  abandoned  all  further 
attempt  upon  the  city,  and  proceeded  southwards  as  far  as  Helos  and 
Gythium  on  the  coast,  the  latter  the  port  and  arsenal  of  Sparta.  After 
laying  waste  with  fire  and  sword  the  valley  of  the  Eurotas,  he  retraced 
his  steps  to  the  frontiers  of  Arcadia. 

§  9.  Epameinondas  now  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  two  objects  for  which 
his  marcli  had  been  undertaken ;  namely,  the  consolidation  of  the  Arca- 
dian confederation,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Messenians  as  an  inde- 
pendent community.  In  the  prosecution  of  the  former  of  these  designs, 
the  mutual  jealousy  of  the  various  Arcadian  cities  rendered  it  necessary 
that  a  new  one  should  be  founded,  which  should  be  regarded  as  the  capi- 
tal of  the  confederation.  Consequently,  a  new  city  was  built  on  the  banks 
of  the  Helisson,  called  Megalopolis,  and  peopled  by  the  inhabitants  of  forty 
distinct  Arcadian  townships.  Here  a  synod  of  deputies  fi-om  the  towns 
composing  the  confederation,  called  "  The  Ten  Thousand,"  f  was  to  meet 
periodically  for  the  despatch  of  business.  A  body  of  Arcadian  troops, 
called  Epariti,  J  was  also  levied  for  the  purposes  of  the  league.  Epamei- 
nondas next  founded  the  town  of  Messene.  Its  citadel  was  placed  on  the 
summit  of  Mount  Ithome,  which  h^  three  centuries  before  been  so  bravely 
defended  by  the  Messenians  agamst  the  Spartans ;  whilst  the  town  itself 
was  seated  lower  down  upon  the  western  slope  of  the  mountain,  but  con- 
nected with  its  Acropolis  by  a  continuous  wall.  The  strength  of  its  for- 
tifications was  long  afterwards  a  subject  of  admiration.  The  territory 
attached  to  the  new  city  extended  southwards  to  the  Messenian  Gulf,  and 


i 


»  See  p.  410. 


f  Mvptoc. 


^  *Em^irot. 


440 


HISTOET  OF  GBEBCE. 


[Chap.  XL. 


B.  C.  368.] 


THE  TEARLESS  BATTLE. 


447 


northwards  to  the  borders  of  Arcadia,  comprising  some  of  the  most  fertile 
hmd  in  Pelojwnnesus. 

In  order  to  settle  the  affairs  of  Arcadia  and  Messenia,  Epamemondas 
had  remained  in  Peloponnesus  four  months  after  the  legal  penod  of  his 
command  liad  expired;  for  which  offence  he  and  the  other  Boeotarchs 
were  arraigned  on  his  return  to  Thebes.  But  they  were  honorably  ac- 
quitted, Epameinondas  havmg  expressed  his  willingness  to  die  it  the  The- 
bans  would  record  that  he  was  put  to  death  because  he  had  humbled 
Sparta,  and  taught  his  countrymen  to  conquer  her  armies. 

I  10.  So  low  had  Sparta  now  sunk,  that  she  was  fain  to  send  envoys 
to  beg  the  assistance  of  the  Athenians.     This  request  was  acceded  to ;  and 
shortly  afterwards  an  alliance  was  formed  between  the  two  states,  in  which 
Sparta  waived  aU  her  claims  to  superiority  and  headship.    It  was  agreed 
that  the  command  both  on  land  and  sea  should  alternate  every  five  days 
between  Athens  and  Sparta,  and  that  their  united  forces  should  occupy 
Corinth  and  guard  the  passes  of  the  Onean  Mountains  across  the  isthmus, 
flo  as  to  prevent  the  Thebans  from  again  invadmg  Peloponnesus.     Before 
this  position  Epameinondas  appeared  with  his  army  m  the  spring  of  the 
year  b.  c.  369 ;  and  as  all  Ins  attempts  to  draw  on  a  battle  proved  una- 
vailincr,  he  resolved  on  forcing  his  way  through  the  hostUe  lines.     Direct- 
ing his  march  just  before  daybreak  against  the  position  occupied  by  the 
Lacedemonians,  he  succeeded  in  surprising  and  completely  defeating  them. 
He  wa^  thus  enabled  to  form  a  junction  with  his  alhes  in  Peloponnesus, 
whilst  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians  do  not  appear  to  have  stirred 
from  their  position.     Sicyon  now  deserted  Sparta  and  joined  the  Theban 
alliance ;  but  the  little  town  of  Phlius  remained  faithful  to  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, and  successfully  resisted  aU  the  attempts  made  to  capture  it.    The 
Thebans  were  also  defeated  in  an  attempt  upon  Corinth ;  and  the  spirits 
oi  the  Spartan  allies  were  still  further  rmsed  by  the  arrival  at  Lechaeum 
of  a  Syracusan  squadron,  bringing  two  thousand  mercenary  Gauls  and 
Iberians,  together  with  fifty  horsemen,  as  a  succor  from  the  despot  Dio- 
nysius.    After  a  wMe,  however,  according  to  the  usual  desultory  nature 
of  Grecian  warfare,  both  armies  returned  home  without  having  achieved 

anything  of  importance. 

§  11.  Meanwhile  the  Arcadians,  elate  with  their  newly  acquired  power, 
not  only  beUeved  themselves  capable  of  maintaining  their  independence 
without  foreign  assistance,  but  thought  themselves  entitled  to  share  the 
headship  with  Thebes,  as  Athens  did  with  Sparta.  Lycomedes,  whom 
we  have  already  mentioned  as  an  able  and  energetic  citizen  of  Mantinea, 
was  the  chief  promoter  of  these  ambitious  views,  and  easily  flattered  the 
national  vanity  of  his  countrymen  by  appeals  to  their  acknowledged  cour- 
age  and  hardihood.  They  responded  to  his  representations  by  caUing 
upon  him  to  lead  them  into  active  service,  appointed  him  their  commander, 
and  chose  all  the  officers  whom  he  nommated.    The  first  exploit  of  Ly- 


comedes  was  to  rescue  the  Argive  troops  in  Epidaurus,  where  they  were 
in  great  danger  of  being  cut  off  by  a  body  of  Athenians  and  Corinthians 
under  Chabrias.  He  then  marched  into  the  southwestern  portion- of 
Messenia,  where  he  penetrated  as  far  as  Asine,  defeated  the  Spartan  com- 
mander Geranor,  who  had  drawn  out  the  garrison  to  oppose  him,  and  de- 
stroyed the  suburbs  of  the  town.  It  was  probably  by  this  expedition  that 
the  annihilation  of  the  Spartan  dominion  in  that  quarter  was  completed. 
The  hardihood  and  enterprise  displayed  in  it  excited  everywhere  both  ad- 
miration and  alarm ;  but  at  Tliebes  it  also  occasioned  jealousy.  At  the 
same  time  circumstances  arose  which  tended  to  disunite  the  Arcadians 
and  Eleans.  The  former  objected  to  Elis  resuming  her  sovereignty  over 
the  towns  of  Triphylia,  which  they  had  thought  to  regain  after  the  decay 
of  the  Spartan  supremacy. 

§  12.  During  the  year  368  B.  c.  the  Thebans  undertook  no  expedition 
into  Peloponnesus ;  but  Pelopidas  conducted  a  Theban  force  into  Thessaly 
for  the  purpose  of  protecting  Larissa  and  other  cities  against  the  desigiis 
of  Alexander,  who,  by  the  murder  of  his  two  brothers,  had  become  despot 
of  Pherae  and  Tagus  of  Thessaly.  Alexander  was  compelled  to  solicit 
peace ;  and  Pelopidas,  after  establishing  a  defensive  league  amongst  the 
Thessalian  cities,  marched  into  Macedonia,  when  the  regent  Ptolemy  en- 
tered into  an  alliance  with  the  Thebans.  Amongst  the  hostages  given  for 
the  observance  of  this  treaty  was  the  youthful  Philip,  son  of  Amyntas, 
afterwards  the  celebrated  king  of  Macedon,  who  remained  for  some  years 
at  Thebes.  , 

Shortly  afterwards,  the  Lacedaemonians,  under  the  command  of  Archi- 
damus,  supported  by  the  reinforcements  sent  by  Dionysius,  succeeded  in 
routing  the  Arcadians  with  great  slaughter,  whilst  not  a  single  Lacedae- 
monian fell,  whence  the  victory  derived  the  name  of  "  the  Teariess  Battle." 
The  news  of  this  defeat  of  the  Arcadians  was  by  no  means  unwelcome  at 
Thebes,  as  it  was  calculated  to  check  their  presumption,  and  to  show  them 
that  they  could  not  dispense  w  ith  Theban  aid. 

§  13.  Epameinondas  now  resolved  on  another  expedition  into  Pelopon- 
nesus, with  the  view  of  bringing  the  Achjeans  into  the  Theban  alliance. 
Until  the  battle  of  Leuctra  the  cities  of  Acliaia  had  been  the  dependent 
alhes  of  Sparta ;  but  since  that  event  they  had  remained  free  and  neutral 
On  the  approach  of  Epamemondas  they  immediately  submitted,  and  con- 
sented to  be  enrolled  among  the  allies  of  Thebes.  That  commander,  with 
his  usual  moderation,  did  not  insist  upon  any  change  in  their  governments. 
But  this  was  made  a  subject  of  accusation  against  him  at  home.  The  Ar- 
cadians charged  him  with  having  left  men  in  power  in  the  Achaean  cities 
who  would  join  Sparta  on  the  first  opportunity.  These  accusations,  being 
supported  by  the  enemies  of  Epameinondas,  prevailed:  his  proceedings 
in  Achaia  were  reversed ;  democratic  governments  were  established  in  the 
various  Achaean  cities ;  and  m  the  ensuing  year  Epameinondas  hhnself 


r 


448 


mSTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XL 


,.n 


II 


was  not  re-elected  as  Boeotarch.  But  the  consequence  was,  that  the 
exiles  thus  driven  from  the  various  Achaean  cities,  watching  their  oppor- 
tunity, succeeded  in  effectmg  counter-revolutions,  and  afterwards  took  a 

decided  part  with  Sparta. 

§  14.  The  Thebans  now  resolved  to  send  an  embassy  to  Persia.     Ever 
since  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  the  Great  King  had  become  the  recognized 
mediator  between  the  states  of  Greece ;  and  his  fiat  seemed  indispensable 
to  stamp  the  claims  of  that  city  which  pretended  to  the  headship.     The 
recent  achievements  of  Thebes  might  entitle  her  to  aspire  to  that  position ; 
and  at  all  events  the  alterations  which  she  had  produced  in  the  internal 
state  of  Greece,  by  the  establishment  of  Megalopolis  and  Messene,  seemed 
to  require  for  their  stabiUty  the  sanction  of  a  Persian  rescript.     For  this 
purpose   Pelopidas  and  Ismenias  proceeded  to  the   court  of  Susa,  ap- 
parently in  the  years  367-366  b.  c.    They  were  accompanied  by  other 
deputies  from  the  allies;  and  at  the   same  time   the   Athenians   sent 
Timagoras  and  Leon  to  counteract  their  influence.     Pelopidas  may  prob- 
ably have  pleaded  the  former  services  of  Thebes  towards  Persia  at  the 
time  of  the  invasion  of  Greece  by  Xerxes,  as  well  as  in  having  opposed 
the  expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Asia.     But  the  great  fact  which  influ- 
enced the  decision  of  the  Persian  king  would  doubtless  be,  tliat  Thebes 
was  now  the  strongest  state  in  Greece ;  for  it  was  evidently  easier  to 
exercise  Persian  ascendency  there  by  her  means,  than  through  a  weaker 
power.     Pelopidas  had  therefore  only  to  ask  his  own  terms.    A  rescript 
was  issued  deckring  the  independence  of  Messene  and  Amphipolis ;  the 
Athenians  were  directed  to  lay  up  their  ships  of  war  m  ordinary ;  Thebes 
was  declared  the  head  of  Greece ;  and  the  dispute  between  EUs  and 
Arcadia  on  the  subject  of  the  Triphylian  cities  was  decided  in  favor  of  the 
former  power:  probably  at  the  instance  of  Pelopidas,  and  on  account  of 
the  estrangement  now  subsisting  between  Arcadia  and  Thebes. 

The  Athenian  and  Arcadian  envoys  had  attempted  in  vain  to  secure 
better  terms  for  their  own  states.  Antiochus,  the  representative  of 
Arcadia,  on  his  return  to  Megalopolis,  vented  his  displeasure  by  a  most 
depreciatory  report  to  the  Ten  Thousand  of  all  that  he  had  seen  during  his 
journey.  There  were  armies,  he  said,  of  cooks,  confectioners,  ^vine-bearers, 
and  the  like,  but  not  a  single  man  fit  to  fight  against  Greeks ;  and  even  the 
vaunted  golden  plane-tree  itself,  he  affirmed,  was  too  small  to  afford  shade 
for  a  single  grasshopper.  The  Thebans,  on  the  contrary,  made  the  most  of 
their  success.  Deputies  from  the  allied  cities  were  summoned  to  Thebes 
Id  hear  the  royal  rescript  read;  but  it  was  coldly  received  by  all 
present.  Lycomedes,  the  Arcadian  envoy,  even  protested  against  the 
headship  claimed  for  Thebes,  and  asserted  that  the  allied  synod  should 
not  be  exclusively  convened  m  that  city,  but  in  the  actual  seat  of  war. 
After  some  angry  language,  the  Arcadians  withdrew  from  the  assembly, 
and  the  other  deputies  seem  to  have  followed  their  example.    Nor  were 


B.C.  366.]  SEIZURE    OP  PELOPIDAS   BY  ALEXANDER.  449 

«ie  Thebaic  more  successful  in  an  attempt  to  get  tLe  rescript  recognized 
by  sendmg  It  round  to  the  various  cities  separately. 

§  15    It  was,  in  all  probabUity,  during  a  mission  undertaken  by  Peloni- 
das  and  Ismenia.,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  the  acknowledgment  of  the 
rescnpt  m  Thessaly  and  the  northern  parts  of  Greece,  th^t  they  were 
seized  and  impnsoned  by  Alexander  of  Phera,.    That  tyrant  met  them  at 
Pharsalus  under  all  the  appearances  of  pea^e,  but  took  occasion  of  their 
bemg  without  guards  to  seize  and  carry  them  off  to  Phera;.     Such  value 
was  attached  to  the  person  of  Pelopidas,  that  his  imprisonment  induced 
several  of  the  Thessalian  partisans  of  Thebes  to  submit  to  Alexander. 
Even  the  Athenians  did  not  disdain  to  avail  themselves  of  this  treacher- 
ous breach  of  public  faith,  and  sent  Autocles  with  a  fleet  of  thirty  tri- 
remes aiid  one  thousand  hoplites  to  the  supix>rt  of  Alexander.   Meanwhile 
the  justly  incensed  Thebans  had  despatched  an  army  of  eight  thousand 
hophtes  and  s«c  hundred  cavalry,  to  recover  or  avenge  their  favorite 
«tizen.     Unfortunately,  however,  they  were  no  longer  commanded  by 
Epamemondas,  who,  as  we  have  related,  had  not  been  re-elected  to  the 
office  of  Bteotarch.    Their  present  commande.^  were  utterly  incompetent. 
They  were  beaten  and  forced  to  retreat,  and  the  army  was  in  such  dan<.er 
from  the  active  pursuit  of  the  ThessaUans  and  Athenians,  that  its  destruc- 
bon  seemed  inevitable.   Luckily,  however,  Epameinondas  was  serving  as  a 
hophte  m  the  runks.     By  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  troops  he  was  now 
called  to  the  command,  and  succeeded  in  conducting  the  army  safely  back 
to  Thebes.   Here  the  unsuccessful  Boeotarchs  were  disgraced,  and  Epamei- 
nondas,  whose  reputation  now  shone  forth  more  briUiantly  than  ever 
was  restored  to  the  command,  and  placed  at  the  head  of  a  second  Thcban' 
army  destined  to  attempt  the  release  of  Pelopidas.    Directed  by  his 
supenor  skill,  the  enterprise  proved  successful.    Anxious,  however,  for 
the  hfe  of  his  friend,  Epameinondas  avoided  reducing  Alexander  to  such 
extremities  as  might  induce  him  to  make  away  with  Pelopidas ;  and  thus, 
though  the  main  object  of  the  expedition  was  attained,  it  was  not  accom- 
panied with  such  striking  and  decisive  results  as  to  counterbalance  the 
advantages  which  Alexander  had  derived  from  his  treachery 

§  16   The  acquirement  of  Oropus  was,  however,  some  compensation  to 
the  Thebans  for  their  losses  on  the  other  side  of  their  frontier.     The 
possession  of  that  town,  which  lay  on  the  borders  of  Athens  and  Thebes 
bad  long  been  a  subject  of  contention  between  the  two  states.     For  many 
years  past  it  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Athenians;  but  it  was  now 
seized  by  a  party  of  exiles  favorable  to  the  Theban  interest,  and  im- 
mediately occupied  by  a  Theban  garrison,  which  deprived  the  Athenians 
of  all  hopes  of  retaking  it.     The  Athenians  had  been  displeased  at  the 
want  of  zeal  manifested  by  their  Peloponnesian  aUies  in  not  assisting  them 
m  the  afeu-  of  Oropus;  and  Lycomedes,  who  was  disgusted  with  the 
Iheban  ascendency,  took  advantage  of  this  feeling  to  negotiate  an  alli- 

57 


)/ 


h^ 


450 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XL. 


mce  between  Arcadia  and  Athens.  He  procured  himself  to  be  appointed 
ambassador  to  that  city,  where  he  was  favorably  received,  and  pi^ 
liminary  arrangements  made  for  an  alliance;  but  on  his  way  home  he 
was  assassinated  by  some  Arcadian  exiles  of  the  opix)site  par^y.  me 
negotiations,  however,  pix>ceeded.  Callistratus  w^  sent  from  Athens  a. 
iJbassador  to  the  Arcadian  Ten  Thousand,  whilst  Epamemondas  ha>te^^^^^^^ 
from  Thebes,  to  counteract,  if  possible,  the  machinations  of  the  elocpient 
Atheni^m.  But  though  Epameinondas  here  displayed  his  ready  talent  m 
debate,  he  was  unsuccessful.  The  Athenians  concluded  an  alhance  with 
Arcadia,  but  at  the  same  time  mthout  formally  breaking  with  Thebes. 

§  17    This  connection  rendered  it  desirable  for  Athens  to  secure  an 
iminterrupted  communication  with  Peloponnesus,  and  for  this  puri^se  she 
formed  the  treacherous  design  of  seizing  Corinth  by  surpnse.     She  was 
not  only  at  peace,  but  in  alliance,  with  that  city ;  and  her  auxihanes  were 
servin-  in  the  Corinthian  forts  and  outposts.    These,  however,  were  to  be 
the  inrtrument.  of  her  treachery.     Under  pretence  of  a  reinforcement,  an 
armament  under  the  command  of  Chares  was  despatched  to   Corinth. 
But  the  designs  of  Athens  had  i-eached  the  ears  of  the  Cormthians,  who 
refused  to  admit  Chares  into  their  port  of  Cenchrea. ;  and  at  the  saine 
time  dismissed  the  other  Athenians  in  their  service,  yet  wi  h  aU    he 
appearance  of  good-will.     Though  thus  saved  for  the  moment,  this  step 
hTplaced  the  Corinthians  in  a  state  of  isolation ;  and  they  therefore 
resolved  to  open  negotiations  with  Thebes  for  a  general  peace^^  Their 
overtures  were  well  received  by  the  Thebans     A  meeting  of  the  allies 
was  then  convened  at  Sparta,  in  which  the  Corintluans  set  forth  iU 
necessity  of  their  case,  and  endeavored  to  induce  '^^'^'^f;^^'''''^^' 
erates  to  follow  their  example  in  concluding  a  peace  with  Thebes,  the 
terms  of  which  were  to  be  the  indei>endence  of  each  individual   city, 
including  Messene.,  but  without  recognizing  the  headship  of  Thebes,  or 
Tterincfinto  any  formal  alliance  with  her.    On  this  basis  a  peace  was 
Z^^^lj  conided  between  Thebes,  Corinth,  PhUus,  Epidaurus,  ^d 
^laps^ne  or  two  other  cities;  but  as  the  Thebans  ma.le  the  inde- 
Ldence  of  Messene  an  mdispensabb  condition,  Sparta  resolutely  refused 
to  join  it,  and  the  larger  states  of  Greece,  Thebes,  Athens,  Sparta,  Area- 
dia,  and  others,  still  remained  at  war. 

1 18.  Athens  availed  hei-self  of  the  distracted  condiUon  of  Greece  to 
extend  her  maritime  empire.  She  had  no  longer  occasion  to  drearl  any 
opposition  from  Sparta;  and  she  accordingly  sent  a  powerful  fleet  into 
thT^gean  under  the  command  of  Timotheus,  who  succeeded  m  conquei- 
ing  Sa^os,  and  in  obtaming  possession  of  Potido^a,  Pydna,  Methone  and 
it  is  said  even  of  Olynthus  itself.  But  in  the  midst  of  his  success,  he  was 
menaced  by  the  unexpected  appearance  of  a  Theban  fleet  Epamemon- 
4las,  jealous  of  the  maritime  empire  of  Athens,  had  persuaded  his  comitiy- 
«>;  to  try  their  strength  on  a  new  element.     Sparta,  he  said,  was 


B.  C.  363.] 


DEATH   OP  PELOPIDAS. 


451 


: 


humbled ;  it  was  not  she,  but  Athens,  who  was  jow  their  prominent 
enemy ;  and  he  exhorted  them  not  to  rest  content  till  they  had  transferred 
to  the  Theban  Cadniea  the  Propyla?a  which  adorned  the  acropolis  of 
Athens.  A  fleet  of  one  hundred  triremes  was  constructed,  and  he 
himself  appointed  to  the  command ;  whilst  envoys  were  sent  to  Rhodes 
Chios,  and  Byzantium,  to  induce  them  to  break  with  Athens.  It  Avas 
with  this  fleet  that  Epameinondas  appeared  in  the  Hellespont  in  b.  c.  363. 
He  seems,  however,  to  have  effected  little,  —  at  least  nothing  splendid  is 
recorded,  — and  this  expedition  proved  both  the  first  and  last  of  the 
Thebans  by  sea. 

^  §  19.  It  was  in  the  same  year  that  his  friend  Pelopidas  led  an  expedi- 
tion into  Thessaly  against  Alexander  of  Pherje.     Sti-ong  complaints  of  the 
tyranny  of  that  despot  arrived  at  Thebes,  and  Pelopidas,  who  probably 
also  burned  to  avenge  his  private  wrongs,  prevailed  upon  the  Thebans  to 
send  him  into  Thessaly  to  punish  the  tyrant.    The  forces  he  had  collected 
were  far  inferior  in  number  to  those  of  Alexander ;  and  when  informed  at 
Pharsalus,  that  the  tyrant  was  advancing  towards  him  with  a  great  army, 
he  remarked  that  it  was  so  much  the  better,  since  there  would  be  more  for 
him  to  conquer.     The  battle  was  fought  on  the  hills  of  Cynoscephal® ; 
the  troops  of  Alexander  were  routed;  and  Pelopidas,  observing  his  hated 
enemy  endeavoring  to  rally  them,  was  seized  with  such  a  transport  of 
rage,  that,  regardless  of  his  duties  as  a  general,  he  rushed  impetuously 
forwards  and  challenged  him  to  single  combat.     Alexander  shrunk  back 
within  the  ranks  of  his  guards,  followed  impetuously  by  Pelopidas,  who 
was  soon  slain,  fighting  with  desperate  bravery.     Although  the  army  of 
Alexander  was  defeated  with  severe  loss,  the  news  of  the  death  of  Pclopi- 
das  deprived  the  Thebans  and  their  Thessalian  allies  of  all  the  joy  which 
they  would  otherwise  have  felt  at  their  victory.     The  Thebans,  however, 
subsequently  avenged  the  death  of  their  general  by  sending  a  fresh  force 
of  seven  thousand  hoplites  into  Thessaly ;  with  which  they  compelled  Al- 
exander to  rehnquish  all  his  dependencies  in  that  country,  to  confine  him- 
self to  the  actual  limits  of  Pheraj,  and  to  swear  allegiance  to  Thebes.    The 
Thebans  thus  acquired  greater  influence  than  they  had  ever  before  en- 
joyed in  Northern  Greece. 

§  20.  Meantime  a  war  had  been  carried  on  between  Elis  and  Arcadia. 
It  has  been  already  remarked,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  that  the  Eleans 
claimed  the  sovereignty  of  the  Triphylian  towns,  in  which  they  were 
backed  by  Sparta,  but  opposed  by  the  Arcadians.  The  Eleans  also  laid 
claun  to  a  traet  of  hilly  ground  lying  north  of  the  Alpheus,  containing 
Lasion  and  some  other  towns  which  had  been  included  in  the  Arcadian 
league.  They  seized  Lasion  by  surprise,  but  were  driven  out  again  by 
the  Arcadians,  who  afterwards  took  formal  possession  of  the  sacred  dis- 
trict of  Olympia.  Other  acts  of  hostility  had  occurred  between  the  Eleans 
and  Arcadians,  and  the  former  had  called  in  the  assistance  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians, but  without  any  decisive  result.    In  364  b.  c.  the  Arcadians 


'f 


V  ' 

Ik 

"I  »■  ' 


^; 


452 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XL. 


B.  C.  362.] 


BATTLE   OF   MANTINEA. 


453 


were  stUl  in  possession  of  Olympia;  and  as  the  Olympic  festival  occurred 
in  that  year,  they  availed  themselves  of  their  situation  to  transfer  the  presi- 
dency  of  the  games  from  the  Eleans  to  the  Pisatans,  who  had  long  laid 
Ckim  to  it.    It  was  anticipated  that  the  Eleans  would  assert  their  ngh^ 
by  force ;  and  the  Arcadians  prepared  to  resist  any  attempt  of  that  kmd, 
not  only  by  a  large  army  of  their  own,  but  also  by  summoning  their  allies. 
The  festival  had  already  commenced,  many  of  the  games  h^  been  per- 
fbrraed,  and  the  wrestUng  match  was  going  on,  when  bodies  of  the  Eleans, 
and  their  alUes,  the  Acha^ans,  were  observed  approaching  the  sacred 
Ijround.     The  Arcadians  immediately  rushed  to  arms,  and  formed  on  the 
bank  of  the  Uttle  river  Cladeus,  to  prevent  their  approach.     The  Eleans 
advanced  with  the  utmost  boldness,  but  were  finally  repulsed  and  obliged 
to  retire.     On  this  occasion  the  temple  of  the  Olympian  deity  himself  was 
converted  into  a  fortress,  and  the  majestic  Zeus  of  Pheidias  looked  down 
with  cahn  dignity  upon  those  who  were  contending  for  the  honor  of  cele- 
bmting  his  festival.     The  Eleans  subsequently  avenged  themselves  by 
striking  the  104th  Olympiad  out  of  the  hst  of  the  festivals. 

§  2l!  Not  content  with  this  insult  to  the  Eleans,  the  Arcadians  carried 
their  insolence  to  the  extent  of  sacrilege,  by  despoiling  the  rich  temples 
of  Olympia.    But  this  act  ripened  the  seeds  of  disunion  which  were  al- 
ready  springing  up  among  the  Arcadians  themselves.     The  assembly  of 
MantinL  passed  an  act  renouncing  all  participation  m  the  sacred  spoil, 
and  though  the  Ten  Thousand  attempted  at  first  to  seize  the  leadmg  men 
at  Mantinea  as  traitors  to  the  Arcadian  league,  the  views  of  the  Mantine- 
ans  respectmg  the  employment  of  the  sacred  treasures  were  so  evidently 
just,  that  even  their  opponents  were  at  length  shamed  into  them.    Accord- 
in-ly  a  peace  was  concluded  with  the  Eleans,  who  were  restored  to  all 
their  rights  with  regard  to  Olympia.     Since  the  Spartans  had  supported 
the  Eleans,  the  Mantineans  were  naturally  bn>ught  into  close  connection 
with  the  former;  whilst  the  rest  of  the  Arcadians,  and  especially  the  Te- 
geans,  favored  Thebes.     Tegea  thus  became  the  centre  of  Theban  influ- 
ence in  Arcadia,  and  was  occupied  by  a  Theban  harmost  and  a  garnson 
Of  three  hundred  Boeotians.    The  Thebans  viewed  the  success  of  the  Man- 
tineans and  Spartan  party  with  suspicion;  and  when  the  peace,  recently 
concluded,  was  sworn  to  at  Tegea,  they  seized  the  principal  members  of 
the  Spartan  party.     The  news  of  this  treacherous  act  was  received  wil^ 
great  indi'mation  at  Mantinea.     Heralds  were  immediately  despatched 
by  the  Mrntineans  to  demand  the  release  of  their  o^ti  citizens.     Here- 
upon the  Theban  harmost  released  the  prisoners,  protesting  that  he  had 
been  misled  by  a  false  report  of  the  approach  of  a  Spartan  force,  prepared 
to  cooperate  with  a  party  within  the  waUs  m  order  to  seize  Tegea.    The 
Mantineans  and  their  party,  however,  were  not  satisfied  with  this  apology, 
but  sent  envoys  to  Thebes,  demanding  the  punishment  of  the  harmost. 
Epameinondas,  incensed  that  a  peace  had  been  concluded  without  the 
sanction  of  Thebes,  justified  the  harmost's  conduct,  and  bade  the  envoys 


carry  back  word  that  he  would  himself  soon  lead  an  army  into  Arcadia. 
The  Mantineans  and  their  partisans  immediately  made  preparations  for 
war,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  request  the  assistance  of  the  Lacedemonians. 
§  22.  These  events  occurred  in  362  b.  c.  and  in  the  summer  of  that 
year  Epameinondas  undertook  his  fourth  and  last  invasion  of  Pelopon- 
nesus.    The  proceedings  in  Arcadia,  which  threatened  to  undo  all  that 
he  had  done  in  that  country,  and  ultimately  to  lead  to  an  alliance  between 
it  and  Sparta,  were  the  motives  for  his  expedition.     His  army  was  nu 
merous,  and  included  many  troops  from  Northern  Greece.     He  marched 
without  opposition  to  Tegea,  where  he  was  joined  by  such  of  the  Arcadi- 
ans and  other  Peloponnesians  as  were  favorable  to  the  Theban  cause. 
The  other  party  concentrated  themselves  at  Mantinea,  whither  the  aged 
Agesilaus  was  marching  with  a  Lacedaemonian  force,  whilst  Athenian 
succors  were   also   expected.      Epameinondas,   whose  movements  were 
characterized  by  decision  and  rapidity,  resolved  to  surprise  Sparta  in  the 
absence  of  Agesilaus  by  a  sudden  march  upon  it.     Providentially,  how- 
ever, a  swift  Cretan  runner  overtook  Agesilaus  in  time  to  warn  him  of 
the  danger.     He  got  back  to  Sparta  early  enough  to  anticipate  the  attempt 
of  Epameinondas ;  and  though  that  commander  actually  entered  the  city, 
yet  he  found  the  streets  and  houses  so  well  defended,  that  he  was  fain 
to  retire.     The  alarm  caused  by  this  diversion  had  however  occasioned 
the  recall  of  the  Lacedaemonian  aniiy  destined  for  Mantinea,  and  Epamei- 
nondas took  advantage  of  that  circumstance  to  attempt  the  surprise  of 
that  place.     Fortunately  for  tlie  Mantineans,  the  Athenian  cavalry  had 
reached  their  city  an  hour  or  two  before  the  arrival  of  Epameinondas, 
and,  though  hungry  and  tired  with  their  march,  succeeded  in  repulsing  the 
Theban  and  Thessalian  horse.     Epameinondas  now  fell  back  upon  Tegea. 
§  23.  Thus  both  these  well-planned  manoeuvres  w^ere  accidentally  frus- 
trated.    As  the  enemy  had  now  succeeded  in  concentrating  their  forces 
at  Mantinea,  it  was  clear  that  a  general  action  w^as  unavoidable.      The 
plain  between  Tegea  and  Mantinea,  though  two  thousand  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  sea,  is  shut  in  on  every  side  by  lofty  mountains.     In  length 
it  is  about  ten  miles,  whilst  its  breadth  varies  from  one  to  eight.     About 
four  miles  south  of  Mantinea  it  contracts  to  its  narrowest  dimensions,  and 
here  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Mantineans  took  up  their  position.     Epamei- 
nondas, in  marching  northwards  from   Tegea,   inclined  to  the  left,  so 
as  to  skirt  the  base  of  Mount  Maenalus,  wliich  bounds  the  plain  on  the 
west.     On  arriving  in  sight  of  the  hostile  lines,  Epameinondas  ordered  his 
troops  to  halt  and  ground  arms.      Hence  the  Lacedaemonians  inferred 
that  he  did  not  mean  to  offer  battle  that  day ;  and  so  strong  was  this  per- 
suasion, that  they  left  their  ranks,  whilst  some  of  the  horsemen  took  off 
their  breastplates  and  unbridled  their  horses.     But  meanwhile  Epamei- 
nondas was  making  his  dispositions  for  an  attack.     His  plan  very  much 
resembled  that  of  the  battle  of  Leuctra.     His  chief  reliance  was  upon  the 
Boeotian  troops,  whom  he  had  formed  into  a  column  of  extraordinary  depth. 


454 


HISTORY  OF  GREFXE. 


[Chap.  XL. 


B.C.407.] 


REVOLUTIONS   AT   SYRACUSE. 


455 


I 

(I 

1 

■i 


»    V 


The  enemy  at  length  became  aware  of  hb  intentions,  and  hurried  into 
their  ranks ;  but  they  were  in  no  condition  to  receive  the  onset  of  the  The- 
ban  hoplites,  who  bore  down  all  before  them.  The  Mantineans  and  Lace- 
demonians turned  and  fled,  and  the  rest  followed  their  example.  The 
day  was  won  -,  but  Epamcinondas,  who  fought  in  the  foremost  ranks,  fell 
pierced  with  a  mortal  wound.  His  fall  occiv^ioned  such  consternation 
among  his  ti-oops,  that,  although  the  enemy  were  in  full  flight,  they  did 
not  know  how  to  use  their  advantage,  and  remained  rooted  to  the  spot. 
Hence  both  sides  subsequently  claimed  the  victory  and  erected  trophies, 
though  it  was  the  Laceda;monians  who  sent  a  herald  to  request  tlfe  bodies 

of  the  slain. 

Epameinondas  was  carried  off  the  field  with  the  spear-head  still  fixed 
in  his  breast.  Having  satisfied  himself  that  his  shield  was  safe,  and  that 
the  victory  was  gained,  he  inquired  for  lolaidas  and  Daii)hantus,  whom 
he  intended  to  succeed  him  in  the  command.  Being  informed  that  both 
were  slain :  «  Tlicn,"  he  observed,  «  you  must  make  peace."  After  this 
he  oi-dered  the  spear-head  to  be  withdrawn ;  wlien  the  gush  of  blood  which 
followed  soon  terminated  his  life.  Tims  died  this  truly  great  man;  and 
never  was  there  one  whose  title  to  that  epithet  has  been  less  disputed. 
Antiquity  is  unanimous  in  his  praise,  and  some  of  the  first  men  of  Greece 
subsequently  took  him  for  tlieir  model.  With  him  the  commanding  in- 
fluence of  Thebes  began  and  ended.  His  last  advice  was  adopted,  and 
peace  was  concluded  probably  before  the  Theban  army  quitted  Pelopon- 
nesus. Its  basis  was  a  recognition  of  the  status  quo,  — to  leave  eyery- 
ihmg  as  it  was,  to  acknowledge  tlie  Arcadian  constitution  and  the  inde- 
pendence of  Messene.  Sparta  alone  refused  to  join  it  on  account  of  the 
last  article,  but  she  was  not  supported  by  her  allies. 

§  24.  Agesilaus  had  lived  to  see  the  empire  of  Sparta  extinguished  by 
lier  hated  rival.     Thus  curiously  had  the  prophecy  been  fulfilled,  which 
warned  Sparta  of  the  evils  awaiting  her  under  a  "  lame  sovereignty.^ 
But  Agesilaus  had  not  yet  abandoned  all  hope ;  and  he  and  his  son  Archi- 
damus  now  directed  their  views  towards  the  east,  as  a  quarter  from  which 
Spartan  power  might  still  be  resuscitated.     At  the  age  of  eighty  the  in- 
domitable old  man  proceeded  with  a  force  of  one  thousand  hoplites  to  as- 
sist Tachos,  king  of  Egypt,  in  his  revolt  against  Persia.      The  age  and 
uisigniticant  appearance  of  the  veteran  warrior  made  him,  however,  a  butt 
for  Egyptian  ridicule,  and  he  was  not  intrusted  with  the  supreme  command. 
But  in  spite'of  this  affront  he  accompanied  the  Egyptian  army  on  an  ex- 
pedition into  Phoenicia.    During  the  absence  of  Tachos,  Nectanebis  rose 
against  him,  and,  being  supported  by  Agesilaus,  obtained  the  throne  of 
Egypt     Xectanebis  rewarded  this  service  with  a  present  of  two  hundred 
and  thiiiy  talents.      But  Agesilaus  did  not  live  to  carry  this  money 
home  to  Sparta.     He  died  on  his  road  to  Cyrene,  where  he  had  intended 
to  embark  for  Gree(;e.     His  body  was  embahned  in  wax,  and  splendidly 
buried  in  Sparta.     He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Archidamus  HL 


Bust  of  Plato. 


,  CHAPTER    XLI. 

HISTORY    OF  THE   SICILIAN   GREEKS   FROM  THE   DESTRUCTION   OF   THE 
ATHENIAN   ARMAMENT   TO   THE   DEATH   OF   TIMOLEON. 

4  1.  Revolutions  at  Syracuse.  Dionysius  the  Elder  seizes  the  Despotism.  §  2.  His  Suc- 
cesses. §  3.  His  Poetical  Compositions.  Plato  visits  Syracuse.  §  4.  Death  of  Dionysius. 
Ilis  Character.  Story  of  Damocles.  §  5.  Accession  of  the  Younger  Dionysius.  Second 
Visit  of  Plato.  Banishment  of  Dion.  Third  Visit  of  Plato.  §  6.  Dion  expels  Dionysius, 
and  becomes  Master  of  Syracuse.  §  7.  Assassination  of  Dion.  §  8.  Revolutions  at  Syra- 
cuse. The  Syracusans  invoke  the  Aid  of  Corintli.  §  9.  Character  of  Timoleon.  §  10. 
His  Successes.  Surrender  of  Dionysius  and  Conquest  of  Syracuse.  §  11.  Moderation  of 
Timoleon.  He  remodels  the  Constitution.  §  12.  Defeats  the  Carthaginians  at  the  Cri- 
mesus.  §  13.  Deposes  the  Sicilian  Despots.  §  14.  Retires  into  a  Private  Station.  His 
great  Popularity  and  Death. 

§  1.  The  affairs  of  the  Sicilian  Greeks,  an  important  branch  of  the 
Hellenic  race,  deserve  a  passing  notice.  After  the  destruction  of  the 
Athenian  armament  in  b.  c.  413,  the  constitution  of  Syracuse  was  ren- 
dered still  more  democratical  by  a  new  code  of  laws,  which  Diodes,  one 
of  the  principal  citizens,  took  the  chief  part  in  drawing  up.  Shortly 
afterwards,  in  b.  c.  410,  Hermocrates,  the  leader  of  the  aristocratical  party, 
who  had  greatly  distinguished  himself  during  the  Athenian  invasion,  was 
banished ;  and  Diodes  thus  obtained  for  a  time  tlie  undisputed  direction  of 
the  Syracusan  government.  But  two  years  afterwards  Diodes  was  in  his 
turn  banished  in  consequence  of  his  want  of  success  in  the  war  against  the 
Carthaginians.  Meantime  Hermocrates  had  returned  to  Sicily  and  col- 
lected a  considerable  force  at  Selinus,  from  whence  he  carried  on  hostilities 
against  the  Carthaginians  and  their  allies  with  considerable  success,  and 
thus  secured  a  strong  party  at  Syracuse  in  his  favor.  Relying  upon  this 
circumstance,  he  endeavored  to  effect  his  restoration  by  force,  but  was 
slain  in  an  attempt  to  enter  Syracuse  by  night,  b.  c.  407.  This  state  of 
thmgs  opened  the  way  for  a  still  more  daruig  and  successful  aspirant 


.456 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[<5hap.  XIX 


B.  C.  387.] 


mONTSIUS   THE   ELDER. 


457 


This  was  the  celebrated  Dionysius,  the  son  of  a  person  also  named  Her- 
mocrates.  Dionysius  was  of  humble  origin,  but  of  good  education,  and 
began  life  as  a  clerk  in  a  public  office.  He  had  taken  an  active  part  in 
the  enterprise  of  Hermocrates  just  mentioned,  in  wliich  he  had  been 
wounded  and  given  out  for  dead,  —  a  circumstance  by  which  he  escaped  a 
sentence  of  banishment.  After  the  death  of  Hermocrates,  the  domestic 
discontents  of  the  Syracusans  were  still  further  fomented  by  another  in- 
vasion of  the  Carthaginians  in  406  b.  c,  during  which  they  took  and 
plundered  Agrigentum.  Dionysius,  who  now  headed  the  party  of  Hermo- 
crates, taking  advantage  of  the  prevailing  discontent,  in  an  artful  address 
to  the  assembly  attributed  the  fall  of  Agrigentum  to  the  incompetence  of 
the  Syracusan  generals,  and  succeeded  in  procuring  their  deposition,  and 
the  appointment  of  others  in  their  stead,  of  whom  he  himself  was  one. 
His  advent  to  power  was  immediately  followed  by  the  restoration  of  all 
the  exiles  of  his  party.  His  next  step  was  to  get  rid  of  his  colleagues  by 
accusing  them  of  treachery  and  corruption,  and  to  procure  his  own  sole 
appointment  with  unlinaited  and  irresponsible  authority.  The  remaining 
steps  towards  a  despotism  were  easy.  Under  pretence  that  his  life  had 
been  attempted,  he  obtained  a  body-guard  of  one  thousand  men  for  his 
protection ;  by  whose  means  he  made  himself  master  of  Syracuse,  and 
openly  seized  upon  the  supreme  power,  b.  c.  405. 

§  2.  Dionysius  first  directed  his  arms  against  Naxos,  Catana,  and 
Leontini,  which  successively  fell  into  his  power,  either  by  force  or  treach- 
ery ;  but  it  was  not  till  b.  c.  397  that  he  considered  himself  sufficiently 
Strong  to  declare  war  against  Carthage.  This  war  was  conducted  with 
varying  success.  In  395  -  4  Synicuse  itself  seemed  on  the  point  of  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  Carthaginians.  The  Carthaginian  fleet,  after  ob- 
taining a  great  naval  victory  at  Catana,  sailed  into  the  harbor  of  Syracuse 
upwards  of  two  hundred  strong.  At  the  same  time  their  army  established 
itself  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  city,  and  Imilcon,  the  Carthaginian 
general,  took  up  his  head-quarters  in  the  temple  of  Olympian  Zeus,  within 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  walls,  and  even  occupied  and  plundered 
the  suburb  of  Achradina.  The  situation  of  Dionysius  now  seemed  des- 
perate. It  is  even  said  that  he  was  on  the  pomt  of  giving  up  all  for  lost 
and  making  his  escape ;  from  which  he  was  deterred  by  one  of  his  friends 
observing,  "  that  sovereign  power  was  an  honorable  winding-sheet. "  A 
pestilence  which  shortly  afterwards  broke  out  in  the  Carthaginian  camp 
proved  the  salvation  of  Syracuse.  The  Carthaginians  fell  by  thousands, 
whilst  the  Syracusans  themselves  remained  unliarmed.  Dionysius  made 
a  successful  attack  both  by  sea  and  land  on  their  weakened  forces ;  and 
Imilcon  was  glad  to  secure  a  disgraceful  retreat  by  purchasing  the  conni- 
vance of  Dionysius  for  the  sum  of  three  hundred  talents. 

After  this  period  the  career  of  Dionysius  was  marked  by  great,  though 
not  altogether  unvarying  success.    In  393  the  Carthaginians  under  Magon 


once  more  threatened  Syracuse,  but  were  again  defeated,  and  compelled 
to  sue  for  peace.  Dionysius  willingly  concluded  a  treaty  with  them,  since 
he  was  anxious  to  pursue  his  schemes  of  conquest  in  the  interior  of  Sicily, 
and  in  Magna  Graecia.  By  the  year  384  he  had  reduced  the  greater  part 
of  the  former,  and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  latter  country.  He  had 
now  arrived  at  his  highest  pitch  of  power,  and  had  raised  Syracuse  to  be 
one  of  the  chief  Grecian  states,  second  in  influence,  if  indeed  second,  to 
Sparta  alone.  Under  his  sway  Sjrracuse  was  strengthened  and  embel- 
lished with  new  fortifications,  docks,  arsenals,  and  other  public  buildings, 
and  became  superior  even  to  Athens  in  extent  and  population.  Dio- 
nysius took  every  opportunity  of  extending  his  relations  with  foreign 
powers,  and  strengthening  himself  by  alliances.  He  cultivated  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Lacedaemonians  ;  and  among  the  last  acts  of  his  reign  was  the 
sending  of  an  auxiliary  force  in  two  successive  years  to  support  them 
against  the  increasing  power  of  the  Thebans. 

§  3.  Dionysius  was  a  warm  patron  of  literature,  and  was  anxious  to 
gain  distinction  by  his  literary  compositions.  In  the  midst  of  his  political 
and  mihtary  cares  he  devoted  himself  assiduously  to  poetry,  and  not  only 
caused  his  poems  to  be  pubUcly  recited  at  the  Olympic  games,  but 
repeatedly  contended  for  the  prize  of  tragedy  at  Athens.  Here  he  several 
times  obtained  the  second  and  third  prizes ;  and  finally,  just  before  his 
death,  bore  away  the  first  prize  at  the  Lensean  festival,  with  a  play  called 
"  The  Hansom  of  Hector." 

In  accordance  with  the  same  spirit  we  find  him  seeking  the  society  of 
men  distinguished  in  literature  and  philosophy.  Plato,  who  visited  Sicily 
about  the  year  389  from  a  curiosity  to  see  Mount  ^tna,  was  introduced 
to  Dionysius  by  Dion.  The  high  moral  tone  of  Plato's  conversation  did 
not  however  prove  so  attractive  to  Dionysius  as  it  had  done  to  Dion ;  and 
the  philosopher  was  not  only  dismissed  with  aversion  and  dislike,  but 
even,  it  seems,  through  the  machinations  of  Dionysius,  seized,  bound,  and 
sold  for  a  slave  in  the  island  of  ^gina.  He  was,  however,  repurchased 
by  Anniceris  of  Cyrene,  and  sent  back  to  Athens. 

§  4.  Dionysius  died  in  B.  c.  387,  after  a  reign  of  thirty-eight  years. 
Love  of  power  was  his  ruling  passion :  the  desire  of  literary  fame  his 
second.  In  his  manner  of  hfe  he  was  moderate  and  temperate ;  but  he 
was  a  stranger  to  pity,  and  never  suffered  it  to  check  him  in  the  pursuit 
of  his  ends.  Although  by  no  means  deficient  in  personal  courage,  the 
suspicious  temper  of  Dionysius  rendered  him  the  miserable  prey  of 
uneasiness  in  the  midst  of  all  his  greatness,  and  drove  him  to  take  pre- 
cautions for  the  security  of  his  life  even  against  his  nearest  friends  and 
relatives.  The  miseries  of  absolute,  but  unlegalized  and  unpopular  power, 
cannot  be  more  strongly  illustrated,  than  by  the  celebrated  story  of  the 
despot  of  Syracuse  and  his  flatterer  Damocles.  The  latter  having  ex- 
tolled the  power  and  majesty,  the  abundant  possessions  and  magnificent 

58 


I 


458 


HISTOBY   OP  GREECB. 


[Chap.  XLI. 


ni 


\* 


palaces,  which  rendered  his  master  the  happiest  of  men,  Dionysius  invited 
Damocles  to  try  what  his  happiness  really  was,  and  then  ordered  him  to 
be  placed  on  a  golden  couch,  decked  with  coverings  of  the  richest  and 
most  magnificent  embroidery.  The  sideboards  groaned  under  the  weight 
of  gold  and  silver  plate ;  pages  of  the  choicest  beauty  waited  on  him ;  his 
head  was  crowned  with  garlands  and  reeked  with  unguents  ;  the  smell  of 
burning  odors  filled  all  the  apartment,  and  the  table  was  covered  with 
the  most  exquisite  viands.  Damocles  now  thought  himself  supremely 
happy ;  but  in  the  midst  of  his  enjoyments  he  happened  to  cast  his  eyes 
towards  the  ceiling,  and  beheld  a  naked  cimeter  suspended  over  his  head 
by  a  single  hair.  At  this  sight  his  satisfaction  vanished  in  an  instant,  and 
he  entreated  to  be  released  from  the  enjoyment  of  pleasures  which  could 
only  be  tasted  at  the  risk  of  life.*  Such  was  the  tyrant's  practical  illus- 
tration of  his  own  envied  condition. 

§  5.  Dionysius  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  commonly  called  the 

Younger  Dionysius,  who  was  about  twenty-five  years  of  age  at  the  time  of 

his  father's  death.   The  elder  Dionysius  had  married  two  wives  at  the  same 

time.    One  of  these  was  a  Locrian  woman  named  Doris ;  the  other,  Aris- 

tomache,  was  a  Syracusan,  the  daughter  of  Hipparinus,  one  of  the  most 

active  partisans  of  Dionysius,  and  sister  to  Dion,  whom  we  have  already 

had  occasion  to  mention  as  the  friend  of  Plato.    The  marriage  with  Doris 

proved  immediately  fruitful,  and  by  her  he  had  three  children,  of  whom  the 

eldest,  Dionysius,  was  his  successor.    But  Aristomache  was  long  childless, 

much  to  the  chagrin  of  Dionysius,  who,  attributing  the  circumstance  to  the 

spells  and  incantations  of  the  mother  of  Doris,  caused  the  latter  to  be 

put  to  death.    At  length  Aristomache  also  bore  him  children,  two  sons  and 

two  daughters.     Dionysius  having  died  without  appointing  any  successor, 

Dion  at  first  attempted  to  secure  the  inheritance  for  his  youthful  nephews, 

but  found  himself  obliged  to  relinquish  all  such  claims  in  favor  of  the  son 

of  Doris.     The  inexperience  of  the  young  Dionysius,  however,  inclined 

him  to  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Dion,  who  had  always  enjoyed  the  respect 

and  confidence  of  his  father,  and  who  now  became  the  confidential  adviser 

of  the  son.     Plato's  lofly  and  ideal  conceptions  of  civil  government  had 

sunk  deep  into  the  mind  of  Dion,  and  the  influence  which  he  now  en- 

ioyed  over  the  youthful  sovereign  made  him  long  to  seize  the  opportunity 

for  realizing  them  m  practice.     To  expel  the  Carthaginians  from  Sicily, 

to  civilize  and  Hellenize  the  semi-barbarous  Siceliot  tribes,  and  to  convert 

Syracuse  fix)m  a  despotism  into  a  constitutional  monarchy  governed  by 

equal  laws,  —  these  were  the  projects  which  floated  in  the  imagination  of 


«  "  Destrictus  ensls  cui  super  impia 
Cervice  pendet,  non  Sicula  dapeft 
Dulcem  elaborabunt  saporera ; 
•  Non  avium  citharaeque  cantos 
•  Soninum  reduceut" — Hoe.  Carm.  iii.  1. 17. 


r 


B.  C.  360.] 


DIONYSIUS   THE   YOUNGER. 


459 


Dion,  and  which  he  endeavored  to  instil  into  Dionysius.     With  this  view 
he  persuaded  Dionysius  to  invite  Plato  again  to  Syracuse,  nothing  doubt- 
ing that  his  eloquence  and  conversational  powers  would  work  an  immense 
effect  upon  the  youthful  monarch.     But  Plato  was  now  growing  old,  and 
had  already  experienced  the  danger  of  attempting  to  instruct  despots  in 
the   sublime,   but  somewhat  visionary,  theories   of  perfect  government. 
Nevertheless,  after  something  of  a  struggle,  he  sacrificed  his  scruples  and 
apprehensions  to  the  pressing  instances  of  his  friend  Dion,  and  the  warm 
invitation  of  young  Dionysius  himself.     The  philosopher  was  received 
with  the  greatest  honor.      His  illustrious  pupil  immediately   began  to 
take  lessons  in  geometry ;  superfluous  dishes  disappeared  from  the  royal 
table  ;  and  Dionysius  even  betrayed  some  symptoms  of  a  wish  to  mitigate 
the  former  rigors  of  the  despotism.     But  now  his  old  courtiers  took  the 
alarm ;  nor  does  Plato  himself  appear  to  have  used  with  skill  the  oppor- 
tunity for  a  practical  application  of  his  doctrines  which  cliance  had  throwTi 
in  his  way.     It  was  whispered  to  Dionysius  that  the  whole  was  a  deep- 
laid  scheme  on  the  part  of  Dion  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  a  revolution 
and  placing  his  own  nephews  on  the  throne.     These  accusations  had  the 
desired  effect  on  the  mind  of  Dionysius ;  and  an  intercepted  letter  from 
Dion  to  the  Carthaginian  generals,  in  which  he  invited  them  to  make 
theu'  communications  through  him,  afforded  Dionysius  a  pretext  for  getting- 
rid  of  him.     In  the  course  of  a  conversation  he  enticed  Dion  down  to  tlie 
very  brink  of  the  harbor,  when,  suddenly  producing  the  intercepted  letter, 
and  charging  him  to  his  faee  with  treason,  he  forced  him  to  enter  a  vessel 
that  was  in  readiness  to  convey  him  to  Italy.     The  situation  of  Plato  was 
now  very  critical.     Many  advised  Dionysius  to  put  him  to  death  ;  but  the 
despot  refused  to  listen  to  these  suggestions.    He  even  invited  Plato  to  his 
palace,  and  treated  him  with  the  greatest  respect ;  but  he  cautiously  ab- 
stained from  any  more  lessons  in  a  philosophy  which  he  had  now  been 
taught  to  regai-d  with  suspicion,  as  designed  only  to  deprive  hira  of  his 
power.     Plato  was  at  length  suffered  to  escape  from  the  kind  of  honor- 
able captivity  in  which  he  was  held ;   but  at  the  pressing  invitation  of 
Dionysius  he  again  reluctantly  returned  to  Syracuse  in  the  hope  of  pre- 
vaihng  upon  the  tyrant  to  recall  Dion  from  banishment.     In  this,  however, 
he  proved  unsuccessful ;  nay,  Dionysius  even  proceeded  to  measures  of 
violence  against  his  former  guide  and  minister.     First,  the  remittances 
which  Dion,  who  was  now  residing  at  Athens,  was  in  the  habit  of  receiv- 
ing, were  stopped,  and  at  length  all  his  large  property  was  confiscated  and 
sold,  and  the  proceeds  distributed  among  the  personal  friends  of  Dionysius. 
Plato  beheld  this  injustice  towards  his  friend  with  grief  and  mortification, 
but  without  the  power  of  preventing  it;  and  it  was  with  difliculty  that  he 
himself  at  length  obtained  permission  to  return  to  Greece. 

§  6.  This  event  took  place  early  in  360  b.  c.  ;  and  at  the  Olympic  fes- 
tival of  that  year  Plato  met  his  friend  Dion,  and  acquainted  him  with  the 


! 


I 


I 


460 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XIX 


B.  C.  410.] 


TIMOLEON   INVADES    SICILY. 


461 


measures  which  had  been  taken  against  him  by  Dionysius.  The  natural 
iDdignation  of  Dion  was  further  inflamed  by  other  acts  of  the  Syracusan 
tyrant.  Dionysius  compelled  Arete,  the  wife  of  Dion,  and  his  own  half- 
sister,  to  m^rry  one  of  liis  friends,  named  Timocrates.  He  also  acted  in 
the  most  brutal  manner  towards  Dion's  youthful  son.  Thus  wounded  in 
the  tenderest  points,  Dion  resolved  on  revenge.  The  popularity  which 
he  had  acquired,  not  only  at  Athens  but  at  Sparta  and  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, and  especially  among  those  who  were  attached  to  Plato  and  his 
teaching,  rendered  many  disposed  to  serve  liim ;  whilst  the  natural  desire 
of  a  great  part  of  the  Syraeusan  population  to  recover  their  liberty,  as 
well  as  the  contempt  into  which  Dionysius  liad  fallen  from  his  drunken 
and  dissipated  habits,  promised  success  to  any  enterprise  against  him, 
though  undertaken  with  ever  so  small  a  force. 

After  two  or  three  years  spent  in  preparations,  Dion,  in  the  summer 
of  357  B.C.,  landed  on  the  coast  of  Sicily  with  only  eight  hundred  men. 
The  enterprise  was  favored  by  an  imprudent  step  on  the  part  of  Dio- 
nysius, who  had  recently  sailed  with  a  fleet  of  eighty  vessels  on  an  expedi- 
tion to  the  coasts  of  Italy.  By  a  rapid  night-march  Dion  appeared 
unexpectedly  before  Syracuse ;  at  dawn  his  troops  were  beheld  from  the 
walls  in  the  act  of  crossing  the  little  river  Anapus,  first  crowning  their 
heads  with  garlands,  and  sacrificing  to  the  rising  sun.  Their  advance  re- 
sembled rather  the  solemn  procession  of  a  festival  than  the  march  of  a 
hostile  army.  The  inhabitants,  filled  with  joy  and  enthusiasm,  crowded 
through  the  gates  to  welcome  Dion  as  their  deUverer,  who  proclaimed  by 
sound  of  trumpet  that  he  was  come  for  the  purpose  of  putting  down  the 
despotism  of  Dionysius,  and  of  hberating  not  only  the  Syracusans,  but 
all  the  Sicilian  Greeks. 

Dion  easily  rendered  himself  master  of  the  whole  of  Syracuse,  with  the 
exception  of  Ortygia,  which  was  still  held  by  the  partisans  of  Dionysius. 
Such  was  the  state  in  which  that  tyrant  found  his  capital  on  his  return 
from  his  ItaHan  expedition.  Dionysius  at  first  attempted  to  recover  pos- 
session of  the  city  by  force,  but  having  been  defeated  in  a  sea-fight,  he 
determined  to  quit  Syracuse,  and  sailed  away  to  Locri  in  Italy,  leaving 
his  son  Apollocrates  in  charge  of  the  citadel  (b.  c.  356).  After  his  de- 
parture, dissensions  broke  out  among  the  besiegers,  and  Dion  was  deposed 
from  the  command ;  but  the  disasters  of  the  Syracusans,  arising  from  the 
incapacity  of  their  new  leaders,  soon  led  to  his  recall,  and  to  his  appoint- 
ment as  sole  general  with  uncontrolled  authority.  Not  long  after,  Apol- 
locrates was  compelled  by  famine  to  surrender  the  citadel. 

§  7.  Dion  was  now  master  of  Syracuse,  and  in  a  condition  to  carry  out 
all  those  exalted  notions  of  political  life  which  he  had  sought  to  instil  into 
the  mind  of  Dionysius.  He  seems  to  have  contempleted  some  pohtical 
changes,  probably  the  establishment  of  a  kind  of  limited  and  constitutional 
monarchy,  after  the  fashion  of  Sparta,  combined  perhaps  with  the  oligar- 


chical institutions  of  Corinth.  But  this  scheme  of  a  constitution  existed 
only  in  his  imagination  :  his  immediate  and  practical  acts  were  tyrannical, 
and  were  rendered  still  more  unpopular  by  his  overbearing  manners. 
The  Syracusans  looked  for  repubhcan  institutions,  —  for  the  dismantling 
of  the  fortifications  of  Ortygia,  the  stronghold  of  despotism,  —  and  for  the 
destruction  of  the  splendid  mausoleum,  which  had  been  erected  there  to 
the  memory  of  the  elder  Dionysius,  by  way  of  pledge  that  the  despotism 
was  really  extinct  and  overthrown.  But  Dion  did  nothing  of  all  this. 
Nay,  he  even  caused  Heracleides,  who  had  proposed  the  destruction  of 
Ortygia,  to  be  privately  assassinated.  This  act  increased  to  the  highest 
pitch  the  unpopularity  under  which  he  already  labored.  One  of  his  bo- 
som friends  —  the  Athenian  Callippus  —  seized  the  opportunity  to  mount 
to  power  by  his  murder,  and,  having  gained  over  some  of  his  guards, 
caused  him  to  be  assassinated  in  his  own  house.  This  event  took  place  in 
353,  about  three  years  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Dionysian  dynasty. 

§  8.  Callippus  contrived  to  retain  the  sovereign  power  about  a  twelve 
month.  He  was  ultimately  driven  out  by  Hipparinus,  the  nephew  of  Dion 
(son  of  the  elder  Dionysius  by  Aristomache),  who  reigned  but  two  years. 
Nysajus,  another  of  Dion's  nephews,  subsequently  obtained  the  supreme 
authority,  and  was  in  possession  of  it  when  Dionysius  presented  himself 
before  Syracuse  with  a  fleet,  and  became  master  of  the  city  by  treachery, 
about  B.  c.  346.  Dionysius,  however,  was  not  able  to  re-establish  himself 
firmly  in  his  former  power.  Most  of  the  other  cities  of  Sicily  had  shaken 
off  the  yoke  of  Syracuse,  and  were  governed  by  petty  despots :  one  of 
these,  Hicetas,  who  had  established  himself  at  Leontini,  afforded  a  rallying- 
point  to  the  disaffected  Syracusans,  with  whom  he  joined  in  making  war 
on  Syracuse.  Meantime,  the  Carthaginians  prepared  to  take  advantage  of 
the  distracted  condition  of  Sicily.  In  the  extremity  of  their  sufferings, 
several  of  the  Syraeusan  exiles  appealed  for  aid  to  Corinth,  their  mother 
city.  The  application  was  granted,  and  Timoleon  was  apjx)inted  to  com- 
mand an  expedition  destined  for  the  relief  of  Syracuse. 

§  9.  Timoleon  was  one  of  those  models  of  uncompromising  patriotism 
which  we  sometimes  meet  with  in  the  history  of  Greece,  and  still  more 
frequently  in  that  of  Rome,  but  which,  under  some  of  its  phases,  we  in 
modern  times  are  at  a  loss  whether  to  approve  or  to  condemn.  Whei 
a  man's  country  was  comprised  in  a  small  state  or  a  single  city,  the  feeling 
of  patriotism  gi'ew  stronger  in  proportion  as  it  was  more  condensed; 
and  to  this  circumstance,  as  well  as  to  the  humanizing  effects  of  Chris- 
tianity, may  perhaps  be  chiefly  attributed  the  difference  between  ancient 
and  modern  views  respecting  the  duty  of  a  patriot.  Timoleon  was  dis- 
tinguished for  gentleness  as  well  as  for  courage,  but  towards  traitors  and 
despots  his  hatred  was  intense.  He  had  once  saved  the  life  of  his  el- 
der brother  Timophanes  in  battle  at  the  imminent  peril  of  his  own ;  but 
when  Timophanes,  availing  himself  of  his  situation  as  commander  of  the 


M 


402 


HISTORY  OF   GBEECE. 


[Chap.  XLI. 


garrison  in  the  Acrocorinthos,  endeavored  to  enslave  his  country,  Timo- 
leon  did  not  hesitate  to  consent  to  his  death.    Twice  before  had  Timoleon 
pleaded  with  his  brother,  beseeching  him  not  to  destroy  the  liberties  of 
his  country ;  but  when  Timophanes  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  these  appeals, 
Timoleon  connived  at  the  action  of  liis  friends  who  put  him  to  death,  whilst 
he  himself,  bathed  in  a  flood  of  tears,  stood  a  little  way  aloof.     The  action 
was  not  without  its  censurers  even  among  the  Corinthians  themselves : 
but  these  were  chiefly  the  adherents  of  the  despotic  party,  whilst  the  great 
body  of  the  citizens  regarded  the  conduct  of  Timoleon  with  love  and  atl- 
miration.    In  the  mind  of  Timoleon,  however,  their  approving  verdict 
was  far  more  than  outweighed  by  the  reproaches  and  execrations  of  his 
mother.     The  stmgs  of  blood-guiltiness  and  the  maternal  curse  sunk  so 
deep  into  liis  soul,  that  he  endeavored  to  star\'e  himself  to  death,  and  he 
was  only  diverted  from  his  purpose  by  the  active  interference  of  his  friends. 
But  for  many  years  notliing  could  prevail  upon  him  to  return  to  public 
life.    He  buried  himself  in  the  country  far  from  the  haunts  of  men,  drag- 
gmg  out  the  life  of  a  self-condemned  criminal  and  exile,  till  a  chance 
voice  in  the  Corinthian  assembly  nominated  him  as  the  leader  of  the  ex- 
pedition against  Dionysius. 

§  10.  Roused  by  the  nature  of  the  cause,  and  the  exhortations  of  his 
friends,  Timoleon  resolved  to  accept  the  post  thus  offered  to  him.  The 
prospect  however  was  discouraging.  Before  he  sailed,  a  message  arrived 
from  Sicily  to  countermand  the  expedition,  Hicetas  and  the  anti-Dionysian 
party  having  entered  into  secret  negotiations  with  the  Carthaginians,  who 
refused  to  allow  any  Corinthians  to  land  in  Sicily.  But  the  responses  of 
the  Delphic  oracle  and  the  omens  of  the  gods  were  propitious ;  especially 
the  circumstance  that,  in  the  temple  of  Delphi  itself,  a  wreath  of  victory 
"ell  from  one  of  the  statues  upon  the  head  of  Timoleon. 

The  fleet  of  Timoleon  consisted  of  only  ten  triremes,  but  by  an  adroit 
itratagem  he  contrived  to  elude  the  Carthaginian  fleet  of  twenty  sail,  and 
aa-rived  safely  at  Tauromenium  in  Sicily,  where  he  was  heartily  welcomed 
by  the  inhabitants.  Hicetas,  meanwhile,  had  made  great  progress  in  the 
war  agahist  Dionysius.  He  had  defeated  him  in  battle,  and  had  made 
himself  master  of  the  whole  of  Syracuse  with  the  exception  of  Ortygia, 
in  which  he  kept  the  despot  closely  besieged.  Hicetas,  learning  that  Ti- 
moleon was  advancing  to  occupy  Adranum,  hastened  thither  to  anticipate 
him,  but  was  defeated  with  heavy  loss.  Timoleon  now  marched  upon 
Syracuse.  Dionysius,  who  appears  to  have  abandoned  all  hope  of  ultimate 
success,  judged  it  better  to  treat  with  Timoleon  than  with  Hicetas,  and  ac- 
cordinc'ly  surrendered  the  citadel  into  the  hands  of  the  Corinthian  leader 
on  condition  of  being  allowed  to  depart  in  safety  to  Corinth,  b.  c.  34i 
Dionysius  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life  at  Corinth,  where  he  is  said  to 
have  displayed  some  remnants  of  his  former  luxury  by  the  fastidious  taste 
which  he  showed  in  the  choice  of  his  viands,  unguents,  dress,  and  fumi- 


B.  C.  343.] 


SUCCESS    OF   TIMOLEON. 


46d 


ture;  whilst  his  literary  inclinations  manifested  themselves  in  teachin<y 
the  public  singers  and  axitors,  and  in  opening  a  school  for  boys. 

Hicetas  still  had  possession  of  Achradina ;  *  and,  since  he  saw  that  his 
selfish  plans  were  on  the  point  of  failure,  he  now  called  in  the  aid  of  the 
whole  Carthaginian  force  for  the  reduction  of  Ortygia.  The  harbor  of 
Syracuse  was  occupied  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  Carthaginian  ships,  whilst 
an  army  of  sixty  thousand  Carthaginians  was  admitted  within  the  walls 
of  Syracuse.  But  while  Hicetas  and  Magon,  the  Carthaginian  general, 
marched  with  a  great  part  of  their  force  to  attack  the  town  of  Catana, 
whence  the  garrison  of  Ortygia  was  supplied  with  provisions,  Neon,  the 
Corinthian  commander  in  Ortygia,  watching  a  favorable  opportunity,  made 
a  sally,  defeated  the  blockading  force  on  all  sides,  and  even  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  suburb  of  Achradina.  This  unexpected  success  raised  the 
suspicions  of  Magon,  who,  fearing  that  Hicetas  meant  to  betray  him,  resolved 
to  quit  the  island,  and  sailed  away  %\'ith  all  his  forces  to  Carthage.  Not- 
withstanding the  defection  of  his  powerful  ally,  Hicetas  attempted  to  re- 
tam  possession  of  that  part  of  Syracuse  which  was  still  in  his  power,  but 
he  was  unable  to  resist  the  attack  of  Timoleon,  and  was  obliged  to  aban- 
don the  city  and  return  to  Leontini. 

§  11.  Thus  was  the  apparently  hopeless  enterprise  of  Timoleon  crowned 
with  entire  success  in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time.  It  now  remained 
for  him  to  achieve  a  still  greater  victory,  —  a  victory  over  himself.  He 
was  master  of  Syracuse  and  of  Ortygia,  with  all  its  means  and  resources 
for  establishing  a  despotism  in  his  own  favor ;  but  his  first  public  act  was 
to  destroy  those  impregnable  fortifications  which  would  have  rendered 
such  a  usurpation  feasible.  All  the  Syracusans  were  invited  to  assist  in 
demolishing  the  walls  of  Ortygia,  and  the  monument  of  the  elder  Dio- 
nysius, the  record  of  their  former  slavery ;  and  on  the  ruins  of  these  dreaded 
works  Timoleon  caused  courts  of  justice  to  be  erected,  at  once  the  pledge 
and  instruments  of  equal  laws  and  future  freedom. 

Much,  however,  remained  to  be  done  to  restore  Syracuse  to  its  former 
prosperity,  and  Sicily  in  general  to  a  state  of  liberty  and  order.  With 
this  view  all  exiles  were  invited  to  return ;  whilst  Corinth  was  intreated 
to  co-opei-ate  in  the  work  of  restoration,  and  to  become  a  second  time  the 
founder  of  Syracuse.  Two  leading  Corinthian  citizens  were  accordingly 
despatched  to  assist  Timoleon  and  the  Syracusans  in  recasting  their  con- 
stitution, which  was  remodelled  on  the  basis  of  the  laws  of  Diocles-f  To 
remedy  the  poverty  into  which  Syracuse  had  been  plunged  by  its  misfor- 
tunes, new  colonists  were  invited  to  enroll  themselves ;  and  thus  a  body 
often  thousand  citizens,  including  the  Syracusan  exiles,  was  collected  at 
Corinth  and  transported  to  Syracuse.  But  larger  bodies  of  Greeks  soon 
poured  in  from  Italy,  so  that  altogether  the  immigrants  are  reckoned  at 
sixty  thousand. 


1.  ii 


,•1 
•I 


t: 


M 


it^l 


I  fl 

( 

r  % 


*  See  plan  of  Syracuse,  p.  816. 


t  See  p.  455. 


464 


BISTORT  OF  OBSECK. 


[Chap.  XIX 


B*  Vi  d36«j 


DEATH   OP  TIMOLEON. 


465 


-';•! 


n 


§  12.  Meantime,  Timoleon  was  not  idle.     He  attacked  Hicetas  in  Le- 
ontini,  and  compeUed  him  to  capitulate.     But  the  submission  of  Hicetas 
was  a  mere  feint  in  order  to  gain  time  for  calling  in  the  Carthaginians ; 
who,  highly  indignant  at  the  precipitate  retreat  of  Magon,  were  anxious 
to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  by  some  signal  act  of  vengeance.     An  army  of 
seventy  thousand  men  was  accordingly  disembaiked  at  Lilybaeum.     To 
meet  this  formidable  force,  Tunoleon  could  raise  only  about  twelve  thou- 
sand  men ;  and  on  his  march  against  the  enemy  this  small  force  was  still 
further  reduced  by  the  defection  of  about  one  thousand  of  his  mercenaries. 
With  the  remainder  Timoleon  marched  westwards  into  the  Carthaginian 
provmce.     As  he  was  approaching  the  Crimesus,  or  Crimissus,  a  small 
river  which  flows  into  the  Hypsa  on  the  southwestern  coast  of  Sicily,  he 
was  saluted  by  one  of  those  omens  which  so  frequently  either  raised  the 
courage  of  the  Greeks  or  sunk  them  into  despondency.    The  army  was 
met  by  several  mules  bearing  loads  of  parsley,  the  usual  ornament  of 
tombs.    Perceivmg  the  alarm  of  his  soldiers,  Timoleon,  with  great  pres- 
ence of  mind,  gave  the  omen  another  and  a  favorable  direction.     Cro^ras 
of  parsley  were  also  employed  to  reward  the  victors  in  the  Isthmian  games ; 
and  Timoleon,  seizing  a  handful  and  making  a  wreath  for  his  own  head, 
exclaimed,  "  Behold  our  Corinthian  symbol  of  victory ;  its  unexpected 
appearance  here  affords  an  unequivocal  omen  of  success."    These  timely 
words  reanimated  his  men,  who  now  followed  him  with  alacrity.     In  the 
battle  which  ensued,  Timoleon  appeared  to  have  been  again  favored  by 
the  gods.    In  the  hottest  of  the  fight  a  terrific  storm  of  hail,  rain,  thunder, 
and  lightning  beat  right  in  the  faces  of  the  Carthaginians,  and  by  the  con- 
fusion  which  it  created  enabled  the  Greeks  to  put  them  to  the  rout.     The 
same  cause  occasioned  the  death  of  thousands  in  their  retreat,  for  the  river 
Crimesus,  swollen  by  the  sudden  rain,  carried  away  a  great  part  of  those 
who  attempted  to  recross  it.    Ten  thousand  Carthaginians  are  said  to  have 
perished  in  the  battle,  while  fifteen  thousand  more  were  made  prisoners. 
The  remainder  fled  without  stopping  to  Lilybaum,  whence  they  immedi- 
ately embarked  for  Carthage,  not  without  a  dread  that  the  anger  of  the 
gods  would  still  pursue  them  at  sea. 

§  13.  The  victory  of  the  Crimesus  brought  Timoleon  such  an  accession 
of  power  and  influence,  that  he  now  resolved  to  carry  into  execution  his 
project  of  expelUng  all  the  despots  from  Sicily.  The  Carthaginians  sent 
another  expedition  to  assist  these  despots,  but  they  were  unable  to  effect 
anything,  and  were  glad  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Timoleon  in  b.  c  338. 
Wliile  the  war  still  continued  with  the  Carthaginians,  Timoleon  obtained 
possession  of  the  town  of  Leontini,  as  well  as  of  the  person  of  Hicetas,  whom 
he  caused  to  be  put  to  death.  Mamercus,  despot  of  Catana,  was  next  de- 
posed and  executed  by  order  of  the  public  assembly  at  Syracuse,  and  the 
other  despots  in  Sicily  soon  shared  his  fate. 

§  14.  Havin''  thus  effected  the  liberation  of  the  island,  Timoleon  imme- 


diately kid  down  his  power.  All  the  reward  he  received  for  his  great 
services  was  a  house  in  Syracuse,  and  some  landed  property  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  city.  He  now  sent  for  his  family  from  Corinth,  and  became 
a  Syracusan  citizen.  He  continued,  however,  to  retain,  tliough  in  a  pri- 
vate station,  the  greatest  influence  in  the  state.  During  the  latter  part  of 
his  life,  though  he  was  totally  deprived  of  sight,  yet,  when  important  affairs 
were  discussed  in  the  assembly,  it  was  customary  to  send  for  Timoleon, 
who  was  drawn  in  a  car  into  the  middle  of  the  theatre,  amid  the  shouts 
and  affectionate  greetings  of  the  assembled  citizens.  Wlien  the  tumult  of 
his  reception  had  subsided,  he  listened  patiently  to  the  debate.  The  opin- 
ion which  he  pronounced  was  usually  ratified  by  the  vote  of  the  assembly ; 
and  he  then  left  the  theatre  amidst  the  same  cheers  which  had  greeted  his 
arrival.  A  truly  gratifying  position !  and  one  which  must  have  conferred 
on  Tunoleon  more  real  happiness  than  tlie  possession  of  the  most  absolute 
power  could  ever  have  bestowed.  In  this  happy  and  honored  condition 
he  breathed  his  last,  in  b.  c.  336,  a  few  years  after  the  battle  of  Crimesus. 
He  was  splendidly  interred  at  the  public  cost,  whilst  the  tears  of  the  whole 
Syracusan  population  followed  hun  to  the  grave. 


H 


i^t! 


(.  :. 


i 


466 


B.C.359.] 


HISTORY   OP  MACEDONIA. 


467 


View  of  DelpW  and  Mount  Pamassuf . 

BOOK    VI. 
THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

B.  C.  359  - 146. 


CHAPTER   XLH. 

raOM  THE  ACCESSION   OF  PHILIP  TO  THE  END   OF  THE   SACRED  WAK. 

41.  State  of  Greece.    M-  »<«"?'""  ""♦'«=''''^"  .^t  Srle^kUS^^ 
Kterof  Philip.    «  B.  He  snWues  the  FaK>n,«.«  and  Ill>™s.  ^  6.  "'t™'""^  "^ 

ptae.  «  7.  Capture  of  Amphipolis,  and  Foundation  of  Phd-PP;;  *  »•  ^.".'/"^itels^ 
^9.  Commencement  of  the  Sacred  War.  The  Phooans  se.ze  Delph  .  J  10^  Successes 
rf  the  Phocians.  i  11.  PhUip  interferes  in  the  War  Conquer  The,«^ly  y«^  ^^^P 
•  Ti,_„.  nemmthenes  i  13.  The  OlynOuan  War.  J  U.  Charactei  ot  1  nocion. 
ran^roivnthun*  pJeL  of  the  S^red  War.  Embassy  to  PUlip  «  1«.  Cu- 
^„tt  oSs  by  Philip.    Sentence  of  the  Amphictyonic  Council  on  the  Phocans. 

8  1  The  internal  dissensions  of  Greece,  which  have  formed  the  subject 
of  the  two  preceding  books,  are  now  about  to  produce  *eir  natund  frmte ; 
and  in  the  present  book  we  shaU  have  to  relate  the  downfall  of  her  mde 
pendence,  and  her  subjugation  by  a  foreign  power.  We  1>»^«  A^*  »V" 
Ln  Sparta  exercising  a  sort  of  empire  of  opinion  over  the  other  Grea^ 
States,  and  looked  up  to  by  them  with  willing  obedience  as  their  tradi- 


tional  and  chosen  leader.  After  the  Persian  wars  Athens  contests  the 
pahn  with  her,  and,  through  the  confederacy  of  Delos,  becomes  virtually 
the  head  of  Greece  in  material  power,  if  not  recognized  as  such  by  the 
public  opinion  of  the  nation.  But  Sparta  and  most  of  the  other  Grecian 
states,  from  jealousy  of  the  Athenian  supremacy,  league  together  for  the 
purpose  of  crushing  Athens.  After  a  long  struggle,  Athens  falls  into  the 
power  of  her  enemies ;  and  Sparta  becomes  the  ruler  of  Greece.  The 
power  which  she  has  thus  acquired,  she  exercises  with  harshnes.s,  cruelty, 
and  corruption ;  her  own  allies  desert  her ;  and  in  little  more  than  thirty 
years  after  the  battle  of  JEgospotami  she  is  in  her  turn,  not  only  deprived 
of  the  supremacy,  l)ut  even  stripped  of  a  considerable  portion  of  her  own 
ancient  territoiy,  chiefly  through  the  power  and  influence  of  Thebes.  For 
a  little  while  Thebes  becomes  the  predominant  state ;  but  she  owes  her 
j)Osition  solely  to  the  abilities  and  genius  of  Epameinondas,  and  after  his 
death  sinks  down  to  her  former  level.  The  state  of  exhaustion  into  which 
Greece  had  been  thrown  by  these  protracted  intestine  dissensions  is  al- 
ready shown  by  her  having  condescended  to  throw  herself  at  the  feet  of 
Persia,  and  to  make  her  hereditary  enemy  the  arbiter  of  her  quarrels. 
Athens  alone,  during  the  comparative  state  of  tranquillity  afforded  her 
through  the  mutual  disputes  of  her  neighbors,  has  succeeded  in  regaining 
some  portion  of  her  former  strength,  and  becomes  the  leading  power  in 
the  struggle  which  now  threatens  to  overwhelm  the  whole  of  Greece. 
Thi.9  new  danger  comes  from  an  obscure  Northern  state,  hitherto  over- 
looked and  despised,  and  considered  as  altogether  barbarous,  and  without 
the  pale  of  Grecian  civilization. 

§  2.  Macedonia  —  for  that  is  the  country  of  which  we  are  speaking 

had  various  limits  at  different  times.  Proj^rly,  however,  it  may  be  re- 
garded as  separated  from  Thessaly  on  the  south  by  the  Ctunbunian  Moun- 
tains ;  from  lUyria  on  the  west  by  the  great  mountain  cham  called  Scar- 
dus  and  Bernus,  and  which,  under  the  name  of  Pindus,  also  separates 
Thessaly  from  Epeirus  ;  from  Moesia  on  the  north  by  the  mountains  called 
Orbelus  and  Scomius ;  and  from  Thrace  on  the  east  by  the  river  Strymon. 
It  is  drained  by  three  rivers  of  considerable  size,  the  Axius,  the  Lydias, 
and  the  Haliacmon ;  each  of  which  has  its  separate  valley,  formed  by  two 
mountain  ranges  running  southeastwards  from  the  mountains  that  divide 
Illyria  and  Macedonia,  All  these  rivers  discharge  themselves  into  the 
Tliermaic  Gulf.  The  origin  of  the  people  who  inhabited  this  tract  of  coun- 
try has  been  much  disputed.  The  Greeks  themselves  looked  upon  them 
as  barbarians,  that  is,  as  not  of  Hellenic  origin.  They  were  probably  an 
Illyrian  people,  and  the  similarity  of  the  manners  and  customs,  as  well  as 
of  the  languages,  so  far  as  they  are  known,  of  the  early  Macedonians  and 
Blyrians,  seems  to  establish  the  identity  of  the  races. 

§  3.  But  though  the  Macedonians  were  not  Greeks,  their  sovereigns 
claimed  to  be  descended  from  an  Hellenic  race,  namely,  that  of  Temenus 


!  f, 


'  . 


^11 


I  oM 


466 


( 

[ 

fe  --  ■ 

■=r.:.- 

ii 

1==-=-  r  f  \.,=rr 

A 

m^^ZJ     ' — 

m 

Wti^.  -^  ^^^^ 

ftt^Si^^E^  ^jgv 

^s 

View  of  Delphi  and  Monnt  Pama«8u». 


BOOK    VI. 

THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

B.  C.  359-146. 


CHAPTER    XLIL 

raOM  THE  ACCESSION   OF  PHILIP  TO  THE   END   OF  THE   SACEED  WAK. 

»I.  SUte  of  Greece.    »«•  '>-''Pt'»  t"""'°™^*lt•Sr  1  e' "hIs  M^^ 
uster  of  PhUip.    «  5.  He  subdues  the  Prconmm  and  lll>nans.    J  6.  H«  -i        . 

X.  4  7.  Capture  of  Amphipolis,  and  Foundation  of  P":"PP^  *  f  ^."jo  'succe.s» 
n  Commencement  of  the  Sacred  War.  The  I'hocmns  seize  Do^ph.  ,  10^  Suece  se» 
LihTpWiMs  411  Philip  interferes  h.  the  War.  Conquers Thessaly.  *  I*-  ™"P 
ta  ThrTc^^tnil-^  M3.  The  Olyuthiau  War^^  «  U-  Character  o  ^.o.on 
MofOlvuthus.  M*.  Progress  of  the  Sacred  War.  ^^^'^^l^J'^^XL^i^l^ 
^est  of  Phocis  by  PhiUp.    Sentence  of  the  Amphictyomc  Council  ou  the  Phocians. 

I  1.  The  internal  dissensions  of  Greece,  vfhich  have  fomed  the  subject 
of  the  two  preee.Ung  books,  are  now  about  to  p«^uce  A™*"™^/™  J; 
^  in  the  present  book  we  shaU  have  to  relate  the  downfall  of  he  mde 
pendence,  La  her  subjugation  by  a  foreign  power.  We  ha^e  fet  of  ^ 
Ln  Spa;ta  exercising  a  sort  of  empire  of  opWon  over  the  o*^  G..«^ 
states,  and  looked  up  to  by  them  with  willing  obedience  as  their  tradi 


B.C.359.] 


HISTORY   OP  MACEDONIA. 


467 


tional  and  chosen  leader.  After  the  Persian  wars  Athens  contests  the 
pahn  with  her,  and,  through  the  confederacy  of  Dclos,  becomes  virtually 
the  head  of  Greece  in  material  power,  if  not  recognized  as  such  by  the 
public  opinion  of  the  nation.  But  Sparta  and  most  of  the  other  Grecian 
states,  from  jealousy  of  the  Athenian  supremacy,  league  together  for  the 
puri>ose  of  crushing  Athens.  After  a  long  struggle,  Athens  falls  into  the 
power  of  her  enemies ;  and  Sparta  becomes  the  ruler  of  Greece.  The 
power  which  she  has  thus  acquired,  she  exercises  with  harshness,  cruelty, 
and  corruption ;  her  own  allies  desert  her ;  and  in  little  more  than  thirty 
years  after  the  battle  of  ^gospotami  she  is  in  her  turn,  not  only  deprived 
of  the  supremacy,  but  even  stripped  of  a  considerable  portion  of  her  own 
ancient  territory,  chiefly  through  the  power  and  influence  of  Thebes.  For 
a  little  while  Thebes  becomes  the  predominant  state ;  but  she  owes  her 
position  solely  to  the  abilities  and  genius  of  Epameinondas,  and  after  his 
death  sinks  down  to  her  former  level.  The  state  of  exhaustion  into  which 
Greece  had  been  thrown  by  these  protracted  intestine  dissensions  is  al- 
i*eady  shown  by  her  having  condescended  to  throw  herself  at  the  feet  of 
Persia,  and  to  make  her  hereditary  enemy  the  arbiter  of  her  quarrels. 
Athens  alone,  during  the  comparative  state  of  tranquillity  afforded  her 
through  the  mutual  disputes  of  her  neighbors,  has  succeeded  in  regaining 
some  portion  of  her  former  strength,  and  becomes  the  leading  power  in 
the  struggle  which  now  threatens  to  overwhelm  the  whole  of  Greece. 
This  new  danger  comes  from  an  obscure  Northern  state,  hitherto  over- 
looked and  despised,  and  considered  as  altogether  barbarous,  and  without 
the  pale  of  Grecian  civilization. 

§  2.  Macedonia  —  for  that  is  the  country  of  which  we  are  speaking— 
had  various  limits  at  diflferent  times.  Projxjrly,  however,  it  may  be  re- 
garded as  separated  from  Thessaly  on  the  south  by  the  Cambunian  Moun- 
tains ;  from  Illyria  on  the  west  by  the  great  mountain  chain  called  Scar- 
dus  and  Bernus,  and  which,  under  the  name  of  Pindus,  also  separates 
Thessaly  from  Epeirus ;  from  Moesia  on  the  north  by  the  mountains  called 
Orbelus  and  Scomius ;  and  from  Thrace  on  the  east  by  the  river  Strymon. 
It  is  drained  by  three  rivers  of  considerable  size,  the  Axius,  the  Lydias, 
and  the  Haliacmon ;  each  of  which  has  its  separate  valley,  formed  by  two 
mountain  ranges  running  southeastwards  from  the  mountains  that  divide 
Illyria  and  Macedonia.  All  these  rivers  discharge  themselves  into  the 
Thermaic  Gulf.  The  origin  of  the  people  who  inhabited  this  tract  of  coun- 
try has  been  much  disputed.  The  Greeks  themselves  looked  upon  them 
as  bai'barians,  that  is,  as  not  of  Hellenic  origin.  They  were  probably  an 
lUyrian  people,  and  the  similarity  of  the  manners  and  customs,  as  well  as 
of  the  languages,  so  far  as  they  are  known,  of  the  early  Macedonians  and 
lUyrians,  seems  to  establish  the  identity  of  the  races. 

§  3.  But  though  the  Macedonians  were  not  Greeks,  their  sovereigns 
claimed  to  be  descended  from  an  Hellenic  race,  namely,  that  of  Temenus 


ti 


468 


HISTOBT   OP   GKEECE. 


[Chap.  XLII. 


of  Argos ;  and  it  is  said  that  Alexander  I.  proved  his  Argive  descent  pre- 
viously  to  contending  at  the  Olympic  games.     Perdiccas  is  commonly 
regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  monarchy ;  of  the  history  of  which,  how- 
ever, little  is  known  till  the  reign  of  Amyntas  I.,  his  fifth  successor,  who 
was  contemporary  with  the  PeisistratidoD  at  Athens.    Under  Amyntas, 
who  submitted  to  the  satrap  Megabyzus,  Macedonia  became  subject  to 
Persia,  and  remained  so  till  after  the  battle  of  Plataea.    The  reigns  of  the 
succeeding  sovereigns  down  to  Philip  11.  present  little  thatis  remarkable, 
with  the  exception  of  that  of  Archelaus  (b.  c.  413).     This  monarch  ef 
fected  much  for  Macedonia  by  improving  the  condition  of  the  army,  by 
erecting  fortresses  to  check  the  incursions  of  his  barbarous  neighbors,  by 
constructing  roads,  and  by  endeavoring  to  diffuse  among  his  subjects  a 
taste  for  literature  and  art.    He  transferred  his  residence  from  iEgas  to 
Pella,  which  thus  became  the  capital,  and  he  employed  Zeuxis  to  adorn 
his  palace  there  with  paintings.     He  entertained  many  literary  men  at  his 
court;  such  as  Agathon  and  Euripides,  the  latter  of  whom  ended  his  days 
at  PeUa.     Archelaus  was  assassinated  in  b.  c.  399,  and  the  crown  de- 
volved upon  Amyntas  H.,  a  representative  of  the  ancient  line.    Amyntas 
left  three  sons :  Alexander  H.,  who  was  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Alontes ; 
Perdiccas  HI.,  who  recovered  his  brother's  throne  by  slaying  Ptolemy, 
and  who  feU  in  battle  against  the  lUyrians ;  and  lastly,  the  celebrated 
Philip,  of  whom  we  have  now  to  speak. 

§  4.  It  has  been  ab^ady  mentioned  that  the  youthful  Philip  was  one 
of  the  hostages  deUvered  to  the  Thebans  as  security  for  the  peace  effected 
by  Pelopidas.    His  residence  at  Thebes  gave  him  some  tincture  of  Gre- 
cian philosophy  and  literature.    It  seems  probable  that  he  made  the  per- 
sonal acquaintance  of  Plato ;  and  he  undoubtedly  acquired  that  command 
over  the  Greek  language  which  put  him  on  a  level  with  the  best  orators 
of  the  day.    But  the  most  hnportant  lesson  which  he  learned  at  Thebes 
was  the  art  of  war,  with  aU  the  unproved  tactics  introduced  by  Epamei- 
nondas.    At  the  tune  of  Philip's  residence,  moreover,  Thebes  was  the 
centre  of  poUtical  interest,  and  he  must  accordingly  have  had  opportumties 
to  become  intimately  acquainted  with  the  views  and  poUcy  of  the  various 
Grecian  powers.    The  genius  and  character  of  Philip  were  well  calcu- 
lated  to  derive  advantage  from  these  opportunities.    He  had  great  natural 
acuteness  and  sagacity,  so  as  to  perceive  at  a  glance  the  men  to  be  em- 
ployed, and  the  opportunities  to  be  improved.    His  boundless  ambition 
was  seconded  by  an  kon  will,  which  no  danger  could  daunt  and  no  repulse 
dishearten ;  and  when  he  had  once  formed  a  project,  he  pursued  it  with 
untiring  and  resistless  energy.    His  handsome  person,  spontaneous  elo- 
quencerand  apparently  frank  deportment  were  of  great  assistance  to  him 
in  the  prosecution  of  his  schemes ;  whilst  under  these  seducing  quaUties 
lurked  no  inconvenient  moraUty  to  stand  between  his  desires  and  their 
gratification.     Corruption  was  his  instrument  as  firequently  as  force ;  and 


B.  C.  359.] 


ACCESSION    OF   PHILIP. 


469 


it  was  one  of  his  favorite  boasts,  th^t  he  had  taken  more  towns  with  silver 
than  with  iron.*  Yet  when  force  was  necessary  no  man  could  wield  it 
better ;  for  with  the  skill  of  a  general  he  united  a  robustness  of  constitution 
which  enabled  him  to  bear  all  the  hardships  of  a  campaign  as  well  as  the 
meanest  soldier. 

§  5.  Such  was  the  man  who  at  the  age  of  twenty-three  assumed  the  gov- 
ernment of  Macedonia  (b.  c.  359).  It  had  probably  been  intrusted  to 
him  when  his  brother  Perdiccas  set  out  on  the  expedition  against  the  II- 
lyriaus  in  which  he  fell ;  and  after  that  event  he  became  the  guardian  of 
his  brother's  infant  son.  This  minority  induced  two  pretenders  to  claim 
the  crown :  Pausanias,  who  was  supported  by  the  king  of  Thrace ;  and 
Argaeusj  whose  claims  were  backed  by  the  Athenians  with  a  force  of  three 
thousand  hoplites,  because  he  had  engaged  to  put  them  in  possession  of 
Amphipolis.  But  by  his  promises  and  address  Philip  contrived  to  propi- 
tiate both  the  king  of  Thrace  and  the  Athenians  ;  to  the  latter  of  whom  he 
made  the  same  offers  as  Argajus  had  done.  The  two  pretenders,  being 
thus  deprived  of  their  supporters,  were  easily  got  rid  of,  and  Philip  was 
left  at  liberty  to  turn  his  arms  against  the  Paeonians  and  Illyrians,  who 
were  threatening  Macedonia  with  invasion.  The  former  people  were 
easily  subdued,  and  Philip  then  marched  against  the  Illyrians  with  a 
force  of  ten  thousand  men.  He  was  met  by  BardylLs,  the  aged  chief  of 
Blyria,  with  an  army  of  about  the  same  strength.  This  was  the  first 
important  engagement  fought  by  Philip.  He  displayed  in  it  the  military 
skill  which  he  had  acquired  in  the  school  of  Epameinondas,  and,  like  that 
commander,  gained  the  victory  by  concentrating  his  forces  on  one  point  of 
the  enemy's  line.  Nearly  two  thirds  of  the  lUyrian  army  were  destroyed; 
and  they  were  consequently  compelled  to  submit  unconditionally,  and  to 
place  in  the  hands  of  Phihp  the  principal  mountain  passes  between  the 
two  countries.  It  was  after  these  victories  that  Pliilip  seems  to  have 
deposed  his  nephew,  and  to  have  assumed  the  crown  of  Macedon.  This 
revolution,  however,  was  unattended  with  harshness  or  cruelty.  Philip 
continued  to  bring  up  his  nephew  at  court,  and  ultimately  gave  him  one 
of  his  daughters  in  marriage. 

§  6.  It  was  natural  that  success  acquired  with  so  much  ease  should 
prompt  a  youthful  and  ambitious  monarch  to  further  undertakings.  In 
anticipation  of  future  conquests  he  devoted  the  greatest  attention  to  the 
training  and  discipline  of  his  army.  It  was  in  liis  lUyrian  wars  that  he  is 
said  to  have  introduced  the  far-famed  Macedonian  phalanx.  But  perhaps 
the  greatest  of  his  military  innovations  was  the  establishment  of  a  standing 
army.     We  have  already  noticed  certain  bodies  of  this  description  at 


*    "  Diffidit  urbiuin 
Portas  vir  Macedo  et  submit  aemulos 
Beges  muneribus."  —Hob.  Carm.  iii.  16. 13. 


i 
* 


470 


mSTOR¥  OF  GBEEOI. 


[Chap.  XIH 


B*  0>  358«J 


THE    SOCIAL    WAB. 


471 


Aigos  and  Tbebes.  Philip,  however,  seems  to  have  retiuned  on  foot  the 
ten  thoTisand  men  which  he  had  employed  against  the  Illyrians ;  and  tliis 
standing  force  was  gradually  enlarged  to  double  the  number.  Among  the 
soldiers  discipline  was  preserved  by  the  severest  punishments.  Thus  we 
hear  of  a  youth  of  noble  birth  being  scourged  for  leaving  the  ranks  to  get 
a  draught  of  wine  at  a  tavern;  and  of  another,  who,  though  a  fiivorite  at 
couit,  was  put  to  death  for  a  similar  offence,  aggravated  by  a  breach  of 

positive  orders, 

.  §  7.  Philip's  views  were  now  turned  towards  the  eastern  frontiers  of 
Ms  dominions,  where  his  interests  clashed  with  those  of  the  Athenians. 
A  few  years  before,  the  Athenians  had  made  various  unavailing  attempts 
to  obtain  possession  of  Amphipolis,  once  the  jewel  of  their  empire,  but 
which  they  had  never  recovered  since  its  capture  by  Brasidas  in  the 
^eighth  year  of  the  Peloiionnesian  war.  Its  situation  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Strymon  rendered  it  also  valuable  to  Macedonia,  not  only  as  a  commercial 
port,  but  as  opening  a  passage  into  Thrace.  The  Olynthians  were  like- 
wise anxious  to  enroll  Amphipolis  as  a  member  of  their  confederacy,  and 
accordingly  proposed  to  the  Athenians  to  form  an  alliance  for  the  purpose 
of  defending  Amphipolis  against  their  mutual  enemy.  An  alliance  be- 
tween these  two  powerful  states  would  have  proved  an  insurmountable 
obstacle  to  Philip's  views ;  and  it  was  therefore  absolutely  necessary  to 
prevent  this  coalition.  Here  we  have  the  first  instance  of  Philip's  skill 
and  duplicity  in  negotiation.  By  secretly  promising  the  Athenians  that 
he  would  put  Amphipolis  into  their  hands,  if  they  would  give  him 
poesession  of  Pydna,  he  induced  them  to  reject  the  overtures  of  the 
Olynthians;  and  by  ceding  to  the  latter  the  town  of  Anthemus,  he 
bought  off  their  opposition.  He  now  laid  siege  to  Amphipolis,  which, 
being  thus  left  unaided,  fell  into  his  hands  (b.  c.  358).  He  then  forth- 
with marched  against  Pydna,  which  sun-endered  to  him;  but  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  not  the  Athenians  who  had  put  him  in  possession  of 
this  town,  he  refused  to  give  up  Ampliipolis  to  them. 

Philip  had  now  just  reason  to  dread  the  enmity  of  the  Athenians,  and 
accordingly  it  was  his  policy  to  court  the  favor  of  the  Olynthians,  and  to 
prevent  them  from  renewing  their  negotiations  with  the  Athenians.  In 
order  to  separate  them  more  effectually,  he  assisted  the  Olynthians  in 
recovering  Potidaea,  which  had  formerly  belonged  to  theu*  confederacy, 
but  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Athenians.  On  the  capture  of  the  town, 
he  handed  it  over  to  the  Olynthians ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  treated  the 
Athenian  garrison  with  kindness,  and  allowed  them  to  return  home  in 
safety.  Plutarch  relates  that  the  capture  of  Potidaea  was  accompanied 
with  three  other  fortunate  events  in  the  life  of  Philip ;  namely,  the  prize 
gamed  by  his  chariot  at  the  Olympic  games,  a  victory  of  his  general, 
Parmenio,  over  the  Illyrians,  and  the  burth  of  his  son  Alexander.  These 
events  happened  in  b.  c.  356. 


Philip  now  crossed  the  Strymon,  on  the  left  bank  of  which  lay  Pan- 
gasus,  a  range  of  mountains  abounding  in  gold  mines.  Pangjeus  prop- 
erly belonged  to  the  Thracians,  but  had  sometimes  been  in  the  possession 
of  the  Athenians,  and  sometimes  of  the  Thasians ;  and  at  this  time  was 
held  by  the  latter  people.  Philip  conquered  the  district,  and  founded 
there  a  new  town  called  Philippi,  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Thasian  town 
of  Crenides.  By  improved  methods  of  working  the  mines  he  made  them 
yield  an  annual  revenue  of  one  thousand  talents,  nearly  £250,000. 
But  it  was  chiefly  as  a  military  post  that  Philippi  was  valuable  to  him, 
and  as  a  means  of  pushing  his  conquests  farther  eastwards ;  for  whichj 
however,  he  was  not  at  present  prepared. 

§  8.  Meanwhile,  Athens  was  engaged  in  a  war  with  her  allies,  which 
has  been  called  the  Social  War;  and  which  was,  perhaps,  the  reason  why 
she  was  obliged  to  look  quietly  on  whilst  Pliilip  was  thus  aggrandizing 
himself  at  her  expense.     This  war  broke  out  in  b.  c.  358.     The  chief 
causes  of  it  seem  to  have  been  the  contributions  levied  upon  the  allies  by 
the  Athenian  genei-als,  and  the  re-establishment  of  the  system  of  cleru- 
chies,  which  the  Athenians  had  formally  renounced  when  they  were  beoin- 
nmg  to  reconstruct  their  empire.     However  this  may  be,  a  coalition  was 
formed  against  Athens,  of  which  either  Byzantium  or  Rhodes  was  the 
head,  and  which  was  soon  joined  by  Chios,  Cos,  and  other  places.    The 
insurgents  were  also  assisted  by  the  Carian  prince,  Mausolus.     The  first 
step  taken  by  the  Athenians  in  order  to  quell  this  insurrection  was  to 
attack   Chios  with  sixty  triremes,  under  Chares  and  Chabrias.     The 
expedition   proved  unsuccessful.     Chabrias  was  slain  whilst  gallantly 
leading  the  way  into  the  harbor  of  Chios,  and  the  armament  was  al- 
together defeated.     We  next  find  Timotheus  and  Iphicrates  employed  in 
this  war  in  conjunction  with  Chares :  but  the  details  recorded  of  it  are 
obscure,  and  sometimes  contradictory.    Chares  got  rid  of  liis  two  colleaones 
on  a  charge  of  failing  to  support  him  in  a  battle.     On  this  indictment  they 
were  subsequently  tried,  when  Iphicrates  was  acquitted ;  but  Timotheus 
was  condemned,  and  retired  to  Chalcis,  where  he  soon  afterwards  died. 
Athens  thus  lost  her  best  commanders  ;  and  Chares,  having  obtained  the 
sole  command,  entered  the  service  of  the  satrap  Artabazus,  who  had  re- 
volted against  Artaxerxes,  and  was  rewarded  with  a  large  sum,  which 
enabled  him  to  pay  his  men.     He  did  not  succeed,  however,  in  reducin<» 
the  refractory  allies  to  obedience;  and  when  Artaxerxes  threatened  to 
support  them  with  a  fleet  of  three  hundred  ships,  the  Athenians  were 
obliged  to  consent  to  a  disadvantageous  peace,  wliich  secured  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  more  unportant  allies  (b.  c.  355).    The  Athenians  only 
succeeded  in  retaining  some  of  the  smaller  towns  and  islands,  and  their 
revenue  from  them  was  reduced  to  the  moderate  sum  of  forty-five  talents. 
§  9.  The  Social  War  tended  still  further  to  exhaust  the  Grecian  states, 
and  thus  pave  the  way  for  Philip's  progress  to  the  supremacy.    Another 


41 


472 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLII. 


war,  which  had  been  raging  during  the  same  time,  produced  the  same 
result  even  to  a  greater  extent  This  was  the  Sacred  War,  which  broke 
out  between  Thebes  and  Fhocis  in  the  same  year  as  the  Social  War 
(b.  c.  357).  An  ill  feeluig  had  long  subsisted  between  those  two  countries. 
It  was  with  reluctance  that  the  Phocians  had  joined  the  Theban  alliance. 
In  the  last  campaign  of  Epameinondas  in  the  Peloponnesus,  they  positive- 
ly refused  their  assistance ;  and  after  the  death  of  that  leader,  they  seem 
to  have  committed  some  actual  hostilities  against  Boeotia.  The  Thebans 
now  availed  themselves  of  the  influence  which  they  possessed  in  the 
•Amphictyonic  Council  to  take  vengeance  upon  the  Phocians,  and  ac- 
cordingly induced  this  body  to  impose  a  heavy  fine  upon  the  Phocians, 
because  they  had  cultivated  a  portion  of  the  Cirrhoean  plain,  wliich, 
after  the  first  sacred  war,  had  been  consecrated  to  the  Delphian  god,* 
and  was  to  lie  waste  for  ever.  The  Phocians  pleaded  that  the  pay- 
ment of  the  fine  would  ruin  them ;  but  instead  of  listening  to  their 
remonstrances,  the  Amphictyons  doubled  the  amount,  and  threatened, 
in  case  of  their  continued  refusal,  to  reduce  them  to  the  condition 
of  serfs.  Thus  driven  to  desperation,  the  Phocians  resolved  to  complete 
the  sacrilege  with  which  they  had  been  branded,  by  seizing  the  very 
temple  of  Delphi  itself,  to  the  possession  of  which  they  asserted  an 
ancient  right,  founded  on  a  verse  m  Homer,  in  which  the  "rocky  Pytho" 
was  reckoned  among  the  Phocian  towns-t  If  they  succeeded  in  seizing 
the  temple,  not  only  would  all  its  treasures  be  at  their  command, 
but  they  would  even  be  able  to  dictate  the  responses  of  the  oracle. 
The  leader  and  counsellor  of  this  enterprise  was  Philomelus,  who, 
with  a  force  of  no  more  than  two  thousand  men,  surprised  and  took 
Delphi.  The  Locrians  of  Amphissa,  who  came  to  the  rescue  of  the 
temple,  were  defeated  by  him  with  great  loss.  Being  now  master  of  the 
temple,  Philomelus  destroyed  the  records  containing  the  sentence  of  the 
Amphictyons,  and  appealed  to  all  Greece  against  its  injustice.  At  first, 
however,  he  carefully  abstained  from  touching  the  sacred  treasure ;  but  he 
levied  large  sums  on  the  private  property  of  the  Delphians.  He  then 
fortified  the  temple  afresh ;  and,  having  hired  more  mercenaries,  which 
swelled  his  force  to  five  thousand  men,  invaded  the  Locrian  territory. 
After  some  petty  skirmishes,  the  Locrians  were  finally  defeated  in  a 
pitched  battle ;  whereupon  they  applied  to  the  Thebans  for  assistance. 

§  10.  Meanwhile,  Philomelus,  bemg  master  of  the  oracle,  extorted  a 
decree  from  the  priestess  sanctioning  all  that  he  had  done;  and  sent 
envoys  to  the  principal  Grecian  cities,  including  Thebes,  to  vindicate  his 
conduct,  and  to  declare  that  the  treasures  of  Delphi  were  untouched. 
The  envojrs  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  alliance  of  Sparta  and  Athens,  but 
fmsk  Thebes  they  were  repulsed  with  threats.    There,  however,  the 


*  See  p.  48. 


t  mad,  ii.  6ir. 


B.  C.  352.] 


INTERFERENCE    OF  PHILIP. 


'478 


apphcation  of  the  Locrians  met  with  a  ready  acquiesence ;  and  messages 
were  sent  by  the  Thebans  to  stir  up  the  Thessalians  and  all  the  Northern 
tnbes  which  belonged  to  the  Amphictyonic  Council.     The  Locrians  now 
saw  themselves  threatened  by  a  powerful  combination,  wliilst  from  Athens 
weakened  by  the  Social  War,  and  from  Sparta,  hampered  by  Megalopolis 
and  Messene,  they  could  expect  but  little  aid.     In  this  emergency  Philo- 
melus  threw  off  the  scruples  which  he  had  hitherto  assumed,  and  an- 
nounced that  the  sacred  treasures  should  be  converted  into  a  fund  for  the 
payment  of  mercenaries.     Crowds  of  adventurers  now  flocked  on  all  .ides 
to  his  standard,  and  he  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  often  thousand 
men.     With  these  he  again  invaded  Locris,  and  defeated  the  Thebans 
and  Thessalians.     Subsequently,  however,  the   Thebans   obtained  larcre 
reinforcements,  and,  having  become  manifestly  the  strongest,  put  to  dealh 
all  Phocian  prisoners,  as  being  guilty  of  sacrilege.    The  war  thus  assumed 
the  most  barbarous  character,  and  the  Phocians,  by  way  of  self-prefer- 
vation,  were  obhged  to  retaliate.     The  detaUs  of  the  struggle  are  not 
accurately  known,  but  it  appears  that  a  great  battle  was  at  length  fou^^ht, 
m  which  the  Phocians  were  defeated  and  Philomelus  killed.    The  victory 
however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  sufficiently  decisive  to  enable  the 
Thebans  to  obtam  possession  of  Delphi,  and  they  subsequently  returned 
home. 

Onomarchus,  who  succeeded  his  brother  Philomelus  in  the  command 
carried  on  the  war  with  vigor  and  success.  He  reduced  both  the  AYest^ 
em  and  Eastern  Locrians,  as  well  as  the  little  state  of  Doris.  He  then 
invaded  Bceotia,  captured  Orchomenus,  and  laid  siege  to  Chjeronea ;  which 
however,  the  Thebans  compelled  him  to  raise,  and  drove  him  bj^k  with 
some  loss  into  Phocis. 

§  11.  Such  was  the  state  of  the  Sacred  War  when  Philip  first  be^^an  to 
interfere  in  it.     It  was  only,  however,  through  his  previous  conquests  in 
Thessaly  that  he  was  enabled  to  do  so.     Even  before  he  could  enter  that 
country  he  had  to  reduce  the  town  of  Methone,  which  lay  between  him 
and  the  Thessalian  frontier;  and  it  was  at  the  siege  of  this  place  that  he 
lost  his  eye  by  an  arrow.     After  the  capture  of  Methone,  his  road  lay 
open  mto  Thessaly;  and  at  the  invitation  of  the  Aleuadae  of  Larissa,  who 
were  disgusted  with  the  tyranny  exercised  by  the  successors  of  Alexander 
of  Pherae,  he  undertook  an  expedition  against  that  state.    Alexander  him- 
self had  been  despatched  through  the  machinations  of  his  wife  Thebe,  who 
caused  him  to  be  murdered  by  her  three  half-brothers.     These  subse- 
quently  ascended  the  throne,  and  exercised  a  tyranny  as  harsh  as  that  of 
their  predecessor.     Phera^,  it  seems,  had  shown  some  disposition  to  assist 
the  Phocians ;   and  when  Onomarchus  heard  that  Philip  was  marchin^ 
against  it,  he  sent  his  brother,  Phayllus,  with  a  force  of  seven  thousand 
men,  to  its  assistance.     Philip  defeated  Phayllus,  but  was  subsequently 
routed  and  compelled  to  retreat  by  Onomarchus  in  person.     The  latter 

60 


44«4 


BISTORT  OP  GREECE. 


[Cujlp.  XLH. 


then  tamed  his  arms  against  Coronea,  which  he  reduced ;  but  the  news 
that  Philip  had  reentered  Thessaly,  at  the  head  of  twenty  thousand  men, 
soon  compelled  him  agam  to  march  thither.  Philip  now  assumed  the 
character  of  a  champion  of  the  Delphic  god,  and  made  his  soldiers  wear 
wreaths  of  laurel,  plucked  in  the  groves  of  Tempe.  Onomarchus  was  at 
the  head  of  about  an  equal  number  of  men :  but  in  the  encounter  which 
ensued,  apparently  near  the  Gulf  of  Pagasae,  he  was  slain,  and  his  army 
totally  defeated  (b.  c.  352).  This  victory  made  Philip  master  of  Thessaly. 
He  now  directed  his  march  southwards  with  the  view  of  subduing  the 
Phocians ;  but  upon  reaching  Thermopylie,  he  found  the  pass  guarded  by 
a  strong  Athenian  force,  and  was  compelled,  or  considered  it  more  pru- 
dent, to  retreat 

§  12.  After  his  return  from  Thessaly,  Philip's  views  were  directed  to- 
wards Thrace  and  the  Chersonese  ;  but  he  first  carried  his  arms  so  far  in- 
to the  interior  of  the  country,  that  the  Athenians  could  learn  nothing  of  his 
movements.    It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Demosthenes  stepped  fonvards 
as  the  proclaimed  opponent  of  Philip,  and  deUvered  the  first  of  those  cel- 
ebrated orations  which  from  their  subject  have  been  called  "  the  Philip- 
pics."    Since  the  establishment  of  democracy  at  Athens,  a  certam  degree 
of  abihty  in  public  speaking  was  indispensable  to  a  public  man.     Hitherto, 
however,  the  leading  men  of  Athens  had,  Uke  Cunon  and  Pericles,  been 
statesmen  and  warriors,  as  well  as  orators.     But  the  great  progress  made 
in  the  art  of  rhetoric,  as  well  as  in  the  art  of  war,  since  the  unproved  tac- 
to  mtroduced  by  Epameinondas,  had  nOw  ahnost  completely  separated 
the  professions  of  the  orator  and  the  soldier.    Phocion,  the  contemporary 
oi  Demosthenes,  was  the  last  who  combined  the  pro^-inces  of  the  two. 
The  ears  of  the  Athenians  had  become  fiistidious.    They  delighted  in  dis- 
plays of  oratorical  skill;  and  it  was  this  period  which  produced  those 
speakers  who  have  been  called  by  way  of  eminence  **  the  Attic  orators.** 
Demosthenes,  the  most  famous  of  them  all,  was  bom  in  b.  c.  382-381. 
Having  lost  his  father  at  the  early  age  of  seven,  his  guardians  abused 
their  trust,  and  defrauded  him  of  the  greater  part  of  his  paternal  inherit- 
ance.   This  misfortune,  however,  proved  one  of  the  causes  which  tended  to 
make  him  an  orator.    Demosthenes,  as  he  advanced  towards  manhood,  per- 
ceived with  indignation  the  conduct  of  his  guardians,  for  which  he  resolved 
to  make  them  answerable  when  the  proper  opportunity  should  arrive,  by 
accusing  them  himself  before  the  dicastery.    The  weakness  of  his  bodily 
•fmme,  which  unfitted  him  for  the  exercises  of  the  gjmnasium,  caused  him 
:to  devote  himself  with  all  the  more  ardor  to  intellectual  pursuits.    He 
pkced  himself  under  the  tuition  of  Isaeus,  who  then  enjoyed  a  high  repu- 
tation as  an  advocate ;  and  when  he  had  acquu-ed  a  competent  degree  of 
skill,  he  pleaded  his  cause  against  his  guardians,  and  appears  to  have  re- 
covered a  considerable  portion  of  his  estate,    lliis  success  encouraged  him 
;to  speak  in  the  public  assembly;  but  his  first  attempt  proved  a  failure 


] 


B.  C.  352.1 


DEMOSTHENES. — FIRST  PHILIPPIC. 


475 


and  he  retired  from  the  bema  amidst  the  hootings  and  laughter  of  the  cit- 
izens. The  more  judicious  and  candid  among  his  auditors  perceived,  how- 
ever, marks  of  genius  in  his  speech,  and  rightly  attributed  his  failure  to 
timidity  and  want  of  due  preparation.  Eunomus,  an  aged  citizen,  who 
met  him  wandering  about  the  Peiraeus  in  a  state  of  dejection  at  his  ill-suc- 
cess, bade  him  take  courage  and  persevere.  "  Your  manner  of  speaking," 
said  he,  "  very  much  resembles  that  of  Pericles ;  you  fail  only  through 
want  of  confidence.  You  are  too  much  disheartened  by  the  tumult  of  a 
popular  assembly,  and  you  do  not  take  any  pains  even  to  acquire  that 
strength  of  body  which  is  requisite  for  tlie  bema.**  Struck  and  encouraged 
by  these  remarks,  Demosthenes  withdrew  awhile  from  public  life,  and  de- 
voted himself  perseveringly  to  remedy  his  defects.  They  were  such  as 
might  be  lessened,  if  not  removed,  by  practice,  and  consisted  chiefly  of  a 
weak  voice,  imperfect  articulation,  and  ungraceful  and  inappropriate  action. 
He  derived  much  assistance  from  Satyrus,  the  actor,  who  exercised  him 
in  reciting  passages  from  Sophocles  and  Euripides.  He  studied  the  best 
rhetorical  treatises  and  orations,  and  is  said  to  have  copied  the  work  of 
Thucydides  ^vith  his  own  hand  no  fewer  than  eight  tunes.  He  shut  him- 
self up  for  two  or  three  months  together  in  a  subterranean  chamber,  in 
order  to  practise  composition  and  declamation.  It  may  also  be  well  sup- 
posed that  he  devoted  no  inconsiderable  part  of  his  attention  to  the  laws  of 
Athens  and  the  poUtics  of  Greece.  His  perseverance  was  crowned  with 
success ;  and  he,  who  on  the  first  attempt  had  descended  from  the  bema 
amid  the  ridicule  of  the  crowd,  became  at  last  the  most  perfect  orator  the 
world  has  ever  seen. 

§  13.  Demosthenes  had  established  himself  as  a  public  speaker  before 
the  period  which  we  have  now  reached ;  but  it  is  chiefly  in  connection  with 
Philip  that  we  are  to  view  him  as  a  statesman  as  well  as  an  orator. 
Philip  had  shown  his  ambition  by  the  conquest  of  Thessaly,  and  by  the 
part  he  had  taken  in  the  Sacred  War ;  and  Demosthenes  now  began  to 
regard  him  as  the  enemy  of  the  liberties  of  Athens  and  of  Greece.     In  his 
first  "  Philippic,"  Demosthenes  tried  to  rouse  his  countrymen  to  energetic 
measures  against  tliis  formidable  enemy ;  but  his  warnings  and  exhorta- 
tions produced  httle  efiect,  for  the  Athenians  were  no  longer  distinguished 
by  the  same  spirit  of  enteq^rise  which  had  characterized  them  in  the  days 
of  their  supremacy.    It  is  true  they  were  roused  to  momentary  action,  to- 
wards the  end  of  b.  c.  352,  by  the  news  that  Philip  was  besieging  the 
fortress  of  Ileranim  on  the  Propontis  ;   but  the  armament  which  they 
voted,  upon  receiving  the  news,  did  not  sail  till  the  autumn  of  b.  c.  351, 
and  then  on  a  reduced  scale,  under  the  command  of  Charidemus.     For  the 
next  two  years  no  important  step  was  taken  to  curb  the  growing  power  of 
Philip;  and  it  was  the  danger  of  Olynthus  which  first  induced  the  Athe- 
nians to  prosecute  the  war  with  a  little  more  energy. 
In  350  B.  0.,  Philip  having  captured  a  town  in  Chalcidice,  Olynthus 


•fl 


•IH 


476 


mSTORT  OF   GREECE, 


[Chap.  XLH. 


began  to  tremble  for  ber  own  safety,  and  sent  envoys  to  Atbens  to  crave 
assistance.  Olyntbus  was  still  at  the  head  of  thirty-two  Greek  towns,  and 
the  confederacy  was  a  soil  of  counterpoise  to  the  power  of  Philip.  It  was 
on  this  occasion  that  Demostlieues  delivered  his  three  Olynthiac  orations, 
in  which  he  warmly  advocated  an  alliance  with  Olynthus. 

§  14.  Demosthenes  was  opposed  l»y  a  strong  party,  with  which  Phocion 
commonly  acted.     Phocion  is  one  of  the  most  singular  and  original  char- 
acters in  Grecian  histoiy.     Naturally  simple,  upright,  and  benevolent,  his 
manners  were  nevertheless  often  rendered  repulsive  by  a  tinge  of  misan- 
anthropy  and  cynicism.     He  viewed  the  multitude  and  their  affairs  with  a 
scorn  which  he  was  at  no  pains  to  disguise ;  receiving  their  anger  with 
indifference,  and  then-  praises  with  contempt.    When  a  response  from 
Delplii  announced  to  the  Athenians  that,  though  they  were  themselves 
unanimous,  there  was  one  man  who  dissented  from  them,  Phocion  stepped 
forwards,  and  said :  ''  Do  not  trouble  yourselves   to   seek   for  this  re- 
fractory citizen ;  —  I  am  he,  and  I  like  nothing  that  you  do."     On  another 
occasion,  when  one  of  bis  speeches  was  received  with  general  applause,  he 
turned  round  to  his  friends,  and  inquired :  "  Have  I  said  anything  bad  ?  " 
Pbocion's  whole  art  of  oratoiy  consisted  in  condensmg  his  speeches  into 
the  smallest  possible  compass,  without  any  attention  to  the  smoothness  of 
bis  periods  or  the  grace  of  his  language.    Yet  their  terse  and  Iwmely 
Tigor  was  often  heightened  by  a  sort  of  drj-  humor,  which  produced  more 
effect  than  the  most  studied  efforts  of  oratory.     "Wliat,  at  your  medita- 
tions, Phocion?"  inquired  a  friend,   who   perceived   him   wrapt  up   in 
thought.    **  Yes,"  he  replied,  « I  am  considering  whether  I  can  shorten 
wba^I  have  to  say  to  the  Athenians."     His  known  probity  also  gave  bun 
weight  with  the  assembly.     He  was  the  only  statesman  of  whom  Demos- 
thenes stood  m  awe ;   who  was  accustomed  to  say,  when  Phocion  rose, 
«Here  comes  the  pruner  of  my  periods,"     But   Phocion's  desponding 
views,  and  his  mistrust  of  the  Athenian  people,  made  him  an  ill  statesman 
at  a  period  which  demanded  the  most  active  patriotism.     He  doubtless 
injured  his  country  by  contributing  to   check   the   more   enlarged  and 
patriotic  views  of  Demosthenes ;  and  though  his  own  conduct  was  pure 
and  disinterested,  he  unintentionally  threw  his  weight  on  the  side  of  those 
who,  like  Demades  and  others,  were  actuated  by  the  basest   motives. 
This  division  of  opinion  rendered  the  operations  of  the  Athenians  for  the 
aid  of  the  Olyntliians  languid  and  desultoiy.    Town  after  town  of  the 
confederacy  fell  before  Philip  ;  and  in  B.  c.  348,  or  eariy  in  347,  he  laid 
siege  to  Olynthus  hself.    The  city  was  \-igorously  defended ;  but  Philip  at 
length  gained  admission  through  the  treachery  of  Lasthenes  and  Euthy- 
crates,  two  of  the  leading  men,  when  he  razed  it  to  the  ground  and  sold 
the  inhabitants  into  slaveiy.     The  whole  of  the  Chalcidian  peninsula  thus 
became  a  Macedonian  province.     Philip  celebrated  his  triumph  at  Dium, 
a  town  on  the  borders  of  Thessaly ;  where,  on  the  occasion  of  a  festival  to 


B.  C.  347.] 


EMBASSY   TO   PHILIP. 


477 


the  Muses,  instituted  by  Archelaus,  he  amused  the  people  with  banquets, 
games,  and  theatrical  entertainments. 

§  15.  The  prospects  of  Athens  now  became  alarming.    Her  posses- 
sions in  the  Chersonese  were  threatened,  as  well  as  the  freedom  of  the 
Greek  towns  upon  the  Hellespont.     At  this  juncture  Demosthenes  en- 
deavored to  persuade  the  Athenians  to  organize  a  confederacy  among  the 
Grecian  states  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  a  power  which  seemed  to 
threaten  the  liberty  of  all ;  and  in  this  he  was  seconded  by  some  of  those 
politicians  who  usually  opposed  him.     But  fliough  steps  were  taken  to- 
wards this  object,  the  attempt  entirely  fniled.      The  attention   of  the 
Athenians  was  next  directed  towards  a  reconciliation  witli  Thebes.     The 
progress  of  the  Sacred  War,  to  which  we  must  now  briefly  revert,  seemed 
favorable  to  such  a  project.     After  the  death  of  Onomarclais,  his  brother 
Phaylhis  had  assumed  the  command  of  the  Phocians ;  and  as  the  sacred 
treasure  was  still  unexhausted,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  large  reinforce- 
ments of  troops.     The  Spartans  sent  one  thousand  men ;   the  Achieans 
two  thousand ;  the  Athenians  five  thousand  foot  and  four  hundred  horse 
under  Nausicles.     With   these  forces   Phayllus  undertook  a  successful 
invasion  of  Boeotia ;  and  afterwards  attacked  the  Epicnemidian  Locrians, 
and  took  all  then*  towns  except  Naryae.     But  in  the  course  of  the  year 
Phayllus  died,  and  was  succeeded  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  by  Mnaseas, 
guardian  of  Phalaicus,  the  youthful  son  of  Onomarchus.     Mnaseas,  how- 
ever, was  soon  slain,  and  Phaliccus  himself  then  assumed  the  command. 
Under  him  the  war  was  continued  between  the  Phocians  and  Thebans, 
but  without  any  decisive  success  on  either  side.     The  treasures  of  Delphi 
were  nearly  exhausted,  and  on  the  other  hand  the  war  was  becoming 
every  year  more  and  more  burdensome  to  the  Thebans.     It  was  at  this 
juncture  that  the  Athenians,  as  before  hinted,  were  contemplating  a  peace 
with  Thebes ;  nor  did  it  seem  improbable  that  one  might  be  concluded, 
not  only  between  those  two  cities,  but  among  the  Grecian  states  generally. 
It  seems  to  have  been  this  aspect  of  affairs  that  induced  Philip  to  make 
several  indirect  overtures  to  the  Athenians  in  the  summer  of  b.  c.  347. 
In  spite  of  subsidies  from  Delphi  the  war  had  been  very  onerous  to  them, 
and  they  received  these  advances  with  joy,  yet  not  without  suspicion,  as 
they  were  quite  unable  to  divine  Philip's  motives  for  making  them.     On 
the  motion  of  Philocrates,  however,  it  was  decreed  that  ten  ambassadors 
should  be  despatched  to  Philip's  court.     Philocrates  hunself  was  at  the 
head  of  them,  and  among  the  rest  were  the  rival  orators,  Demosthenes 
and  iEschines,   and   the   actor   Aristodemus.     We   have,   however,   no 
particulars  on  which  we  can  rely  respecting  this  embassy.     All  that  we 
can  gather  in  relation  to  it  is  from  the  personal  recriminations  of  Demos- 
thenes and  ^scliines,  and  we  can  only  infer  on  the  whole  that  it  was  a 
miserable  failure.     Pliilip  seems  to  have  bribed  some  of  the  ambassadors, 
and  to  have  cajoled  the  rest  by  his  hospitable  banquets  and  his  winning 


■I 

f 

'A\ 


478 


mSTOBT   OF  GBEEC& 


[Chap.  XUL 


and  condescending  manners.  Nothing  decisive  was  done  respecting  Am- 
pliijiolis  or  tlie  Pliocians ;  and  as  far  as  we  can  learn,  the  whole  fruits  of 
the  embassy  were  some  vague  promises  on  the  part  of  Philip  to  respect 
the  Athenian  possessions  in  Thrace.  Soon  after  the  return  of  Philocrates 
and  his  colleagues,  Antipater,  Parmenio,  and  Eurylochus,  three  of  Philip's 
most  distinguished  generals  and  statesmen,  came  on  a  mission  to  Athens, 
where  they  were  entertained  by  Demosthenes.  The  ba-i ;  of  a  treaty  of 
peace  and  alliance  seems  now  to  have  been  arranged,  in  which  Philip 
dictated  his  own  tei-ms.  -Another  embassy,  consisting  i  robably  of  the 
former  ten,  was  appointed  to  procure  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  by 
Philip ;  and  on  the  news  that  he  was  invading  the  dominions  of  Kerso- 
bleptes,*  they  were  directed  to  hasten  their  departure,  and  to  seek  that 
monarch  in  whatever  quarter  he  might  be.  AVith  this  view  they  pro- 
ceeded to  the  port  of  Oreus  in  Eubcea;  but  instead  of  following  the  advice 
of  Demosthenes,  and  embarking  for  the  Hellespont,  which  they  might 
have  reached  in  two  or  three  days,  they  wasted  some  time  at  that  place, 
and  then  proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route  to  Pella:  hence  they  did  not 
reach  that  city  till  upwards  of  three  weeks  after  quitting  Athens.  Here 
they  met  ambassadors  from  other  states  concerned  in  the  progress  of  the 
Sacred  War,  as  Thebes,  Phocis,  Sparta,  and  Thessaly ;  but  Philip  was 
still  in  Thrace,  and  they  had  to  wait  a  month  for  liis  return.  Even  when 
he  arrived  at  Pella,  he  delayed  the  final  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and 
persuaded  the  ambassadors  to  accompany  him  on  his  march  to  Pheraj  in 
Thessaly,  under  pretence  that  he  desired  their  mediation  between  the 
PharsaUans  and  Halus ;  though  his  real  motive  undoubtedly  was  to  gain 
time  for  invading  Phocis.  He  at  length  swore  to  the  treaty  in  Pheraj ; 
but  the  Phocians  were  expressly  excluded  from  it. 

§  16.  Scarcely  had  the  Athenian  ambassadors  returned  home,  when 
Philip  began  his  march  towards  Thermopylae.  Demosthenes,  on  Ms 
return,  protested  against  the  acts  of  his  colleagues,  and  his  representations 
had  such  an  effect,  that  the  ambassadors  were  not  honored  with  the  usual 
vote  of  thanks.  The  main  charge  which  he  brought  agamst  his  colleagues, 
and  against  ^schines  m  particular,  was  that  of  having  deluded  the  people 
with  false  hopes  respectmg  Philip's  views  towards  Athens.  But  the 
opposite  party  had  possession  of  the  popular  ear.  Not  only  was  nothmg 
done  for  the  Phocians,  but  a  decree  was  even  passed  to  convey  the 
thanks  of  Athens  to  Philip,  and  to  declare  that,  unless  Delphi  was  de- 
livered up  by  the  Phocians  to  the  Amphictyons,  the  Athenians  would 
help  to  enforce  that  step.  The  ambassadors  were  again  directed  to  carry 
this  decree  to  Philip ;  but  Demosthenes  was  so  disgusted  with  it  that 
he  refused  to  go,  and  .Sschines  also  declmed,  on  the  plea  of  ill-health. 

The  Phocians  now  lay  at  the  mercy  of  Philip.    As  soon  as  the  kmg 


•  Kersobleptes  wm  king  of  Thrace,  and  an  aUy  of  the  Athenians.  —  Ed. 


B.  C.  346.] 


END    OP   THE    SACRED   WAR. 


479 


had  passed  the  straits  of  Thermopylae,  Phalgecus  secured  his  own  safety 
by  concluding  a  treaty  with  Philip,  by  which  he  was  permitted  to  retire 
into  the  Peloponnesus  with  eight  thousand  mercenaries.  When  Phihp 
entered  Phocis,  all  its  towns  surrendered  unconditionally  at  his  approach. 
Phihp  then  occupied  Delphi,  where  he  assembled  the  Amphictyons  to 
pronounce  sentence  upon  those  who  had  been  concerned  in  the  sacrilege 
committed  there.  The  Council  decreed  that  all  the  cities  of  Phocis, 
except  Abae,  should  be  destroyed,  and  their  inhabitants  scattered  into 
villages  containing  not  more  than  fifty  houses  each ;  and  that  they  should 
replace  by  yearly  payments  the  treasures  of  the  temple,  estimated  at  the 
enormous  sum  of  ten  thousand  talents,  or  nearly  two  millions  and  a  half 
sterlmg.  Sparta  was  deprived  of  her  share  in  the  Amphictyonic  priv- 
ileges; the  two  votes  in  the  Council  possessed  by  the  Phocians  were 
transferred  to  the  kings  of  Macedonia ;  and  Philip  was  to  share  with  the 
Thebans  and  Thessalians  the  honor  of  presiding  at  the  Pythian  games. 
These  were  no  slight  privileges  gained  by  Philip.  A  seat  in  the  Amphic- 
tyonic Council  recognized  him  at  once  as  a  Grecian  power,  and  would 
afford  him  occasion  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  Greece.  Thebes  re- 
covered the  places  which  she  had  lost  in  Boeotia.  Such  was  the  termi- 
nation of  the  Sacred  War  (b.  c.  346). 


480 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE, 


[Chap.  XLIII. 


B.  C.  344.] 


SECOND  PHILIPPIC. 


481 


t 


The  Plain  of  GhsBronga. 


CHAPTSR    jlLXLL 

FROM  THE   END    OF  THE   SACRED   WAR  TO   THB  DEATH   OF   PHILIP. 

\  £  Results  of  the  Sacred  War.  §  2.  Macedonian  Embassy  to  Athens.  Second  Philippic 
\  3.  Philip's  Expedition  into  Thrace.  §  4.  Third  Philippic.  Progress  of  Philip.  Siege 
of  Perinthus.  §  5.  Phocion's  Successes  m  Eubflea.  §  6.  Declaration  of  War  between 
Athens  and  Macedon.  Phocioa  compels  Philip  to  evacuate  the  Chersonese.  §  7.  Charge 
of  Sacrilege  against  the  Amphissians.  §  8.  Philip  appointed  General  by  the  Amphic- 
tyons,  to  conduct  the  War  against  Amphissa.  §  9.  He  seizes  Elatea.  League  between 
Athens  and  Thebes.  ^  10.  Battle  of  Chaeronea.  §  11.  PhUip's  extravagant  Joy  for  his 
Victory.  §  12.  Congress  at  Corinth.  Philip's  Progress  through  the  Peloponnesus.  ^  13. 
Philip's  Domestic  Qvia^Tels.  §  14.  Preparations  for  the  Persian  Expedition.  §  15.  Assassi- 
nation of  Philip. 

§  1.  The  result  of  the  Sacred  War  rendered  Macedon  the  leading  state 
in  Greece.  Philip  at  once  acquired  by  it  military  glory,  a  reputation  for 
piety,  and  an  accession  of  power.  His  ambitious  designs  were  now  too 
plain  to  be  mistaken.  The  eyes  of  the  blindest  among  the  Athenians 
were  at  last  opened ;  the  promoters  of  the  peace  which  had  been  con- 
cluded with  Philip  incurred  the  hatred  and  suspicion  of  the  people  ;  whilst 
on  the  other  hand  Demosthenes  rose  higher  than  ever  in  public  favor. 
They  showed  their  resentment  against  Philip  by  omitting  to  send  their 
usual  deputation  to  the  Pythian  games  at  which  the  Macedonian  monarch 

presided. 

It  was  either  this  omission,  or  the  unwillingness  of  the  Athenians  to 
acknowledge  Philip  as  a  member  of  the  Amphictyonic  league,  that  induced 
him  to  send  an  embassy  to  Athens  for  the  purpose  of  setthng  a  point  which 
neither  his  dignity  nor  his  interest  would  permit  to  lie  in  abeyance.  It 
was  generally  felt  that  the  question  was  one  of  peace  or  war.    Yet  the 


Athenians  were  so  enraged  against  Philip,  that  those  who  were  for  main- 
taimng  peace  with  him  could  hardly  obtain  a  hearing  in  the  assembly.  On 
this  occasion  we  have  the  remarkable  spectacle  of  JSschines  and  Demo^- 
Oienes  speaking  on  the  same  side,  though  from  widely  different  motive^. 
The  former  adhered  to  his  usual  corrupt  policy  in  favor  of  Philip ;  whilst 
Demosthenes,  in  supporting  him,  was  actuated  only  by  views  of  the  most 
sagacious  and  disinterested  policy.  These  he  detailed  and  enforced  in  his 
Oration  On  the  Peace,  in  which  he  persuaded  the  Athenians  not  to  expose 
themselves  at  that  time  to  the  risk  of  a  war  with  Philip,  supported,  as  he 
would  be,  by  the  greater  part  of  Greece. 

§  2.  Philip  had  now  succeeded  to  the  position  lately  occupied  by  Thebes, 
and  in  virtue  of  it  prepared  to  exercise  the  same  influence  which  that 
state  had  previously  enjoyed  in  the  Peloponnesus.     He  declared  himself 
the  protector  of  the  Messenians,  and  the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Megalopoli- 
tans  and  Argives.     Demosthenes  was  sent  into  Peloponnesus  to  e^ndeavor 
to  counteract  Philip's  proceedings  in  the  peninsula;  but  his  mission  led 
to  no  result.     During  his  stay  there,  he  had  openly  accused  Philip  of  per- 
fidy ;  and  that  monarch  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  accompanied  by 
envoys  from  Argos  and  Messe-ne,  to  complain  of  so  grievous  an  accusation. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  Second  PMltppic  of  Demosthenes  was 
delivered,  which  was  chiefly  directed  against  the  orators  who  supported 
Philip  (b.  c.  344).     In  the  following  year  a  prosecution  was  instituted 
against  ^schines  and  Philocrates  for  "malversation  in  their  embassy"  to 
the  Macedonian  court.     The  latter,  conscious  of  his  guilt,  evaded  the  trial 
by  flight ;  and  ^schines,  who  defended  himself  with  great  skill,  was  ac- 
quitted by  only  thirty  votes.* 

§  3.  Meanwhile,  in  b.  c.  344,  Philip  overran  and  ravaged  Illyria ;  and 
subsequently  employed  himself  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  Thessaly,  where 
he  occupied  Pherae  with  a  permanent  Macedonian  garrison.     He  was 
likewise  busied  with  preparations  for  the  still  vaster  projects  which  he 
contemplated,  and  which  embraced  an  attack  upon  the  Athenian  colonies, 
as  well  a3  upon  the  Persian  empire.     For  this  purpose  he  had  organized 
a  considerable  naval  force,  as  well  as  an  army ;  and  in  the  spring'of  342 
B.  c.  he  set  out  on  an  expedition  against  Thrace.     His  progress  soon  ap- 
peared to  menace  the  Chersonese  and  the  Athenian  possessions  in  that 
quarter;  and  at  length  the  Athenian  troops  under  Diopeithes  came  into 
actual  collision  with  the  Macedonians,  whilst  the  former  were  engaged  in 
defending  their  allies  from  the  encroachments  of  the  Cardians,  who  were 
under  the  protection  of  Philip.     Diopeithes  likewise  invaded  that  part  of 
Thrace  which  had  submitted  to  Philip,  and,  besides  committmg  several 
acts  of  violence,  seized  a  Macedonian  envoy,  who  had  come  to^'treat  for 


♦  See  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  ^schines  Trcpi  Trapanpea^eias. 

61 


480 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLHI. 


B.  C.  344] 


SECOND   PHILIPPIC. 


•^f 


481 


The  Plain  of  Chaeronea. 


CHAPTER    XLHL 

FROM   THE    END    OF   THE   SACRED   WAR   TO   THE   DEATH    OF   PHILIP. 

^  1.  Results  of  the  Sacred  War.  §  2.  :Mt\cedonian  Embassy  to  Athens.  Second  Philippic 
§  3.  Philip's  Expedition  into  Thrace.  §  4.  Third  Philippic.  Progress  of  Philip.  Siege 
of  Perinthus.  ^  5.  Phocion's  Successes  in  Eubcpa.  §  6.  Declaration  of  War  between 
Athens  and  >Iaeedon.  Pliocion  compels  Philip  to  evacuate  the  Chersonese.  §  7.  Charge 
of  Sacrilege  agtua.^t  the  Amphissians.  §  8.  Philip  appointed  General  by  the  Amphic- 
tyons,to  conduct  the  War  against  Amphissa.  §  9.  He  seizes  Elatca.  League  between 
Athens  and  Thebes.  §  10.  Battle  of  Chjeronea.  §  11.  Philip's  extravagant  Joy  for  his 
Victory.  §  12.  Congress  at  Corinth.  Philip's  Progress  through  the  Peloponnesus.  §  13. 
Philip's  Domestic  Q.\a.rels.  §14.  Preparations  for  the  Persian  Expedition.  §15.  Assassi- 
nation  DifFMlip. 

§  1.  The  result  of  the  Sacred  War  rendered  Macedon  the  leading  state 
in  Greece.  Philip  at  once  acquired  by  it  military  glory,  a  reputation  for 
piety,  and  an  accession  of  power.  His  ambitious  designs  were  now  too 
plain  to  be  mistjiken.  The  eyes  of  the  blindest  among  the  Athenians 
were  at  last  opened ;  the  promoters  of  the  peace  which  had  been  con- 
cluded with  Philip  mcurred  the  hatred  and  suspicion  of  the  people  ;  whilst 
on  the  other  hand  Demosthenes  rose  higher  than  ever  in  public  favor. 
They  showed  their  resentment  agamst  Philip  by  omitting  to  send  their 
usual  deputation  to  the  Pytliian  games  at  which  the  Macedonian  monarch 

presided. 

It  was  either  this  omission,  or  the  unwillingness  of  the  Athenians  to 
acknowledge  Philip  as  a  member  of  the  Amphictyonic  league,  that  induced 
him  to  send  an  embassy  to  Athens  for  the  pur|>ose  of  settling  a  point  which 
neither  his  dignity  nor  his  interest  would  permit  to  lie  in  abeyance.  It 
was  generally  felt  that  the  question  was  one  of  peace  or  war.    Yet  the 


Athemans  were  so  enraged  against  Philip,  that  those  who  were  for  main- 
tammg  peace  with  him  could  hardly  obtain  a  hearing  in  the  assembly.  On 
this  occasion  we  have  the  remarkable  spectacle  of  iEsehines  and  Demos- 
thenes speaking  on  the  same  side,  though  from  widely  different  motive^. 
1  he  former  adhered  to  his  usual  corrupt  policy  in  fluor  of  Philip ;  whilst 
Demosthenes,  in  supporting  him,  was  actuated  only  by  views  of  tlie  mo^t 
sagacious  and  disinterested  policy.  These  he  detailed  and  enforced  in  his 
Oration  On  the  Peace,  in  which  he  persuaded  the  Athenians  not  to  expose 
themselves  at  that  time  to  the  risk  of  a  war  with  Philip,  supported,  as  he 
would  be,  by  the  greater  part  of  Greece. 

§  2.  Philip  had  now  succeeded  to  the  position  lately  occupied  by  Thebes, 
and  m  virtue  of  it  prepared  to  exercise  the  same  influence  which  that 
state  had  previously  enjoyed  in  the  Peloponnesus.     He  declared  himself 
the  protector  of  the  Messenians,  and  the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Megalopoli- 
tans  and  Argives.      Demosthenes  was  sent  into  Peloponnesus  to  e°ndeavor 
to  counteract  Philip's  proceedings  in  the  peninsula ;  but  his  mission  led 
to  no  result.     During  his  stay  there,  he  had  openly  accused  Philip  of  per- 
fidy ;  and  that  monarch  now  sent  an  embassy  to  Athens,  accompanied  by 
envoys  from  Argos  and  Messe-ne,  to  complain  of  so  grievous  an  accusation. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  Second  Philippic  of  Demosthenes  was 
delivered,  which  was  chiefly  directed  against  the  orators  who  supported 
Philip  (b.  c.  344).     In  the  following  year  a  prosecution  was  instituted 
against  ^schines  and  Philocrates  for  "  malversation  in  their  embassy  »  to 
the  Macedonian  court.     The  latter,  conscious  of  his  guilt,  evaded  the  trial 
by  flight ;  and  ^schines,  who  defended  himself  with  great  skill,  was  ac- 
quitted by  only  thirty  votes.* 

§  3.  Meanwhile,  in  b.  c.  344,  Philip  overran  and  ravaged  Illyria ;  and 
subsequently  employed  liimself  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  Thessaly,  where 
he  occupied  Pheraj  with  a  permanent  Macedonian  garrison.     He  was 
likewise  busied  with  preparations  for  the  still  vaster  projects  which  he 
contemplated,  and  which  embraced  an  attack  upon  the  Athenian  colonies, 
as  well  a:,  upon  the  Persian  empire.     For  this  purpose  he  had  organized 
a  considerable  naval  force,  as  well  as  an  army ;  and  in  the  spring^'of  342 
B.  c.  he  set  out  on  an  expedition  against  Thrace.     His  progress  soon  ap- 
peared  to  menace  the  Chersonese  and  the  Athenian  possessions  in  that 
quarter;  and  at  length  the  Athenian  troops  under  Diopeithes  came  into 
actual  collision  with  the  Macedonians,  whilst  the  former  were  enga-ed  in 
defending  their  allies  from  the  encrojichments  of  the  Cardians,  wlio  were 
under  the  protection  of  Philip.     Diopeithes  likewise  invaded  that  part  of 
Thrace  which  had  submitted  to  Philip,  and,  besides  committing  several 
acts  of  violence,  seized  a  Macedonian  envoy,  who  had  come  to^'treat  for 


♦  See  the  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  Jlschines  irepl  napanpea^uas. 

61 


482 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIIL 


B.  C.  341.]  WAR   BETWEEN  ATHENS   AND   MACEDON. 


48S 


iie  release  of  some  prisoners,  and  refused  to  dismiss  him  without  a  con- 

siderable  ransom.  „.^^„n*.  tn  thp 

§  4  PhiKp  despatched  a  letter  of  complaint  and  remonstrance  to  the 

Athenians  on  the  subject  of  these  attacks,  wMch  gave  occasion  ^o^^^^ 
of  Demosthenes  On  the  Chersonese  (b.  c.  341),  m  which  ^;^>'^*;^^^^^^ 
attention  of  the  people  from  the  more  immediate  subject  oj  the  ch^^^^ 
and  proceedmgs  of  Diopeithes  to  the  more  general  question  ^  ^J^^;^^^^ 
«f  rP^istin^  Pyhp.    This  oration  was  soon  followed  by  the  Thtrd  Fhilipjnc, 
:  s^ilX  call  to  action.     Our  accounts  of  Philip's  movements 
m  tune  a^e  scanty  and  uncertain.     Diopeithes  was  retamed  m  the 
^mmand  of  the  Athenian  tn)ops;  and  Philip  must  have  contmued  gradu- 
T7U  Ws  conquests,  since  in  this  year  (341)  we  find  b-  ^egin^S 
Tattack  the  Greek  cities  north  of  the  Hellespont.     He  first  besieged 
L  Iptured  Seb^nbria  on  the  Propontis,  and  then  turned  his  arms  again^ 
Ferilus.    flatter  city  wa.  not  only  strong  by  «  bein^^^^^^^^ 
on  a  lofty  promontory  surrounded  on  two  sides  by  the  sea,  but  also  weU 
Lmed.'  It  was  bunt  on  a  series  of  terraces  rising  one  above  another ; 
so  that  when  Philip,  by  means  of  the  improved  artillery  which  he  em- 
IS  on  this  occasion,  had  succeeded  in  battering  down  the  outer  wall 
Knd  himself  m  front  of  a  fresh  rampart,  fonned  by  houses  ^a^^^^^^^^ 
on  hi<^her  ground,  and  connected  together  by  a  wall  earned  across  the 
12     In'Iliis  siege  Philip  was  assisted  by  his  fleet,  which  had  prev.- 
ously  intercepted  and  captured  twenty  Athenian  -ssels  .^-^^  ^^^^^^^^ 
But  all  his  efforts  to  capture  Perinthus  proved  unavailing,  .««  bo^h  ^he 
Byzantines  and  the  Persians^ the  latter  vM^^' "^^ ^^PJl 
the  Athenians^continually  found  means  to  supply  ^^^^^^^'^^^^ 
visions.    Finding  his  progress  thus  checked  Philip  lefthatf  of  his  ^nny 
to  prosecute  the  siege,  and  with  the  remainder  proceeded  to  the  attack  of 
Byzantium  itself,  which  he  hoped  to  find  unprepared. 

§  5.  Meanwhile,  the  arms  of  Athens,  under  tlie  conduct  of  Phocion,  had 
been  successful  in  Euboea,  wliither  Demosthenes  had  roused  his  country- 
^ZZZ  an  expedition  in  the  autumn  of  341  b.  c,  for  the  purpose  ot 
eomitenicting  the  influence  of  Macedon  in  tot  quarter  and  thus  er^ctmg 
Ither  barrier  against  the  encroachments  of  Phdip     Oreus  and  E  e  na, 
two  of  the  principal  cities  in  the  isknd,  were  in  the  hands  of^  despots    up- 
ported  by  Philip ;  but  Callias  of  Chalcis  having  formed  a  plan  to  reduce 
^Eubiamiderhisoivn  dominion,  Demosthenes  seized  the  opportunity 
to  unite  the  Athenian  arms  with  his ;  and  Pb-ion  -th  the  ass^tanc^ 
of  Callias,  expelled  the  despots  Cleitarchus  and  Phihstides  from  Eretna 
and  Oreul     For  his  advice  on  this  occasion  the  Athenians  bonored  De- 
mosthenes  with  a  golden  crown.    The  same  Calhas,  or  perhaps  an  Athe- 
Z  commander  of  that  name,  ako  did  good  servke  at  this  time  by  a  naval 
expedition  into  the  Gulf  of  Pagas^,  when  he  took  the  towns  on  the  coast, 
4ind  made  prize  of  a  considemble  quantity  of  Macedoman  merchantmen. 


§  6.  Ahhough  Athens  and  Macedon  were  still  nominally  at  peace,  it  is 
evident  that  the  state  of  things  just  described  was  incompatible  with  its 
further  maintenance.     Philip  addressed  a  long  letter,  or  rather  manifesto, 
to  the  Athenians,  (which  has  come  down  to  us,)  in  which  he  complained 
of  the  acts  by  which  they  had  violated  the  existing  treaty,  recapitulated 
the  legitimate  grounds  which  he  had  for  hostility,  and  concluded  with  a 
sort  of  declaration  of  war.     Demosthenes  was  not  behindhand  m  accepting 
this  challenge.      He  excited  his  countrymen  to  pass  a  decree  for  war,  to 
take  down  the  column  on  which  the  treaty  had  been  inscribed,  and  to 
equip  a  fleet  for  the  immediate  relief  of  Byzantium,  then  besieged  by 
Philip.     The  expedition  was  intrusted  to  Chares,  in  whose  hands  it  proved 
a  miserable  failure  ;  though  he  perfectly  succeeded  in  making  both  himself 
and  the  Athenian  name  odious  and  suspected  among  the  allies,  by  his  op- 
pressions, and  by  the  large  sums  which  he  extorted  under  the  name  of  be- 
nevolences.    The  orators  of  the  Macedonian  party  took  occasion  from  the 
ill  success  of  Chares  to  disgust  the  Athenians  with  the  war,  and  they  began 
to  repent  of  having  sent  any  succors  to  Byzantium.      But  Phocion,  who 
did  not  act  with  those  orators  on  this  occasion,  stood  up  and  told  the  peo- 
ple, that  they  should  not  be  angry  at  the  distrust  of  their  allies,  but 
rather  at  their  own  generals,  who  were  altogether  unworthy  of  confidence. 
It  is  they,  said  he,  who  cause  you  to  be  suspected  by  the  very  people 
who  cannot  be  saved  without  your  help.     The  Athenians  were  so  struck 
with  these  representations,  that  they  immediately  superseded  Chares,  and 
appointed  Phocion  in  his  place.      Phocion  sailed  with  one  hundred  and 
twenty  triremes ;  and  his  high  reputation  for  probity  and  honor  caused 
him  to  be  immediately  admitted  with  his  forces  within  the  walls  of  Byzan- 
tium.    Philip  was  now  forced  to  raise  the  siege,  not  only  of  that  town,  but 
of  Perinthus  also,  and  finally  to  evacuate  the  Chersonesus  altogether. 
For  these  acceptable  services  the  grateful  Byzantians  erected  a  colossal 
statue  in  honor  of  Athens. 

Afler  his  repulse  from  the  Chersonesus,  Philip  marched  to  the  aid  of 
Atheas,  king  of  the  Scythians,  who  had  invoked  his  assistance  against 
the  tribes  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  Before  he  arrived,  however,  the 
danger  had  ceased,  and  Atheas  dismissed  hun  with  an  insidting  message. 
Hereupon  Philip  crossed  the  Danube,  defeated  the  Scythians,  and  returned 
with  an  immense  booty.  But  as  he  was  passing  through  the  country  of 
the  Triballi  they  demanded  a  share  of  the  spoil;  and  upon  being  refused, 
gave  battle  to  the  Macedonian*,  ia  which  Philip  was  so  severely  wounded 
that  he  was  reported  to  be  dead.  Probably  Pliilip's  chief  object  in  under- 
takmg  this  expedition  was  to  withdraw  the  attention  of  the  Greeks  fi-om 
his  ambitious  projects,  and  to  delude  them  into  the  belief  that  other  affairs 
were  now  engaging  liis  attention.  But  meanwhile  his  partisans  were 
not  idle,  and  events  soon  occurred  which  again  summoned  him  into  the 
heart  of  Greece. 


484 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLin. 


B.  C.  338.] 


BATTLE   OE   CH^ERONEA. 


§  7.  In  tlie  spring  of  339  b.  c.  iEscliines  was  appointed  with  three 
others  to  represent  Athens  in  the  Amphictyonic  Council.    In  this  assem- 
bly the  deputies  of  the  Loerians  of  Amphissa,  stinuilated,  it  is  said,  by  the 
Thebans,  charged  the  Athenians  with  sacrilege,  for  having,  in  commemo- 
ration  of  their  victory  over  the  Persians  and  Thebans,  dedicated  some 
golden  shields  in  a  chapel  at  Delphi  before  it  had  been  regularly  conse- 
crated.    The  Locrians  themselves,  however,  were,  it  seems,  amenable  to 
a  similar  charge,  for  having  cultivated  and  used  for  their  own  benefit  the 
very  land  which  had  been  the  subject  of  the  Sacred  War  against  the  Pho- 
cians  ;  and  ^schines,  irritated  by  the  language  of  the  deputies  from  Am- 
phissa,  denounced  them  as  guilty  of  sacrilege.    A  proclamation  was  ni 
consequence  issued  requiring  all  the  Delphians,  as  well  as  the  members  of 
the  Amphictyonic  Council,  to  assemble  and  vindicate  the  honor  of  the  god ; 
and  on  the  following  day  they  marched  down  to  Cirrha  with  spades  and 
pickaxes,  and  destroyed  some  buildings  which  the  Amphissians  had  erected 
there.    But  as  they  returned,  the  Amphissians  lay  in  wait  for  them,  and 
they  narrowly  escaped  with  their  lives.    Hereupon,  the  Amphictyons  is- 
sued  a  decree,  naming  a  certain  day  on  which  the  Council  was  to  assemble 
at  Thermopylse,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  Ampliissians  to  justice. 

§  8.  iEschines  was  strongly  suspected  of  having  adopted  the  conduct 
which  he  pursued  on  this  occasion  in  order  to  play  into  the  hands  of  Philip. 
Demosthenes  procured  a  decree,  preventing  any  Athenians  from  attend- 
ing  the  Council  at  Thermopylae ;  and  the  Tliebans,  who  were  friendly  to 
the  Amphissians,  also  absented  themselves.  But,  with  these  exceptions, 
the  meeting  was  attended  by  deputies  from  the  other  Grecian  states  ;  war 
was  declared  against  the  Amphissians;  and  Cottyphus  was  appomted  to 
lead  an  army  against  them.  Demosthenes  asserts  that  this  expedition 
failed ;  but  according  to  other  accounts  it  was  successful,  and  a  fine  was 
laid  upon  the  Amphissians,  which,  however,  they  refused  to  pay.  Accord- 
ingly, at  the  next  ordinary  meeting  of  the  Amphictyons,  either  m  the  au- 
tumn of  339  or  spring  of  338,  Philip,  who  liad  now  returned  from  Thrace, 
was  elected  their  general  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the   decree 

against  Amphissa. 

§  9.  Early  in  338  Philip  marched  «)uthwards  ;  but  instead  of  proceed- 
ing in  the  direction  of  Amphissa,  he  suddenly  seized  Elatea,  the  chief 
town  in  the  eastern  part  of  Phocis,  and  began  to  restore  its  fortifications ; 
thus  showing  cleariy  enough  that  his  real  design  was  against  Boeotia  and 
Attica.  Intelligence  of  this  event  reacl«c\«i  Athens  at  night,  and  caused 
extraordinary  alarm.  The  market  was  cleared  of  the  retail  dealers,  who 
commonly  occupied  it ;  their  wicker  booths  were  burned,  and  the  whole 
city  prepared  as  if  for  an  immediate  siege.  At  daybreak,  on  the  follow- 
ing morning,  the  Five  Hundred  met  in  the  senate-house,  and  the  people 
assembled  in  the  Pnyx,  where  the  news  was  formally  repeated.  Tlie  her- 
ald then  gave  the  usual  invitation  to  speak,  but  nobody  was  inclined  to 


485 


come  forwards.     At  length  Demosthenes  ascended  the  bema,  and  calmed 
the  fears  of  the  people  by  pointing  out  that  Philip  was  evidently  not  act- 
mg  m  concert  with  the  Thebans,  as  appeared  from  the  fact  of  his  havincr 
thought  it  necessary  to  secure  Elatea.     He  then  pressed  upon  the  a.ssem° 
bly  the  necessity  for  making  the  most  vigorous  preparations  for  defence 
and  especially  recommended  them  to  send  an  embassy  to  Thebes,  in  order 
to  persuade  the  Thebans  to  unite  with  them  against  the  common  enemy. 
This  advice  was  adopted,  and  ten  envoys  were  appointed  to  proceed  to 
Thebes,  amongst  whom  was  Demosthenes  himself.    A  counter-embassy 
had  already  arrived  in  that  city  from  Macedonia  and  Thessalv,  and  it  was 
with  great  difficulty  that  the  Athenian  envoys  at  length  succeeded  in  per- 
suading the  Thebans  to  shut  their  gates  against  Philip.     Athens  had  made 
vigorous  preparations,  and  had  ten  thousand  mercenaries  in  her  service. 
Philip,  on  the  other  hand,  was  at  the  head  of  thirty  thousand  men ;  but 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  alliance  between  Thebes  and  Athens  he  did  not 
deem  it  prudent  to  march  directly  against  the  latter  city,  and  therefore 
proceeded  towards  Amphissa,  as  if  in  prosecution  of  the  avowed  object  of 
the  war.     He  sent  a  manifesto  to  his  allies  in  Peloponnesus,  requiring 
their  assistance  in  what  he  represented  as  a  purely  religious  object;  bul 
his  application  was  coldly  received. 

§  10.  The  details  of  the  war  that  foUowed  are  exceedingly  obscure. 
Philip   appears  to   have   again   opened   negotiations  with  the  Thebans, 
which  failed ;  and  we  then  find  the  combined  Theban  and  Athenian  armies' 
marching  out  to  meet  the  Macedonians.     The  former  gained  some  advan- 
tage in  two  engagements  ;  but  the  decisive  battle  was  fought  on  the  7th  of 
August,  in  the  plain  of  Chajronea  in  Boeotia,  near  the  frontier  of  Phocis. 
In  the  Macedonian  army  was  Philip's  son,  the  youthful  Alexander,  who 
was  intrusted  with  the  command  of  one  of  the  wings  ;  and  it  was  a  charge 
made  by  him  on  the  Theban  sacred  band,  that  decided  the  fortune  of  the 
day.     The  sacred  band  was  cut  to  pieces,  without  flinching  from  the 
ground  wliich  it  occupied,  and  the  remainder  of  the  combined  army  was 
completely  routed.     Demosthenes,  who  was  serving  as  a  foot-soldier  in  the 
Athenian  ranks,  has  been  absurdly  reproached  with  cowardice  because  he 
participated  in  the  general  flight.     An  interesting  memorial  of  this  battle 
still  remains.     The  Thebans  who  fell  in  the  engagement  were  buried  on   * 
the  six)t,  and  their  sepulchre  was  surmounted  by  a  lion  in  stone,  as  an  em- 
blem of  their  courageous  spirit.     This  lion  was  still  seen  by  Pausanias, 
when  he  visited  Chieronea  in  the  second  century  of  the   Christian  era.' 
It  afterwards  disappeared,  though  the  site  of  the  sepulchre  continued  to  be 
marked  by  a  large  mound  of  earth ;  but  a  few  years  ago  this  tumulus  was 
excavated,  and  a  colossal  lion  discovered,  deeply  imbedded  in  its  interior.* 

»  This  marble  lion  is  in  fragments.  It  is  of  remarkably  fine  workmanship.  The  head 
lies  on  the  ground,  looking  upwards,  and  the  noble  expression  given  to  it  by  the  artist  is 
itill  very  impressive  and  significant.  —  Ed. 


V       tl 


' '.  ii 


:  .1. 


H- 


486 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE, 


[Cmjlp.XLHI 


B.  C.337.) 


Philip's  domestic  quarrels. 


487 


The  battle  of  Chaeronea  crushed  the  liberties  of  Greece,  and  made  it  in 
reality  a  province  of  the  Macedonian  monarchy. 

To  Athens  herself  the  blow  was  ahnost  as  fatal  as  that  of  iEgospotami. 
Such  was  the  consternation  it  created  m  that  city,  that  many  of  the 
wealthier  citizens  prepared  for  immediate  flight ;  and  it  was  found  neces- 
sary to  arrest  emigration  by  a  decree  which  made  it  a  capital  ottcnce. 
Demosthenes  roused  his  fcUow-citizcns  by  his  enei-gy  and  eloquence  to 
adopt  the  most  vigorous  measures  for  defending  the  city,  and  contributed 
three  talents  out  of  his  own  private  fortune  towanls  the  repair  of  the  walls. 
He  was  appointed  to  pronounce  the  funeral  oration  over  those  sUiin  at 
Chaironea ;  a  pi-oof  that  the  Athenians  did  not  consider  him  guilty  ofar.} 
dereliction  of  duty  in  that  engagement ;  but  Lysicles,  the  Athenian  gen- 
eral, was  brought  to  trial,  and  condemned  to  death. 

§  11.  The  exultation  of  Philip  at  his  victory  knew  no  bounds.  He  eel 
ebrated  his  triumph  with  drunken  orgies ;  and,  reeling  from  the  banquet 
to  the  field  of  battle,  he  danced  over  the  dead,  at  the  same  time  singing 
and  beating  time  to  the  opening  words  of  the  decree  of  Demosthenes, 
which  happened  to  have  the  rhythm  of  a  comic  Iambic  verse.*  It  is  said 
that  the  orator  Demades  put  an  end  to  this  ridiculous  and  unroyal  exhi- 
bition by  reminding  Philip,  •  that,  though  fortune  had  placed  him  in  the 
position  of  Agamemnon,  he  preferred  playing  the  part  of  Thersites." 
But  when  Philip  had  returned  to  his  sober  senses,  the  manner  in  which 
he  used  his  victory  excited  universal  surprise.  He  dismissed  the  Athe- 
nian prisoners,  not  only  without  ransom,  but  with  all  their  baggage,  and 
some  of  them  he  even  provided  with  new  apparel.  He  then  voluntarily 
offered  a  peace  on  terms  more  advantageous  than  the  Athenians  them- 
selves would  have  ventured  to  propose.  They  were,  indeed,  required  to 
relinquish  a  part  of  their  foreign  dependencies ;  but  they  were  in  some 
degree  compensated  for  this  by  being  put  in  possession  of  Oropus,  of 
which  the  Thebans  were  now  deprived.  Philip,  indeed,  seems  to  have 
regarded  Athens  with  a  sort  of  love  and  respect,  as  the  centre  of  art  and 
refinement,  for  his  treatment  of  the  Thebans  was  very  different,  and 
marked  by  great  harshness  and  severity.  They  were  compelled  to  recall 
their  exiles,  in  whose  hands  the  government  was  placed,  whilst  a  Macedo- 
nian garrison  was  established  in  the  Cadmea.  They  were  also  deprived 
of  their  sovereignty  over  the  Boeotian  towns,  and  Plataea  and  Orchomenus 
were  restored,  and  again  filled  with  a  population  hostile  to  Thebes. 

§  12.  But  the  mildness  of  Philip's  conduct  towards  Athens,  though  it 
bore  the  appearance  of  magnanimity,  and  afforded  matter  for  triumph  to 
the  orators  of  the  peace  party,  was,  after  all,  perhaps  in  no  small  degree 
the  result  of  policy.  It  was  by  no  means  certain  that,  if  Philip  laid  siege 
to  Athens,  he  would  be  able  to  take  the  city ;  at  all  events,  the  siege 


*  Ar}^(r6€vrjs  Arifioadivovs  Hcuavitvs  Tab*  ciirw. 


would  be  a  protracted  one  ;  the  exasperated  Thebans  lay  in  his  rear ;  and 
the  attempt  would  certainly  delay  the  more  brilliant  enterprise  which  he 
had  long  meditated  against  Persia.     For  this  latter  purpose  he  now  con- 
vened a  congress  of  the  Grecian  states  at  Corinth,  though  its  ostensible 
object  was  the  settlement  of  the  affairs  of  Greece.     Sparta  was  the  only 
state  unrepresented  in  this  assembly.     War  was  declared  against  Persia, 
Philip  was  appointed  generalissimo  of  the  expedition,  and  each  state  was 
assessed  in  a  certain  contingent  of  men  or  ships.     But  before  he  returned 
to  the  North  of  Greece,  he  determined  to  chastise  Sparta  for  her  ill-dis- 
guised hostility.      His  march  through  Peloponnesus,  and  back  by  the 
western  coast,  though  he  here  and  there  met  with  resistance,  resembled 
rather  a  royal  progress  than  an  expedition  into  a  hostile  country.     The 
western  states  north  of  the  isthmus  now  submitted  to  his  authority,  and  a 
Macedonian  gan-ison  was  placed  in  Ambracia.     Byzantium  also  executed 
a  treaty  with  Philip,  which  was  virtually  an  act  of  subjection.     Having 
thus  estabhshed  his  authority  throughout  Greece,  he  returned  to  Mace- 
donia in  the  autumn  of  b.  c.  338,  in  order  to  prepare  for  his  Persian  ex- 
pedition. 

§  13.  But  the  fortune  of  Philip,  which  had  triumjihed  over  all  his 
foreign  enemies,  was  destined  to  be  arrested  by  the  feuds  which  arose  in 
the  bosom  of  his  own  family.     Soon  after  his  return  to  Macedonia,  and 
probably  in  the  spring  of  337,  he  celebrated  his  nuptials  with  Cleopatra, 
the  beautiful  niece  of  Attalus,  one  of  his  generals.     He  had  already  sev- 
eral wives,  for  he  had  adopted  the  Eastern  custom  of  polygamy ;  but  it 
was  Olympias,  daughter  of  Neoptolemus,  king  of  Epeirus,  by  whom  Philip 
had  become  the  father  of  Alexander,  who  regarded  herself  as  his  le<riti- 
mate  queen  ;  a  violenj^and  imperious  woman,  who  prided  herself  on  the 
ancient  nobility  of  her  family,  which  traced  its  descent  from  Pyrrhus,  son 
of  Achilles.     The  banquet  which  followed  the  wedding  was  marked  by  an 
extraordinary  scene.     When  the  cup  had  freely  cm^ulated,  and  wine  had 
begun  to  unlock  the  hearts  of  the  guests,  Attalus  uncautiously  disclosed 
the  ambitious  views  with  which  his  daughter's  marriage  had  inspired  him, 
by  calling  upon  the  company  to  invoke  the  gods  to  bless  the  union  they 
were  celebrating  with  a  legitimate  heir  to  the  throne.     Fired  at  this  ex- 
pression, which  seemed  to  convey  a  reflection  on  his  birth,  the  young 
prince  Alexander  hurled  his  goblet  at  Attalus,  exclaiming,  "  Am  I  then 
called  a  bastard  ?  "     Philip  at  these  words  started  from  his  couch,  and, 
seizing  his  sword,  rushed  towards  Alexander,  whom  he  would  probably 
have  slam,  had  not  his  foot  slipped  and  caused  him  to  fall.     Alexander 
rose  and  left  the  banqueting-hall ;  but  as  he  withdrew  levelled  a  taunt  at 
his  prostrate  parent.     "  Behold  the  man,"  he  exclaimed,  "  who  was  about 
to  pass  from  Europe  to  Asia,  but  who  has  been  overthrown  in  going  from 
one  couch  to  another ! "  , 

Alexander  and  his  mother  Olympias  now  hastened  to  quit  Macedonia 


488 


mSTOST  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLUl. 


B.  C.  336.] 


ASSASSINATION   OP  PHILIP. 


489 


The  latter  found  refuge  at  the  court  of  her  brother  Alexander,  king  of 
Epeuns,  whilst  the  former  took  up  his  abode  in  Ulyria.  The  fugitives 
appear  to  have  stirred  up  both  these  countries  to  wage  war  against  Philip, 
who  however  at  length  contrived  to  effect  a  show  of  reconciliation.  Through 
the  mediation  of  a  friend,  he  induced  Alexander  to  return  to  Pella,  and 
he  averted  the  hostility  of  his  brother-in-law,  the  king  of  Epeirus,  by 
offering  him  the  hand  of  his  daughter,  Cleopatra.  Olympias  was  now 
compelled  to  return  to  Phihp's  court ;  but  both  she  and  Alexander  har- 
bored an  implacable  resentment  against  him. 

§  14.  These  domestic  disturbances  delayed  Philip's  expedhion  during 
the  year  337 ;  but  in  the  following  spring  he  appears  to  have  sent  some 
forces  into  Asia,  under  the  command  of  Attains,  Parmenio,  and  Amyntas. 
These  were  designed  to  engage  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  in  the  expedition, 
and  to  support  the  disaffected  subjects  of  Persia.  But  before  quitting 
Macedonia,  Philip  determined  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  his  dominions 
by  celebrating  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with  Alexander  of  Epeirus. 
It  was  solemnized  at  -ffigie,  the  ancient  capital  of  Macedonia,  with  much 
pomp,  including  banquets,  and  musical  and  theatrical  entertainments. 
Most  of  the  Grecian  towns  sent  their  deputies  to  the  festival,  bringing 
crowns  of  gold  and  other  preseits  to  the  king.  But  a  terrible  catastrophe 
was  impending,  which  several  omens  are  said  to  have  predicted.  The 
oracle  of  Delphi,  when  consulted  by  Philip,  as  head  of  the  AmphictyOns, 
respecting  the  issue  of  his  Eastern  expedition,  responded  with  its  usual 
happy  ambiguity,  — "  The  bull  is  crowned,  everything  is  ready,  and  the 
sacriiicer  is  at  hand.**  And  the  player,  Neoptolemus,  who  had  been  en- 
gaged to  recite  some  verses  during  the  nuptial  banquet,  chose  an  ode  which 
spoke  of  power,  pride,  and  luxury,  and  of  the  rapic^and  stealthy  approach 
of  death,  which  terminates  in  a  moment  the  most  ambitious  expectations. 

1 15.  The  day  after  the  nuptials  was  dedicated  to  theatrical  entertain- 
ments. The  festival  was  opened  with  a  procession  of  the  images  of  the 
twelve  Olympian  deities,  with  which  was  associated  that  of  Philip  himself. 
The  monarch  took  part  in  the  pn)cession,  dressed  m  white  robes,  and 
crowned  with  a  chaplet.  A  little  behmd  him  walked  his  son  and  his  new 
son-in-law,  whOst  his  body-guards  followed  at  some  distance,  in  order  that 
the  person  of  the  sovereign  might  be  seen  by  all  his  subjects.  Whilst 
thus  pixxieeding  through  the  city,  a  youth  suddenly  rushed  out  of  the  crowd, 
and,  drawing  a  long  sword  which  he  had  concealed  under  his  clothes, 
plunged  it  into  Phihp*s  side,  who  fell  dead  upon  the  spot.  The  assassin 
was  pursued  by  some  of  the  royal  guards,  and,  having  stumbled  in  his  flight, 
was  despatched  before  he  could  reach  the  place  where  horses  had  been 
provided  for  his  escape.  His  name  was  Pausanias.  He  was  a  youth  of 
noble  birth,  and  we  are  told  that  his  motive  for  taking  Phihp's  life  was 
that  the  king  had  refused  to  punish  an  outrage  which  Attains  had  commit- 
ted against  him.    Both  Olympias  and  her  son  Alexander  were  suspected 


of  being  concerned  in  the  murder.  Olympias  is  said  to  have  prepared  the 
horses  for  the  escape  of  the  assassin  ;  and  it  is  certain  that  she  manifested 
an  extravagant  satisfaxjtion  at  Philip's  death.  The  suspicion  that  Olym- 
pias was  privy  to  her  husband's  assassination  is  considerably  strengthened 
by  the  improbability  that  Pausanias,  without  incitement  from  some  other 
quarter,  should  have  avenged  himself  on  Philip  rather  than  on  Attalus, 
the  actual  perpetrator  of  the  injury  which  he  had  received.  With  regard 
to  Alexander,  however,  there  is  no  evidence  worth  a  moment's  attention 
to  inculpate  hmi;  and  though  an  eminent  historian*  has  not  scrupled  to 
condemn  him  as  a  parricide,  yet  we  should  hesitate  to  brand  him,  on  such 
slender  suspicions,  with  a  crime  which  seems  foreign  to  his  character. 

Thus  fell  Philip  of  JVLicv^don  in  the  twenty-fourth  year  of  his  reign  and 
forty-seventh  of  his  age  (b.  c.  336).  When  we  reflect  upon  his  achieve- 
ments, and  how,  partly  by  policy  and  partly  by  arms,  he  converted  his 
originally  {joor  and  distracted  kingdom  into  the  mistress  of  Greece,  we 
must  acknowledge  him  to  have  been  an  extraordinary,  if  not  a  great  man, 
in  the  better  sense  of  that  tenn.  His  views  and  his  ambition  were  cer- 
tainly as  large  as  those  of  his  son  Alexander,  but  he  was  prevented  by  a 
premature  death  from  carrying  them  out ;  nor  would  Alexander  himself 
have  been  able  to  perform  his  great  achievements  had  not  Philip  handed 
down  to  him  all  the  means  and  instruments  which  they  requu*ed. 

*  Niebuhr. 


Bast  of  Demosthenes. 


63 


f 


im 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


Battle  of  ^us.    From  a  Mosaic  at  Pompeii,  now  in  the  Museo  Borbonico  at  Naples. 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 


ALEXANDER  THE   GREAT. 


i 
M 


;  I 


{  1.  Edncation  of  Alexander.  §  2.  Bejoicings  at  Athens  for  Philip's  death.  Movements  m 
Greece.  §  4.  Alexander  overawes  the  Malecontents,  and  is  appointed  Generalissimo  for  the 
Persian  War.  4  4.  Alexander  subdues  the  Triballians,  Geta;,  lllj-rians,  and  Taulantians. 
f  6.  Revolt  and  Destruction  of  Thebes.  ^  6.  Alexander  prepares  to  invade  Persia.  Na- 
ture of  that  Empire.  §  7.  Alexander  crosses  the  Hellespont.  ^  8.  Battle  of  the  Granicns. 
^  9.  Alexander  overruns  Asia  Minor.  The  Gordian  Knot.  4  10.  March  through  Cilicia. 
Battle  of  Issus.  Victory.  \  11.  Conquest  of  Phoenicia.  Siege  of  TjTe.  §  12.  Alex 
ftnder  marches  into  Egj'pt.  Foundation  of  Alexandria.  Oracle  of  Ammon.  ^  13.  Battle 
of  Arbela.  ^  14.  Alexander  takes  Possession  of  Babylon,  Susa,  and  Persepolis.  §  15. 
March  to  Ecbatana,  and  Pursuit  of  Darius.  Death  of  Darius.  ^  16.  March  through 
Hyrcania,  Asia,  and  Drangiana.  Conspiracy  of  Philotas.*  §  17.  Alexander  crosses  the 
Oxus.  Death  of  Bessus.  Reduction  of  Sogdiana.  Alexander  marries  Roxana.  §  18. 
Murder  of  Clitus.  §  19.  Plot  of  the  Pages.  Alexander  invades  the  Penjab,  and  defeats 
Porus.  Marches  as  far  as  the  Hyphasis.  §  20.  Descent  of  the  Hydaspes  and  Indus. 
4  21.  March  through  Gedrosia.  Voyage  of  Nearchus.  $  22.  Arrival  at  Susa.  Intermar- 
riages of  the  Greeks  and  Persians.  Mutiny  of  the  Army.  ^  23.  Death  of  Hephaestion. 
Alexander  takes  up  his  Residence  at  Babylon.   His  Death.    \  24.  Character. 

§  1.  Notwithstanding  the  suspicions  of  Olympias  and  Alexander,  it 
does  not  appear  that  Philip  had  ever  really  entertamed  the  design  of  de- 
priving Alexander  of  the  throne.  At  the  time  of  his  father's  death  he 
was  in  his  twentieth  year,  having  heen  horn  in  b.  c.  356.  At  a  very  ten- 
der age  he  displayed  a  spirit  which  endeared  him  to  his  father.  His  eariy 
education  was  intrusted  to  Leonidas,  a  kinsman  of  his  mother,  a  man  of 
severe  and  parsimonious  character,  who  trained  him  with  Spartan  sim- 
plicity and  hardihood ;  whilst  Lysimachus,  a  sort  of  under-govemor,  early 
mspired  the  young  prince  with  amhitious  notions,  by  teaching  him  to  love 
and  emulate  the  heroes  of  the  Iliad.  According  to  the  traditions  of  his 
family,  the  blood  of  Achilles  actually  ran  in  the  veins  of  Alexander ;  and 


B.  C.  336.]        REJOICINGS   AT  ATHENS   FOR  PHILIP's   DEATH.  491 

Lysimachus  nourished  the  feelmg  which  that  circumstance  was  calculated 
to  awaken,  by  giving  him  the  name  of  that  hero,  whilst  he  called  PhiUp 
Peleus,  and  himself  Phoenix.  But  the  most  strikmg  feature  in  Alexan- 
der's education  was,  that  he  had  Aristotle  for  his  teacher,  and  that  thus 
the  greatest  conqueror  of  the  material  world  received  the  instructions  of 
him  who  has  exercised  the  most  extensive  empire  over  the  human  intel- 
lect It  was  probably  at  about  the  age  of  thirteen  that  he  first  received 
the  lessons  of  Aristotle,  and  they  can  hardly  have  continued  more  than 
three  years,  for  Alexander  soon  left  the  schools  for  the  employments  of 
active  life.^  At  the  age  of  sixteen  we  find  him  regent  of  Macedonia  dur- 
uig  Philip's  absence ;  and  at  eighteen  we  have  seen  liim  filling  a  promi- 
nent military  post  at  the  battle  of  Chjeronea. 

§  2.  On  succeeding  to  the  throne,  Alexander  announced  his  intention 
of  prosecuting  his  father's  expedition  into  Asia ;  but  it  was  fii^t  necessary 
for  him  to  settle  the  affairs  of  Greece,  where  the  news  of  Philip's  assassina- 
tion, and  the  accession  of  so  young  a  prince,  had  excited  in  several  states 
a  hope  of  shaking  off"  the  Macedonian  yoke.     Athens  was  the  centre  of 
these  movements.     Demosthenes,  who  was  informed  of  Philip's  death  by 
a  special  messenger,  resolved  to  avail  himself  of  the  superstition  of  his 
fellow-citizens  by  a  pious  fraud.     He  went  to  the  senate-house  and  de- 
clared to  the  Five  Hundred  that  Zeus  and  Athena  had  forewarned  him  in 
a  dream  of  some  great  blessing  that  was  in  store  for  the  commonwealth. 
Shortly  afterwards  public  couriers  arrived  \rith  the  news  of  Philip's  death. 
Demosthenes,  although  in  mourning  for  the  recent  loss  of  an  only  daughter,* 
now  came  abroad  dressed  in  white,  and  crowned  with  a  chaplet,  in  which 
attire  he  was  seen  sacrificing  at  one  of  the  public  altars.     He  also  moved 
a  decree  that  Philip's  death  should  be  celebrated  by  a  public  thanksgiving, 
and  that  religious  honors  should  be  paid  to  the  memory  of  Pausanias! 
Phocion  certainly  showed  a  more  generous  spirit  in  disapproving  of  these 
proceedings.     "  Nothing,"  he  observed,  "  betrays  a  more  dastardly  turn  of 
mind  than  expressions  of  joy  for  the  death  of  an  enemy.     And  ti-uly  you 
have  fine  reason  to  rejoice,  when  the  army  you  fought  with  at  Cha^ronea 
is  only  reduced  by  one  man  ! "     In  this  last  remark,  indeed,  he  depreciat- 
ed the  abUities  of  Philip,  as  much  as  Demosthenes  was  incUned  to  under- 
rate the  abilities  of  Alexander.     Durmg  his  embassy  to  Pella,  the  Athe- 
nian orator  had  conceived  a  mean  opinion  of  the  youthful  prince,  whom  he 
now  compared  to  Homer's  Margites,  and  assured  the  Athenians  that  he 
would  spend  aU  his  time  in  either  prosecuting  his  studies,  or  inspecting  the 
entrails  of  victims.    At  the  same  time  Demosthenes  made  vigorous  prep- 
arations for  action.     He  was  already  in  correspondence  with  the  Persian 
court  for  the  purpose  of  thwarting  Philip's  projected  expedition  into  Asia; 
and  he  now  despatched  envoys  to  the  principal  Grecian  states  for  the  pur- 
pose of  exciting  them  against  Macedon.     Sparta,  and  the  whole  Pelopon- 
nesus, with  the  exception  of  Megalopolis  and  Messenia,  seemed  mclined  to 


f 

I ')  j 


Ij' 


492 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV 


shake  off  their  compulsory  alliance.  Even  the  The  bans  rose  against  the 
dominant  oligarchy,  although  the  Cadmea  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Mace- 
donians. 

§  3.  But  the  activity  of  Alexander  disconcerted  all'  these  movements. 
He  retained  the  Thessalians  in  obedience  partly  by  flattery,  partly  by  a 
display  of  force,  and  having  marched  through  their  territory,  he  assembled 
the  Amphictyonic  Council  at  Thermopylae,  who  conferred  upon  him  the 
command  with  wliich  they  had  invested  his  father  during  the  Sacred  War. 
He  then  advanced  rapidly  upon  Thebes,  and  thus  prevented  the  medi- 
tated revolution.  The  Athenians  were  now  seized  with  alarm,  and  sent 
an  embassy  to  deprecate  the  wrath  of  Alexander,  and  to  offer  to  him  the 
same  honors  and  privileges  which  they  had  before  conferi-ed  upon  Philip. 
Demosthenes  was  appointed  one  of  the  envoys,  but  when  he  had  proceeded 
as  far  as  the  confines  of  Attica,  he  was  filled  with  apprehension  respecting 
Alexander's  intentions,  and  found  a  pretence  for  returning  home.  The 
other  ambassadors  were  graciously  received,  and  their  excuses  accepted. 
Alexander  then  convened  a  general  congress  at  Cormth,  which,  as  on  the 
former  occasion,  was  attended  by  all  the  Grecian  states  except  Sparta. 
Here  he  was  appointed  generalissimo  for  the  Persian  war  in  place  of  his 
father.  Most  of  the  philosophers  and  persons  of  note  near  Corinth  came 
to  congratulate  him  on  this  occasion ;  but  Diogenes  of  Sinope,  who  was 
then  living  in  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Corinth,  did  not  make  his  appearance. 
Alexander  therefore  resolved  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  eccentric  Cynic,  whom 
he  found  basking  in  the  sun.  On  the  approach  of  Alexander  with  a  nu- 
merous retinue,  Diogenes  raised  himself  up  a  little,  and  the  monarch  affa- 
bly inquired  how  he  could  serve  him  ?  "  By  standing  out  of  my  sunshine," 
replied  the  churlish  philosopher.  Alexander  was  struck  with  surprise  at 
a  behavior  to  which  he  was  so  little  accustomed ;  but  whilst  his  courtiers 
were  ridiculing  the  manners  of  the  cynic,  he  turned  to  them  and  said, 
**  Were  I  not  Alexander,  I  should  like  to  be  Diogenes." 

§  4.  The  result  of  the  congress  might  be  considered  a  settlement  of  the 
affairs  of  Greece.  Alexander  could  very  well  afford  to  despise  Sparta's 
obsolete  pretensions  to  the  supremacy  of  Greece,  and  did  not  deem  it  worth 
while  to  undertake  an  expedition  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  her  to  rea- 
son. He  then  returned  to  Macedonia,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  begin 
his  Persian  expedition  in  the  spring  of  b.  c.  335 ;  but  reports  of  disturb- 
ances among  the  Thracians  and  Triballians  diverted  his  attention  to  that 
quarter.  He  therefore  crossed  Mount  Hajmus  (the  Balkan)  and  marched 
into  the  territory  of  the  Triballians,  defeated  their  forces,  and  pursued 
them  to  the  Danube,  where  they  fortified  themselves  in  an  island.  Leav- 
ing them  in  that  position,  Alexander  crossed  the  river  by  means  of  a  fleet 
which  he  had  caused  to  be  sent  from  Byzantium,  and  proceeded  to  attack 
the  Getie.  The  barbarians  fled  at  his  approach,  and  Alexander,  who  had 
acquired  a  large  booty,  regained  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  where  he  re- 


B.C.  335.] 


ALEXANDER   DESTROYS   THEBES. 


493 


ceived  the  submissions  of  the  Danubian  tribes,  and  admitted  them  into  the 
Macedonian  aUiance.  Thence  he  marched  against  the  Illyrians  and  Tau- 
lantians,  who  were  meditating  an  attack  upon  his  kingdom,  and  speedily 
reduced  them  to  obedience. 

§  5.  During  Alexander's  absence  on  these  expeditions,  no  tidings  were 
heard  of  him  for  a  considerable  time,  and  a  report  of  his  death  was  Indus- 
tnously  spread  in  Southern  Greece.     The  Thebans  rose  and  besieged  the 
Macedonian  garrison  in  the  Cadmea,  at  the  same  time  inviting  other  states 
to  declare  their  mdependence.     Demosthenes  was  active  in  aiding  the 
movement.    He  persuaded  the  Athenians  to  furnish  the  Thebans'' with 
subsidies,  and  to  assure  them  of  their  support  and  alliance.     But  the  ra- 
pidity of  Alexander  again  crushed  the  insurrection  in  the  bud.     Before 
the  Thebans  discovered  that  the  report  of  his  death  was  false,  he  had  al- 
ready arrived  at  Onchestus  in  Boeotia.    Alexander  was  willing  to  afford 
them  an  opportunity  for  repentance,  and  marched  slowly  to  the  foot  of  the 
Cadmea.     But  the  leaders  of  the  insurrection,  believing  themselves  irre- 
trievably compromised,  replied  with  taunts  to  Alexander's  proposals  for 
peace,  and  excited  the  people  to  the  most  desperate  resistance.    An  en- 
gagement was  prematurely  brought  on  by  one  of  the  generals  of  Alexan- 
der, m  which  some  of  the  Macedonian  troops  were  put  to  the  rout ;  but 
Alexander,  coming  up  with  the  phalanx  whilst  the  Thebans  were  in  the 
disorder  of  pui-suit,  drove  them  back  in  turn  and  entered  the  gates  along 
with  them,  when  a  fearful  massacre  ensued,  committed  principally  by  the 
Thmcians  in  Alexander's  service.      Six  thousand  Thebans  are   said  to 
have  been  slain,  and  thirty  thousand  were  made  prisoners.    The  doom  of 
the  conquered  city  was  referred  to  the  allies,  who  decreed  her  destruction. 
The  grounds  of  the  verdict  bear  the  impress  of  a  tyrannical  hypocrisy. 
They  rested  on  the  conduct  of  the  Thebans  during  the  Persian  war,  on 
their  treatment  of  Plat^a,  and  on  their  enmity  to  Athens.     The  inhabit- 
ants were  sold  as  slaves,  and  all  the  houses,  except  that  of  Pmdar,  were 
levelled  with  the  ground.     The  Cadmea  was  preserved  to  be  occupied  by 
a  Macedonian  garrison.     Thebes  seems  to  have  been  thus  harshly  treated 
as  an  example  to  the  rest  of  Greece,  for  towards  the  other  states,  which 
were  now  eager  to  make  their  excuses  and  submission,  Alexander  showed 
much  forbearance  and  lenity.     The  conduct  of  the  Athenians   exhibits 
them  deeply  sunk  in  degradation.     Wlien  they  heard  of  the  chastisement 
mflicted  upon  Thebes,  they  immediately  voted,  on  the  motion  of  Demos- 
thenes, that  ambassadors  should  be  sent  to  congratulate  Alexander  on  his 
safe  return  from  his  Northern  expeditions,  and  on  his  recent  success. 
Alexander  in  reply  wrote  a  letter,  demandmg  that  eight  or  ten  of  the  lead- 
ing  Athenian  orators  should  be  delivered  up  to  him.    At  the  head  of  the 
list  was  Demosthenes.     In  this  dilemma,  Phocion,  who  did  not  wish  to 
speak  ujx)!!  such  a  question,  was  loudly  called  upon  by  the  people  for  his 
opinion ;  when  he  rose  and  said  that  the  persons  whom  Alexander  de- 


i 


\ 
> 


4M 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


manded  had  brought  the  state  into  such  a  miserable  plight  that  they  de- 
served to  be  surrendered,  and  that  for  his  own  part  he  should  be  very 
happy  to  die  for  the  commonwealth.  At  the  same  time  he  advised  them 
to  try  the  effect  of  intercession  with  Alexander ;  and  it  was  at  last  only 
by  his  own  personal  application  to  that  monarch,  with  whom  he  was  a 
great  favorite,  that  the  orators  were  spared.  According  to  another 
account,  however,  the  wrath  of  Alexander  was  appeased  by  the  orator 
Demades,  who  received  from  the  Athenians  a  reward  of  five  talents  for 
his  services.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Alexander  is  said  to  have  sent  a 
present  of  one  hundred  talents  to  Phocion.  But  Phocion  asked  the  per- 
sona who  brought  the  money,  "  Why  he  should  be  selected  for  such  a 
bounty  ?  '*  "  Because,"  they  replied,  "  Alexander  considers  you  the  only 
just  and  honest  man."  "  Then,"  said  Phocion,  "  let  him  suffer  me  to  be 
what  I  seem,  and  to  retain  that  character."  And  when  the  envoys  went 
to  his  house  and  beheld  the  frugality  with  which  he  lived,  they  perceived 
that  the  man  who  refused  such  a  gift  was  wealthier  than  he  who  offered  it. 

§  6.  Having  thus  put  the  affairs  of  Greece  on  a  satisfactory  footing, 
Alexander  marched  for  the  Hellespont  in  the  spring  of  b.  c.  334,  leaving 
Antipater  regent  of  Macedonia  in  his  absence,  with  a  force  of  twelve  thou- 
sand foot  and  fifteen  hundred  horse.  Alexander's  own  army  consisted  of 
only  about  thirty  thousand  foot  and  &\e  thousand  horse.  Of  the  infantry 
about  twelve  thousand  were  Macedonians,  and  these  composed  the  pith  of 
the  celebrated  Macedonian  phalanx.  Such  was  the  force  with  which  he 
proposed  to  attack  the  immense  but  ill-cemented  empire  of  Persia,  which, 
like  the  empires  of  Turkey  and  Austria  in  modem  times,  consisted  of  vari- 
ous nations  and  races,  with  different  religions  and  manners,  and  speaking 
different  languages ;  the  only  bond  of  union  being  the  dominant  mihtary 
power  of  the  ruling  nation,  which  itself  fonned  only  a  small  numerical  por- 
tion of  the  empire.  The  remote  provinces,  like  those  of  Asia  Minor,  were 
administered  by  satraps  and  military  governors,  who  enjoyed  an  almost  in- 
dependent authority,  frequently  transmitting  their  provinces,  like  heredi- 
tary fiefs,  to  their  heirs,  and  sometimes,  as  we  have  already  seen  in  the 
course  of  this  history,  defying  their  sovereign  or  their  brother  satraps  in 
open  war.  The  expedition  of  Cyrus,  and  the  subsequent  retreat  of  the 
Ten  Thousand  Greeks,  had  shown  how  easy  it  w^as  for  a  handful  of  reso- 
lute and  well-disciplined  men  to  penetrate  into  the  very  heart  of  an 
empire  thus  weakened  by  disunion,  and  composed  for  the  most  part  of  an 
anwarlike  population,  and  we  are  not  therefore  surprised  at  the  confidence 
with  which  Alexander  set  out  upon  his  expedition.  Before  he  departed 
he  distributed  most  of  the  crown  property  among  his  friends,  and  when 
Perdiccas  asked  him  what  he  had  reserved  for  himself^  he  replied,  *^  My 
hopes." 

§  7.  A  march  of  sixteen  days  brought  Alexander  to  Sestos,  where  a 
large  fleet  and  a  number  of  transports  had  been  collected  for  the  embar 


B.  C.  334.] 


BATTLE    OF   THE   GRAKICUS. 


49^ 


kation  of  his  army.    Alexander  steered  with  his  own  hand  the  vessel 
m  which  he  sailed  towards  the  very  spot  where  the  Ach^ans  were  said  to 
have  landed  when  proceeding  to  the  Trojan  war.     When  half  the  passa^re 
had  been  completed,  he  propitiated  Poseidon  and  the  Nereids  wid/d^e 
sacrifice  of  a  buU  and  with  libations  from  a  golden  goblet;  and  as  his 
trireme  neared  the  shore,  he  hurled  his  spear  towanls  the  land,  by  way  of 
daiming  possession  of  Asia.    He  was,  as  we  have  said,  a  great  admirer  of 
.    Homer,  a  copy  of  whose   works   he   always   carried   with  him-   and 
on  landing  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  he  made  it  his  first  business  to  visit  the 
plain  of  Troy.     A  temple  of  Athena  still  existed  there,  and  the  very  altar 
was  pomted  out  to  him  at  which  Neoptolemus  wa^  said  to  have  slain 
Priam     Alexander  then  proceeded  to  Sigeum,  where  he  crowned  with  a 
garland  the  pillar  said  to  mark  the  tumulus  of  his  mythical  ancestor 
Achilles,  and,  according  to  custom,  nm  round  it  naked  with  his  friends 
whdst  Hephtestion  paid  similar  honors  to  the  tomb  of  Patroclus.  ' 

§  8.  Alexander  then  rejoined  his  army  at  Arisb^,  near  Abydos,  and 
marched  northwards  along  the  coast  of  the  Propontis.     The  satraps  of 
Lydia  and  Ionia,  together  with  other  Pei-sian  generals,  were  encamped 
near  Zelea,  a  town  on  the  Granicus,  with  a  force  of  twenty  thousand 
Greek  mercenaries,  and  about  an  equal  number  of  native  cavahy  with 
winch  they  prepared  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  river.    A  Rhodian 
named  Memnon,  had  the  chief  command.     The  veteran  general  ParmeniJ 
advised  Alexander  to  delay  the  attack   till  the  following  momincr-  to 
which  he  replied,  that  it  would  be  a  bad  omen  at  tlie  be-innincr  of  his  ex 
pedition,  if,  after  passing  the  Hellespont,  lie  should  be  stopped  by  a  paltry 
stream.     He  then  directed  his  cavalry  to  cross  the  river,  and  foUowed 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  phalanx.    The  passage,  however,  was  by  no 
means  easy.     The  stream  was  in  many  parts  so  deep  as  to  be  hardly 
tordable,  and  the  opposite  bank  was  steep  and  rugged.     The  cavah-y  had 
great  difficulty  in  maintaining  their  ground  till  Alexander  came   up  to 
their  rehef.     He  immediately  charged  into  the  thickest  of  the  fray,  and 
exposed  himself  so  much,  that  his  life  was  often  in  imminent  dan-er  and 
on  one  occasion  was  only  saved  by  the  interposition  of  his  friend  Cleitus 
Having  routed  the  Persians,  Alexander  next  attacked  the  Greek  merce- 
naries, two  thousand  of  whom  were  made  prisoners,  and  the  rest  nearly  aU 
cut  to  pieces.     In  this  engagement  Alexander  killed  two  Persian  officers 
with  his  o^vn  hand.     After  the  battle  he  visited  the  wounded,  and  granted 
mimunity  from  all  taxation  to  the  families  of  the  slain.     He  also  sent 
three  hundred  suits  of  Persian  armor  to  Athens,  to  be  dedicated  to  Athena 
m  the  Acropolis ;  a  proceeding  by  which  he  hoped,  perhaps,  further  to 
Identify  his  cause  as  the  common  cause  of  Hellas  against  the  barbarians, 
as  well  as  to  conciliate  the  Athenians,  from  whose  genius  he  wished  to 
receive  an  adequate  memorial  of  his  exploits. 

§  9.  Alexander  now  marched  southwards  towards  Sardis,  which  sur- 


t 

»  ■ 


if 


496 


HISTOKT   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


B.  C.  333.] 


BATTLE    OP   ISSUS. 


497 


M 


I- 


rendered  before  he  came  within  sight  of  its  walls.  Having  left  a  garrison 
in  that  city,  he  arrived  after  a  four  days*  march  before  Ephesus,  which 
likewise  capitulated  on  his  approach.  Magnesia,  Tralles,  and  Miletus 
next  fell  into  his  hands,  the  last  after  a  short  siege.  Halicamassus  made 
more  resistance.  It  was  defended  by  Ephialtes,  an  Athenian  exile,  sup- 
ported by  Memnon,  whose  head-quarters  were  now  in  the  island  of  Cos. 
It  was  necessary  that  the  city  should  be  regularly  approached ;  but  at 
length  Memnon,  finding  it  no  longer  tenable,  set  fire  to  it  in  the  night,  and 
crossed  over  to  Cos.  Alexander  caused  it  to  be  razed  to  the  ground,  and 
leaving  a  small  force  to  reduce  the  garrison,  which  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
citadels  and  forts,  pursued  his  march  along  the  southern  coast  of  Asia 
Minor,  with  a  view  of  seizing  those  towns  which  might  afford  shelter  to  a 
Persian  fleet.  The  winter  was  now  approaching,  and  Alexander  sent  a 
considerable  part  of  his  army  under  Parmenio  into  winter-quarters  at 
Sardis.  He  also  sent  back  to  Macedonia  such  officers  and  soldiers  as  had 
been  recently  married,  on  condition  that  they  should  return  in  the  spring 
with  what  reinforcements  they  could  raise ;  and  with  the  same  view  he 
despatched  an  officer  to  recruit  in  the  Peloponnesus.  Meanwhile  he 
himself  with  a  chosen  body  proceeded  along  the  coasts  of  Lycia  and 
Pamphylia,  having  instructed  Parmenio  to  rejoin  him  in  Phrygia  in  the 
spring,  with  the  main  body.  After  he  had  crossed  the  Xanthus,  most  of 
the  Lydan  towns  tendered  their  submission,  and  Phaselis  presented  him 
with  a  golden  crown.  On  the  borders  of  Lycia  and  Pamphylia,  Mount 
Climax,  a  branch  of  the  Taurus  range,  runs  abruptly  into  the  sea,  leaving 
only  a  narrow  passage  at  its  foot,  which  is  frequently  overflowed.  This 
was  the  case  at  the  time  of  Alexander's  approach.  He  therefore  sent  his 
main  body  by  a  long  and  diflTicult  road  across  the  mountains  to  Perge ; 
but  he  himself,  who  loved  danger  for  its  own  sake,  proceeded  with  a 
chosen  band  along  the  shore,  wading  through  water  that  was  breast-high 
for  nearly  a  whole  day.  From  Perge  he  advanced  against  Aspendus  and 
Side,  which  he  reduced ;  and  then,  forcing  his  way  northwards  through 
the  barbarous  tribes  which  inhabited  the  mountains  of  Pisidia,  he  en- 
camped in  the  neighborhood  of  Gordium  in  Phrygia.  Here  he  was 
rejoined  by  Parmenio  and  by  the  new  levies  from  Greece.  Gordium  had 
been  the  capital  of  the  early  Phrygian  kings,  and  in  it  was  presented 
with  superstitious  veneration  the  chariot  or  wagon  in  which  the  cele- 
brated Midas,  the  son  of  Gk)rdius,  together  with  his  parents,  had  entered 
the  town^  and  in  conformity  with  an  oracle  had  been  elevated  to  the 
monarchy.  An  ancient  prophecy  promised  the  sovereignty  of  Asia  to 
him  who  should  untie  the  knot  of  bark  which  fastened  the  yoke  of  the 
wagon  to  the  pole.  Alexander  repaired  to  the  Acropolis,  where  the 
wagon  was  preserved,  to  attempt  this  adventure.  Whether  he  undid  the 
knot  by  drawing  out  a  peg,  or  cut  it  through  with  his  sword,  is  a  matter  of 
doubt ;  but  that  he  had  fulfilled  the  prediction  was  placed  beyond  dispute 
that  very  night  by  a  great  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning. 


and  on  arriving  at  Ancyra  received  the  submission  of  the  Paphla^onian 
He  then  advanced  through  Cappadocia  without  resistance ;  and  ^rh"^ 

mto  the  plains  of  Cihcia.     Hence  he  pushed  on  rapidly  to  Tarsus,  which 
he  found  abandoned  by  the  enemy.    Whilst  still  heated  with  .he  Ich 
Alexander  plunged  into  the  clear  but  cold  stream  of  the  Cydnus,  which 
runs  by  the  .own.     The  result  was  a  fever,  wluch  soon  becan.^  so  vicl^t 
as  to  threaten  h.s  life.    An  Acamanian  physician,  named  Philip,  who 
accompanied  hmi,  prescribed  a  remedy;  but  at  the  same  time  Alexander 
«ceiyed  a  letter  mforming  him  that  Philip  had  been  bribed  by  Darius,  the 
Persum  kmg,  to  poison  him.     He  had,  however,  too  much  confidence 
J  ?  trusty  Phdip  to  believe  the  accusation,  and  handed  him  the  letter 
whilst  he  drank  the  draught.     Either  the  medicme  or  Alexander's  youth- 
fol  constitution  at  length  triumphed  over  the  disorder.    After  remain- 
mg  some  time  at  Tarsus,  he  continued  his  march  along  the  coast  to 
Mallus,  where  he  first  received  certain  tidings  of  the  great  Persian  army, 
commanded  by  Darius  in  person.     It  is  said  to  have  consisted  of  six 
hundred  thousand  fighting  men,  besides  all  that  train  of  at.endants  which 
usually  accompanied  the  march  of  a  Persian  monarch.     This  immense 
force  was  encamped  on  the  plains  of  Sochi,  where  Amyntas,  a  Greek 
renegade,  advised   Darius  to  await  the  approach  of  Alexander.     But 
Danus,  impatient  of  delay,  and   full  of  vainglorious   confidence  in  the 
number  of  his  forces,  rejected  this  advice,  and  resolved  to  cross  the  moun- 
buns  m  quest  of  his  foe.    Alexander  had  mean  time  passed  through  L.sus; 
h^  secured  the  whole  country  from  that  place  to  the  maritime  p.;s  caUed 
the  Gates  of  Syria  and  Cilicia,  and  had  pushed  forwards  to  Myriandrus 
where  he  was  detained  by  a  great  storm  of  wind  and  rain.     LaZZ 
Danus  had  crossed  Mount  Amanus,  more  to  the  north,  at  a  p.,sclS 

with  joy  that  the  Persians  were  moving  along  the  coast  to  overtake  him. 
By  this  movement,  however,  Issus  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
Persians.  Alexander  now  retraced  his  steps  to  meet  Darius,  whom  he 
found  encamped  on  the  right  bank  of  the  little  river  Pinarus.  The  Per 
sia^  monarch  could  hardly  have  been  caught  in  a  more  unfavorable  pol 
^n,  since  the  narrow  and  rugged  plain  between  Mount  Amanus  and Te 

deprived  him  of  the  advantage  of  his  numerical  superiority.     Alexander 

u^Z  f  T  '!!"'"'  ""'"'  ""''  ^"'^'^  '^t  ■"'<J"'"g>^t,  and  at  day- 
toeai  began  to  descend  into  the  plain  of  the  Pmarus,  ordering  his  troops 
to  deptoy  into  line  as  the  ground  expanded,  and  thus  to  arrive  in  battk 
array  before  the  Persians.  Darius  had  thrown  thirty  thousand  cavalry 
^d  twenty  thousand  mfantry  across  the  river,  to  check  the  a.Ivan«  of  the 
Macedonians;  whdst  on  the  right  bank  were  drawn  up  his  choicest  Per- 

63 


498 


mSTOBT  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


B.  C.  333.] 


SIEGE    OF   TYRE. 


499 


siaii  troops  to  the  number  of  sixty  thousand,  together  with  thirty  thousand 
Greek  mercenaries,  who  formed  the  centre,  and  on  whom  he  chiefly 
relied.  These,  it  appears,  were  all  that  the  breadth  of  the  plain  allowed 
to  be  drawn  up  in  Hne.  The  remainder  of  the  vast  host  were  posted 
in  separate  bodies  in  the  farther  parts  of  the  plain,  and  were  unable  to 
take  any  share  in  the  combat  Darius  took  his  station  m  the  centre  of 
the  line,  in  a  magnificent  state  chariot  The  banks  of  the  Pinarus  were  in 
many  par|p  steep,  and  where  they  were  level  Darius  had  caused  them  to 
be  intrenched.  As  Alexander  advanced,  the  Persian  cavalry  which  had 
been  thrown  across  the  river  were  recalled;  but  the  twenty  thousand 
infantry  had  been  driven  into  the  mountains,  where  Alexander  held  them 
in  cheek  with  a  small  body  of  horse.  The  left  wing  of  the  Macedonians, 
under  the  command  of  Pannenio,  was  ordered  to  keep  near  the  sea,  to  pre- 
vent bemg  outflanked.  The  riglit  wing  was  led  by  Alexander  in  person, 
who  at  first  advanced  slowly ;  but  when  he  came  within  shot  of  the  Per- 
sian arrows  he  gave  the  order  to  charge,  rushed  impetuously  into  the 
water,  and  was  soon  engaged  in  close  combat  with  the  Persians.  The 
latter  were  immediately  routed ;  but  the  impetuosity  of  the  charge  had 
disarranged  the  compact  oi*der  of  the  Macedonian  phalanx,  and  the  Greek 
mercenaries  took  advantage  of  this  circumstance  to  attack  them.  This 
manoeuvre,  however,  was  defeated  by  Alexander,  who,  after  routing  the 
Persians,  wheeled  and  took  the  Greeks  in  flank.  But  what  chiefly 
decided  the  fortune  of  the  day  was  the  timidity  of  Darius  himself,  who,  on 
beholding  the  defeat  of  his  left  wing,  immediately  took  to  flight  His  ex- 
ample was  followed  by  his  whole  army ;  and  even  the  Persian  cavalry, 
which  had  crossed  the  river,  and  was  engaging  the  Macedonian  left  with 
great  bravery,  was  compelled  to  follow  the  example.  One  hundred 
thousand  Persians  are  said  to  have  been  left  upon  the  field.  On  reaching 
file  hills  Darius  threw  aside  Ms  royal  robes,  his  bow  and  shield,  and, 
mounting  a  fleet  courser,  was  soon  out  of  reach  of  pursuit  The  Persian 
camp  became  the  spoil  of  the  Macedonians ;  but  the  tent  of  Darius,  to- 
gether with  his  chariot,  robes,  and  arms,  was  reserved  for  Alexander 
himself.  It  was  now  that  the  Macedonian  king  first  had  ocuhu*  proof  of 
the  nature  of  Eastern  royalty.  One  compartment  of  the  tent  of  Darius 
liad  been  fitted  up  as  a  bath,  wliich  steamed  with  the  richest  odors; 
whilst  another  presented  a  naagnificent  pavilion,  containing  a  table  richly 
spread  for  the  banquet  of  Darius.  But  from  an  adjoining  tent  issued  the 
wail  of  female  voices,  where  Sisygambis,  the  mother,  and  Statira,  the  wife 
of  Darius,  were  lamenting  the  supposed  death  of  the  Persian  monarch. 
Alexander  sent  to  assure  them  of  his  safety,  and  ordered  them  to  be 
treated  with  the  most  dehcate  and  respectful  attention. 

§11.  Such  was  the  memorable  battle  of  Issus,  fought  in  November, 
B.  c.  333.  A  large  treasure,  'which  Parmenio  was  sent  forward  with  a 
detachment  to  seize,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Macedonians  at  Damascus. 


Another  favorable  result  of  the  victory  was  that  Jt  suppressed  some  at- 
tempts  at  revolt  fi-om  the  Macedonia>r  power,  which,  with  the  support  of 
Persia,  had  been  manifested  in  Greece.     But  in  order  to  put  a  c^mriete 

SilTnir?,  "'T'  T^l  ''"'''  ''''^'''''  -  theLZcTon 
i-ersian  fleet,  Alexander  resolved  to  seize  Phcenicia  and  E-ypt  and  thna 

to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  Persian  maritime  power.  ^ 

Meanwhile  Darius,  attended  by  a  body  of  only  four  thousand  fugitives 
had  crossed  the  Euphrates  al  Thapsacus.     Before  he  had  set  ou!  from 
Babylon,  the  whole  forces  of  the  empire  had  been  summoned  ;  but  he  had 
not  thought  U  worth  while  to  wait  for  what  he  deemed  a  m;rely  useSs 
encumbrance;  and  the  mor«  distant  levies,  which  comprised  some  of  the 

short  t,me,  therefore,  he  would  be  at  the  head  of  a  still  more  numenjus 
h^t  than  that  which  had  fought  at  Issus;  yet  he  thought  it  safer" 
negot.at.ons  with  Alexander  than  to  trust  to  the  chance  of  arms.  Wkh 
ft.8  v;ew  he  sent  a  letter  to  Alexander,  who  was  now  at  Marathus  in 
Ph<En,c.a,  proposmg  to  become  his  friend  and  aUy;  but  Alexander  r^ 
jected  all  h,s  overture,  and  told  him  that  he  must  in  future  be  addressed, 
not  m  the  language  of  an  equal,  but  of  a  subject. 

As  Alexander  advanced  southwards,  all  the  towns  of  Phoenicia  hastened 
to  open  their  gates;  the  inhabitants  of  Sidon  even  hailed  him  a.  their  de- 
liverer. Tyre,  also,  sent  to  tender  her  submission ;  but  coupled  with  reser- 
vations by  no  means  acceptable  to  a  youthful  conqueror  in  the  full  tide 
of  success.  Alexander  affected  to  receive  their  offer,  which  was  accompa- 
nied with  a  present  of  a  golden  crown  and  provisions  for  his  armv  as  an 
oncondifonal  surrender,  and  told  them  that  he  would  visit  their  ciW  and 

Sr  r  tJ  "T'  "  '^r''"  ''"■'^'  "^•'  "«^  «'"«'''«'-'J  ^  identical 

wrth  the  Grecran  Hercules.    This  brought  the  matter  to  an  issue.    The 

^nans  now  mformed  him  that  they  could  not  admit  any  foreigners  within 
the  r  walls  and  that,  if  he  wished  to  sacrifice  to  Melcart,  he  would  find 
another  and  njore  ancient  shrine  in  Old  Tyre,  on  the  mainland.  Alexan- 
der md.^antly  dismissed  the  Tynan  ambassado.^,  and  announced  his  in- 
tent^n  o   laying  siege  to  their  city.    The  Tynans  probably  deemed  it 

ZhT.    n,   ?  ""^  '{  "*'""■"  ^  P'^^  °^  ^^  «'«"Sth,  id  had  been 
rendered  s  lU  stronger  by  art    The  island  on  which  it  stood  was  half  a 
mde  diston  from  the  mainland ;  and  though  the  channel  was  shallow  near 
he  coast,  It  deepened  to  three  fathoms  near  the  island.     The  shores  of 
Itl  f-t  T"  T  ^"""^  precipitous,  and  the  walls  rose  from  the  cKffs  to 
the  height  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  solid  masomy.    The  cify  was 
abmid.antly  supplied  with  fresh  water;  was  weU  furnished  with  arms  and 
ppovwions;  possessed  an  intelligent  and  warlike  population ;  and  thou-^h 
the  greater  part  of  the  fleet  was  absent  m  the  Peisian  service,  ithad  In 
Its  two  harbors  a  competent  number  of  vessels  of  war.    As  Alexander 
possessed  no  ships,  the  only  method  by  which  he  could  approach  the  town 


'    li 


«  i 


J 


500 


HISTOKT   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


B.  C.  332.] 


was  by  constructing  a  causeway,  the  materials  for  which  were  collected 
from  the  forests  of  Libanus  and  the  ruins  of  Old  Tyre.  Through  the 
shallow  part  of  the  water  the  work  proceeded  rapidly ;  but  as  it  approached 
the  town  the  difficulties  increased,  both  from  the  greater  depth  of  the  water, 
and  from  the  workmen  being  exposed  to  missiles  from  the  town  and  from 
the  Tyrian  galleys.  To  obviate  the  latter  inconvenience,  Alexander  caused 
two  wooden  towers,  covered  with  hides,  to  be  built  at  the  head  of  the  mole, 
which  would  serve  both  to  protect  the  workmen,  and  to  keep  assailants 
at  a  distance  by  the  missiles  hurled  from  engines  at  the  top  of  the  towers. 
The  Tyrians,  however,  contrived  to  bum  these  towers,  by  seizing  the  op- 
portunity of  a  favorable  breeze  to  drive  against  them  a  vessel  filled  with 
dry  Wood,  besmeared  with  pitch,  and  other  combustible  materials.  The 
Macedonians  being  thus  driven  from  the  mole,  the  Tyrians  came  off  in 
boats,  and  destroyed  such  parts  of  it  as  the  flames  had  spared.  But  Alex- 
ander was  so  far  from  being  discouraged  by  this  mishap,  that  he  began 
the  work  again  on  a  larger  scale.  He  also  procured  ships  from  Sidon 
and  other  places  in  order  to  protect  it,  and  in  a  little  time  had  collected  a 
fleet  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  sail,  which  he  exercised  in  nautical  ma- 
noeuvres ;  and  thus  forced  the  Tyrian  galleys,  which  had  previously  mo- 
lested the  progress  of  the  work,  to  keep  within  their  harbor.  After  over- 
coming many  difficulties,  the  mole  was  at  length  pushed  to  the  foot  of  the 
walls,  which  were  now  assailed  with  engines  of  a  novel  description.  The 
besieged  on  their  side  resorted  to  many  ingenious  methods  of  defence, 
among  which  was  the  discharging  of  heated  sand  on  the  besiegers,  which, 
penetrating  beneath  the  armor,  occasioned  great  torment.  But  it  now 
began  to  grow  evident  that  the  city  must  fall ;  and  as  soon  as  Alexander 
had  effected  a  practicable  breach,  he  ordered  a  general  assault  both  by 
land  and  sea.  The  breach  w^as  stormed  under  the  immediate  inspection  of 
Alexander  himself;  and  though  the  Tyrians  made  a  desperate  resistance, 
they  were  at  length  overpowered,  when  the  city  became  one  wide  scene 
of  indiscriminate  caraage  and  plunder.  The  siege  had  lasted  seven  months, 
and  the  Macedonimis  were  so  exasperated  by  the  difficulties  and  dangers 
they  had  undergone,  that  they  granted  no  quarter.  Eight  thousand  of  the 
citizens  are  said  to  have  been  massacred ;  and  the  remainder,  with  the 
exception  of  the  king  and  some  of  the  principal  men,  who  had  taken  ref- 
uge in  the  temple  of  Melcart,  were  sold  into  slavery,  to  the  number  of 
thirty  thousand.     Tyre  was  taken  in  the  month  of  July,  b.  c.  332. 

Whilst  Alexander  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Tyre,  Darius  made  him 
further  and  more  advantageous  proposals.  He  now  offi?red  ten  thousand 
talents  as  the  ransom  of  his  family,  together  with  all  the  provinces  w  est  of 
the  Euphrates,  and  his  daughter  Barsine  in  marriage,  as  the  conditions  of  a 
peace.  When  these  offers  were  submitted  to  the  Council,  Parmenio  was 
not  unnaturally  struck  with  their  magnificence,  and  observed,  that,  were  he 
Alexander,  he  would  accept  them.    "  And  so  would  I,*'  replied  the  king, 


FOUNDATION  OP  ALEXANDRIA. 


501 


were  I  Parmenio."     Had  Alexander's  views  been  bounded  by  the  po- 
itical  ach^ntage  of  Macedonia,  he  would  doubtless  have  adopted   Z 

nature.     He  felt  more  pleasure  in  acquiring  than  in  possessing;  and  aa 
his  prospects  expanded  with  his  progress,  he  was  unwilling  to  accept  wh^ 
he  consiteed  a.  only  an  instalment  of  the  vast  empire  which  he  wa 
destined  to  attain.     Darius,  therefore,  prepared  himself  for  a  desperat 
resistance.  ^'--I'ciaie 

P-inf  ■  t^T,.*^''"  "*"  '^^'■''  ^'^^'^"'i'^'-  '"••"•ehed  with  his  army  towards 
Egypt,  whilst  h,s  fleet  proceeded  along  the  coa.t.     Ga^a,  a  str,>ng  fortress 
on  the  sea-shore,  obstinately  held  out,  and  delayed  his  progress  three  or 
four  months.    According  to  a  tradition  presei-ved  in  Josephus,  it  was  at 
On.  tune  tha    Alexander  visited  Jerusalem,  and,  struck  with  its  pious 
pnests  and  holy  ntes,  endowed  the  city  with  extraordinary  privileges,  and 
fte  pnesthood  w.th  ample  gifts;  but  this  stoiy  does  not  appear  in  any 
other  anc,ent  author.    After  the  capture  of  Gaza,  Alexander  met  his  fleet 
at  Pelusmm,  and  ordered  it  to  sail  up  the  Nile  as  far  as  Memphis,  whither 
he  himself  marched  with  his  army  across  the  desert.    Alexander  conciliat- 
ed the  affection  of  the  Egyptians  by  the  respect  with  which  he  treated 
aeu-  national  superstitions,  whikt  the   Persians  by  an  opposite  line  of 
conduct  had  incurred  their  deadliest  hatred.    Alexander  then  sailed  down 
the  western  branch  of  the  Nile,  and  at  its  mouth  traced  the  plan  of  the 
new  city  of  Alexandria,  which  for  many  centuries  continued  to  be  not 
only  the  grand  emporium  of  Europe,  Africa,  and  India,  but  also  the  prin- 
cipal centre  of  intellectual  hfe.     Being  now  on  the  confines  of  Libya.  Al- 
exander resolved  to  visit  the  celebr.ated  oracle  of  Zeus  Ammon,  which 
by  m  the  bosom  of  the  Libyan  wilderness,  and  which  was  reported  to 
have  been  consulted  by  his  two  heroic  ancestors,  Hercules  and  Perseus. 
As  he  marched  towards  the  oiu«is  in  which  it  was  situated,  he  was  met 
by  envoys  fi-om  Cyrene,  bringing  with  them  magnificent  presents,  amon-^st 
which  were  five  chariots  and  three  hundred  war-hordes.    After  marchiL 
along  the  coast  for  about  two  hundred  miles,  Alexander  struck  to  the 
southeast  mto  the  desert;  when  a  five  days'  journey  over  pathless  sands 
and  under  a  scorching  sun  brought  him  to  the  well-watered  and  richly- 
wooded  valley,  containing  the  renowned  .-md  ancient  temple  of  Ammon 
The  conqueror  wa^  received  by  tlie  priests  with  all  the  honors  of  sacred 
pomp     lie  consulted  the  oracle  in  secret,  and  is  said  never  to  have  dis- 
closed  the  answer  which  he  received;  though  that  it  was  an  answer  that 
con  ented  him  appeared  from  the  magnificence  of  the  offerings  which  he 
mmle  to  the  god      Some  say  that  Ammon  saluted  him  as  the  son  of  Zeus. 
§  13    Alexander  retui-ned  to  Phcenicia  in  the  spring  of  331.     He  then 
directed  his  march  through  Sam.aria,  and  arrived  at  Thapsacus  on  the  Eu- 
phmtes  about  the  end  of  August.    After  crossing  the  river,  he  struck  to  the 
northeast  through  a  fertile  and  weU-suppUed  country.    On  his  march  h» 


502 


MISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


I' 


was  told  tlmt  Darius  was  posted  with  an  immense  force  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Tigris ;  but  on  arriving  at  that  river,  he  found  nobody  to  dispute  his 
passage.  He  then  pixKieeded  southwards  along  its  banks,  and  after  four 
days'  march  fell  in  with  a  few  squadrons  of  the  enemy's  cavalry.  From 
some  of  these  who  were  made  prisoners  Alexander  learned  that  Darius 
was  encamped  with  his  host  on  one  of  the  extensive  plains  between  tlie 
Tigris  and  the  mountains  of  Kurdistan,  near  a  village  called  Gaugamela 
(the  Camel's  House).  The  towTi  of  Arbela,  after  which  the  battle  that 
ensued  is  commonly  named,  lay  at  about  twenty  miles'  distance,  and  there 
Darius  had  deposited  his  baggage  and  treasure.  That  monarch  had  been 
easily  persuaded  that  his  former  defeat  was  owing  solely  to  the  nature  of 
the  ground ;  and  therefore  he  now  selected  a  wide  plain  for  an  engage- 
ment, where  there  was  abundant  room  for  his  multitudinous  infantry,  and 
for  the  evolutions  of  his  horsemen  and  charioteers.  Alexander,  after  giv- 
ing his  army  a  few  days'  rest,  set  out  to  meet  the  enemy  soon  after  mid 
night,  in  order  that  he  might  come  up  with  them  about  daybreak.  On 
ascending  some  sand-hills  the  whole  array  of  the  Persians  suddenly  burst 
upon  the  view  of  the  Macedonians,  at  the  distance  of  three  or  four  miles. 
Darius,  as  usual,  occupied  the  centre,  sun-ounded  by  his  body-guard  and 
chosen  troops.  In  front  of  the  royal  position  were  i-anged  the  Mar-chariots 
and  elephants,  and  on  either  side  the  Greek  mercenaries,  to  the  number, 
it  is  said,  of  fifty  thousand.  Alexander  spent  the  first  day  in  surveying 
the  ground  and  preparing  for  the  attack ;  he  also  addressed  his  troops, 
pointing  out  to  them  that  the  prize  of  victory  would  not  be  a  mere  prov- 
ince, but  the  dominion  of  all  Asia.  Yet  so  great  was  the  tranquillity  with 
which  he  contemplated  the  result,  that  at  daybreak  on  the  following  mom- 
ing,  when  the  officers  came  to  receive  his  final  instructions,  they  found 
him  in  a  deep  slumber.  His  army,  which  consisted  only  of  forty  thousand 
feot  and  seven  thousand  horse,  was  drawn  up  m  the  order  which  he  usu- 
ally observed,  namely,  with  the  phalanx  in  the  centre  in  six  divisions,  and 
the  Macedonian  cavaby  on  the  right,  where  Alexander  liimself  took  his 
station.  And  as  there  was  great  danger  of  being  outflanked,  he  foi-med  a 
second  Une  in  the  rear,  composed  of  some  divisions  of  the  phalanx  and 
a  number  of  light  troops  and  cavaky,  which  were  to  act  in  any  quarter 
threatened  by  the  enemy.  Tlie  Persians,  fearful  of  being  surprised,  had 
Stood  under  arms  the  whole  night,  so  that  the  morning  found  them  ex- 
hausted and  dispirited.  Some  of  them,  however,  fought  with  considerable 
bravery ;  but  when  Alexander  had  succeeded  in  breaking  theu-  line  by  an 
impetuous  charge,  Darius  mounted  a  fleet  horse  and  took  to  flight,  as  at 
Issus,  though  tlie  fortune  of  the  day  was  yet  far  from  having  been  decided. 
At  length,  however,  the  rout  became  generaL  Whilst  daylight  lasted,  Al- 
exander pursued  the  flying  enemy  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Lycus,  or 
Greater  Zab,  where  thousands  of  the  Persians  perished  in  the  attempt  ta 
pass  the  river.    After  resting  his  men  a  few  houi^s,  Alexander  continued 


B.  C.  331.] 


BATTLE    OF  ARBELA. 


503 


the  pursuit  at  midnight,  in  the  hope  of  overtaking  Darius  at  Arbela.    The 

butTwirll;  Tu    '^'^  '"^"""^  ^'''  ^'^'''  ^'^^^^"^  ^^topping; 

bu    he  whole  of  the  royal  baggage  and  treasure  was  captured  at  Arbela! 

§  14    Fmdmg  any  further  pursuit  of  Darius  hopeless,  Alexander  now 
directed  his  march  towards  Babylon.     At  a  little  distance  from  the  citv 
the  greater  part  of  the  population  came  cut  to  meet   him,   headed  bv 
their  priests  and  magistrates,  tendering  their  submission,  and  bearin^r  with 
them  magnificent  presents.      Alexander  then  made  his  triumphant^^ntry 
into  Babylon,  riding  in  a  chariot  at  the  head  of  his  army.     The  streets 
were  strewed  with  flowers,  incense  smoked  on  either  hand  on  silver  altai's 
and  the  priests  celebrated  his  entry  with  hymns.     Nor  was  this  the  mere' 
display  of  a  compulsory  obedience.      Under  the  Persian  sway  the  Chal- 
dean religion  had  been  oppressed  and  persecuted;  the  temple  of  Belus 
had  been  destroyed  and  still  lay  in  ruins;  and  botli  priests  and  people 
consequently  rejoiced  at  the  downfall  of  a  dynasty  ft-om  whicli  thev  had 
suffered  so  much  wrong.     Alexander,  whose  enlarged  views  on  the  sillyect 
of  popular  religion  had  probably  been  derived  from  Aristotle,  observed 
here  the  same  poUtic  conduct  which  he  had  adopted  in  Egypt.    He  caused 
the  ruined  temples  to  be  restored,  and  proposed  to  offer  personally,  but 
under  the  direction  of  the  priests,  a  sacrifice  to  Belus.     He  then  made 
arrangements  for  the  safety  and  government  of  the  city.     He  appointed 
Mazaeus,  the  Persian  officer  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  it,  satrap  of 
Babylon;  but  he  occupied  the  citadel  with  a  garrison  of  one  thousand 
Macedonians  and  other  Greeks,  whilst  the  collection  of  the  revenues  was 
also  mtrusted  to  a  Greek  named  Asclepiodorus.     Alexander  contemplated 
making  Babylon  the  capital  of  his  future  empire.    His  army  was  rev^^rded 
with  a  large  donative  from  the  Persian  treasury ;  and,  after  being  aUowed 
to  mdulge  for  some  time  in  the  luxury  of  Babylon,  was  again  put  in  mo- 
Uon,  towards  the  middle  of  November,  for  Susa.     It  was  there  that  the 
Persian  treasures  were  chiefly  accumulated,  and  Alexander  had  despatched 
Philoxenus  to  take  possession  of  the  city  immediately  after  the  battle  of 
Arbela.     It  was  sun-endered  without  a  blow  by  the  satrap  Abulites      The 
treasure  found  there  amounted  to  forty  thousand  talents  in  gold  and  silver 
bullion,  and  nine  thousand  in  gold  Darics.      But  among  all  these  riches 
the  interest  of  the  Greeks  must  have  been  excited  in  a  lively  manner  bv 
the  discovery  of  the  spoils  carried  off"  from  Greece  by  Xerxes.     Amonol 
them  were  the  bronze  statues  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton,  which  Al- 
exander now  sent  back  to  Athens,  and  which  were  long  afterwards  pre- 
served  m  the  Cerameicus. 

At  Susa  Alexander  received  reinforcements  of  about  fifteen  thousand 
men  from  Greece.  Amyntas,  who  conducted  them,  brought  tidin-s  of  dis- 
turbances in  Greece,  fomented  by  Sparta;  and  to  assist  in  quelhng  them 
Alexander  transmitted  a  considerable  sum  to  the  regent  Antipater.  He 
then  directed  his  march  southeastwards  towards  Persepohs.      His  road 


# 


104 


HISTORY   OP  GEEECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


't 


I 


He! 


lay  through  the  mountainous  territory  of  the  Uxians,  who  refused  him  a 
passage  unless  he  paid  the  usual  tribute  which  they  were  in  the  habit  of 
extorting  even  from  the  Persian  kings.  But  Alexander  routed  them  with 
great  slaughter.  The  difficult  mountain  defile  called  the  "  Persian  Gates/' 
fonning  the  entrance  into  Persis,  still  remained  to  be  passed,  which  was 
defended  by  Ariobarzanes,  the  satrap  of  that  district,  with  forty  thousand 
foot  and  seven  hundred  horse.  Ariobarzanes  had  also  built  a  wall  across 
the  pass ;  but  Alexander  turned  the  position  by  ascending  the  heights  with 
part  of  his  army,  whilst  the  remainder  stormed  and  carried  the  wall ;  and 
the  Persians  were  nearly  all  cut  to  pieces.  He  then  advanced  rapidly  to 
Ferfeepolis,  whose  magnificent  ruins  still  attest  its  ancient  splendor.  It 
was  the  real  capital  of  the  Persian  kings,  though  they  generally  resided  at 
Susa  during  the  winter,  and  at  Ecbatana  in  summer.  The  treasure  found 
there  exceeded  that  both  of  Babylon  and  Susa,  and  is  said  to  have  amounted 
to  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  talents,  or  nearly  thirty  million  pounds 
sterling.*  It  was  here  that  Alexander  is  related  to  have  committed  an 
act  of  senseless  folly,  by  firing  with  his  own  hand  the  ancient  and  mag^ 
nificent  palace  of  the  Persian  kings;  of  wliich  the  most  charitable  version 
is  that  he  committed  the  act  when  heated  w^th  wine  at  the  instigation  of 
Thais,  an,  Athenian  courtesan.  By  some  writers,  however,  the  story  is 
altogether  disbelieved,  and  the  real  destruction  of  Persepolis  referred  to 
the  Mohammedan  epoch.  Whilst  at  Persepolis,  Alexander  visited  the 
tomb  of  Cyrus,  the  founder  of  the  Persian  monarchy,  which  was  situated 
at  a  little  distance,  at  a  city  called  Pasargadae. 

§  15.  Thus,  in  between  three  and  four  years  after  crossing  the  Helle- 
spont, Alexander  had  established  himself  on  the  Persian  throne.    But  Da- 
rius was  not  yet  in  his  power.    After  the  battle  of  Arbela,  that  monarch 
had  fled  to  Ecbatana,  the  ancient  capital  of  Media,  where  he  seemed  dis- 
posed to  watch  the  turn  of  events,  and  whence,  if  he  should  be  again  threat- 
ened, he  meditated  flying  farther  north  across  the  Oxus.     It  was  not  till 
about  four  months  after  the  battle  of  Arbela,  and  consequently  early  in 
330,  that  Alexander  quitted  Persepolis  to  resume  the  pursuit  of  Darius. 
On  approaching  Ecbatana,  he  learned  that  the  Persian  monarch  had  al- 
ready fled  ^vith  the  little  army  which  still  adhered  to  him.     On  arriving 
at  that  place,  Alexander  permitted  the  troops  of  the  alhes  to  return  home 
if  they  wished,  as  the  main  object  of  the  expedition  had  been  accomplished ; 
but  many  volunteered  to  remain  with  him,  and  the  rest  were  dismissed 
with  a  handsome  share  of  booty,  m  addition  to  their  pay.    The  treasures 
which  had  been  conveyed  from  Persepolis  were  lodged  in  the  citadel  of 
Ecbatana,  under  the  guard  of  six  thousand  Macedonians,  besides  cavalry 
and  light  troops.     Alexander,  with  his  main  body,  then  pursued  Darius 
through  Media  by  forced  marches,  and  reached  Rhagae,  a  distance  of  three 


♦-About  $  125,000,000.  —  Ed. 


B.  C.  330.] 


DEATH   OF  DARIUS. 


505 


hundred  mdes  from  Ecbatana,  in  eleven  days.     Such  was  the  rapidity  of 
the  march,  that  many  men  and  horses  died  of  fatigue.    At  Rhacrae  he 
heard  that  Darius  had  already  passed  the  defile  caUed  the  "  Caspian  Gates  " 
leadmg  into  the  Baetrian  provinces ;  and,  as  that  pass  was  fifty  miles  diL 
tant,  urgent  pursuit  was  evidently  useless.     He  therefore  allowed  his 
troops  five  days'  rest,  and  then  resumed  his  march.     Soon  after  passin- 
the  Gates  he  learned  that  Darius  had  been  seized  and  loaded  with  chainl 
by  his  own  satrap,  Bessus,  who  entertjiined  the  design  of  establishing  him- 
selt  m  Baetria  as  an  independent  sovereign.     This  inteUigence  stinmlated 
Alexander  to  make  still  further  haste  with  part  of  his  cavalry  and  a  chosen 
body  of  foot     On  the  fourth  day  he  succeeded  in  overtaking  the  fu^ntives 
with  his  cavalry,  having  been  obliged  to  leave  the  infantry  behind,  with 
directions  to  follow  more  at  leisure.     The  enemy,  who  did  not  know  his 
real  strength,  were  struck  with  consternation  at  his  appearance,  and  fled 
precipitately.      Bessus  and  his  adherents  now  endeavored  to  persuade 
Darius  to  fly  with  them,  and  provided  a  fleet  horse  for  that  puq^ose.    But 
the  Persian  monarch,  who  had  already  experienced  the  generosity  of  Al- 
exander in  the  treatment  of  his  captive  family,  preferred  to  fall  into  his 
hands,  whereupon  the  conspirators  mortally  wounded  him  m  the  chariot 
m  which  they  kept  him  confined,  and  then  took  to  flight.     Darius  expired 
before  Alexander  could  come  up,  who  threw  his  own  cloak  over  the  body 
He  then  ordered  him  to  be  magnificently  buried  in  the  tomb  of  his  ances- 
tors, and  provided  for  the  fitting  education  of  his  chUdren. 

§  16.  Alexander  next  invaded  Ilyrcania,  a  province  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire, on  the  southern  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  took  possession  of 
Zadracarta,  the  chief  io^yn  in  the  country.     From  thence  he  undertook 
an  expedition  against  the  Mardians,  a  warlike  tribe  in  the  western  part 
of  Hyrcania,  who,  thinking  themselves  secure  amidst  their  forests  and 
mountains,  had  refused  to  make  their  submission.    After  chastisincr  the 
Mardians,  Alexander  quitted  Zadracarta,  and  pursued  his  march  eastwards 
through  the  province  of  Aria.     Near  Artacoana,  the  capital  of  Aria,  he 
founded  a  city  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Arius,  caUed  after  him  (Alex- 
andria  Ariorum),  and  which,  under  the  name  of  Herat,  is  stiU  one  of  the 
chief  cities  in  Central  Asia.     Hence  he  proceeded  southwards  to  Proph- 
tha^ia,  the  capital  of  Drangiana,  where  his  stay  was  signalized  by  a  sup- 
posed  conspiracy  against  his  hfe,  formed  by  Philotas,  the  son  of  Parmenio. 
Alexander  had  long  entertained  suspicions  of  Philotas.     Whilst  still  m 
Egypt  he  had  discovered  that  Philotas  had  spoken  disparagmgly  of  his 
exploits,  and  had  boasted  that,  without  the  aid  of  his  fatherland  himself, 
Alexander  would  never  have  been  able  to  aehieve  his  conquests.     He  had 
also  ridiculed  the  oracle  respecting  Alexander's  supernatural  birth,  and 
had  more  recently  opposed  the  inclination  which  that  monarch  now  began 
to  display  to  assume  all  the  pomp  and  state  of  a  Persian  kmg.     But  the 
unmediate  subject  of  aecusation  agamst  hun  was,  that  he  had  not  revealed 

64 


fl 


I 


i06 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV 


III 


rff' 


a  conspiracy  which  was  reported  to  be  forming  against  Alexander's 
life,  and  which  he  had  deemed  too  contemptible  to  notice.  He  was 
consequently  suspected  of  being  implicated  in  it ;  and  on  being  put  to 
the  torture,  he  not  only  confessed  his  own  guilt  in  his  agonies,  but  also 
implicated  his  father.  Philotas  was  executed,  and  an  order  was  sent  to 
Ecbataua,  where  Parmenio  then  was,  directing  that  veteran  general 
to  be  put  to  death.  A  letter,  purporting  to  be  from  his  son,  was  handed  to 
Mm ;  and  whilst  the  old  man  was  engaged  in  reading  it,  Polydamas,  his 
intimate  friend,  together  with  some  others  of  Alexander's  principal  olficers, 
fell  upon  and  slew  him.  His  head  was  carried  to  Alexander.  Hepha^stion, 
who  had  been  active  m  exciting  the  king's  suspicion  against  Philotas,  was 
rewarded  with  a  share  of  the  command  vacated  by  his  death ;  but  the 
horse-guards  were  now  divided  into  two  regunents,  one  of  which  was 
given  to  Hephaistion  and  the  other  to  Cleitus. 

§  17.  Late  in  the  year  330,  Alexander  directed  his  march  southwards,  to 
the  banks  of  the  Etymandrus  (the  Ifelmund),  where  he  remained  sixty 
days.  Hence  he  penetrated  into  Arachosia,  and  founded  there  another 
Alexandria,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  modem  city  of  Candahar,  He 
then  crossed  tlie  lofty  mountains  of  Paropamisus,  called  Caucasus  by  the 
Greeks  (now  Ilindoo-Koosh),  which  were  covered  with  deep  snow,  and 
80  barren  that  they  did  not  even  afford  firewood  for  his  army.  At  the 
foot  of  one  of  the  passes  of  these  mountains  Alexander  founded  another 
city  called  Alexandria  ad  Caucasum,  situated  probably  about  fifty  miles 
Borthwest  of  CahuL 

Alexander  now  entered  Bactria ;  but  Bessus  did  not  wait  his  approach, 
and  fled  across  the  Oxus  into  Sogdiana.  Early  in  the  summer  of  329, 
Alexander  followed  him  across  the  Oxus ;  and  shortly  afterwards  Bessus 
was  betrayed  by  two  of  liis  own  officers  into  the  hands  of  Alexander. 
Bessus  was  carried  to  Zariaspa,  the  capital  of  Bactria,  where  he  was 
brought  before  a  Persian  court,  and  put  to  death  in  a  cruel  and  baibarous 
manner. 

Alexander  next  took  possession  of  Maracanda  (now  Samarcand),  the 
capital  of  Sogdiana,  from  whence  he  advanced  to  the  river  Jaxartes  (Sir), 
which  he  designed  to  make  the  boundary  of  his  empire  against  the  Scy- 
lihians.  On  the  banks  of  that  river  he  founded  the  city  of  Alexandria 
Eschate  (the  last  or  farthest),  probably  the  modem  Khojend,  After 
crossing  the  river  and  defeating  the  Scythians,  who  menaced  him  on  the 
opposite  bank,  he  returned  into  winter-quarters  at  Zariaspa. 

Sogdiana,  however,  was  not  yet  subdued,  and  accordingly,  in  the 
following  year,  328,  Alexander  again  crossed  the  Oxus.  He  divided  his 
army  into  &Ye  bodies,  ordering  them  to  scour  the  country  in  different 
directions.  With  the  troops  under  his  own  command  he  marched  against 
the  fortress  called  the  Sogdian  Rock,  seated  on  an  isolated  hill,  so 
precipitous  as  to  be  deemed  inaccessible,  and  m  well  suppUed  with 


B.  C.  328.] 


MURDER   OF   CLEITUS. 


507 


I 


S'tSl't '""'"':     Thesu„stosu.e„derwas  treated 

k  d  wS  V     But?  "TfL'"'  :'°  '"''"""''  "^''""^^  "^«  Macedonians 
nau  «,ng».^     But  a  smaU  body  of  Macedonians   havin»  succeeded  in 

aTiTaMH?'-^  "'^"'  7^''""=  '""^  ^°"--'  '"^^  ^^rrisoXcle  2 
aiaimed  that  they  immediately  surrendered.     To  tliis  nlnop  «  T^o  *  • 

the  it^r^"''"'  T  '"""""^  *^  Maracanda,  where  he  wa.  joined  by 
fppid  mT",  r  '"  ^''  '"'^  ""^"^  ^'^'"^S  at  tins  We  he 
of  r  t  .  ?  ^T'  '""'"^^  °^  ^'"''"'^  <^"  ">«  eve  of  the  parting 
of  the  two  fnends,  Alexa.,der  celebrated  a  festival  in  honor  of  th^ 
D,o  cu  .,.„„„h  the  day  wa.  sacred  to  Dionysus.  The  banquet  wa 
attended  by  several  parasites  and  literary  flatterci-s,  who  ma^iflel 
the  pr,„es  o  Alexander  with  extravagant  and  nauseous  flatte  y  Sut 
whom  w,ne  had  released  from  all  prudent  reserve,  sternly  rebuked  2 

me  Its  of  the  exploits  of  Alexander  and  his  father  Philip,  he  did  not 
Wate  to  prefer  the  exploits  of  the  latter.  He  reminded 'ilexander^ 
bs  former  services,  and,  stretching  forth  his  hand,  exclaimed,  "It  was  thU 
hand  Alexander,  which  saved  your  life  at  the  battle  of  th  Gral'u  " 
The  kmg  who  was  also  flushed  with  wine,  was  so  enraged  by  tre;e 
remarks,  that  he  rushed  at  Cleitus  with  the  intention  of  killi^  him  o^  the 
spot,  but  he  was  held  back  by  his  friends,  whilst  Cleitus  was\t  tl  L^J 
tune  burned  out  of  the  room.  Alexander,  however,  was  no  sZr 
pleased,  than,  snatching  a  spear,  he  sprang  to  the  dU,  and  melng 

^rough  the  body.  But  when  the  deed  was  done,  he  was  seized  w^th 
r^penlance  and  remorse.  He  flung  himself  on  his  couch  and  remained  for 
three  whole  days  in  an  agony  of  grief,  refusing  all  sustenance,  and  cluin" 
on  the  naines  of  Cleitus  and  of  his  sister  Lanice,  who  had  been  his  nurse 
It  was  not  till  his  bodily  strength  began  to  fail  through  prot^t  labTt  ' 
nence  that  he  at  last  became  more  composed,  and  c^nse' tedtlt^n t 
the  consoteions  of  his  friends,  and  the  words  of  the  soothsayers  /who 
ascribed  the  murder  of  Cleitus  to  a  tempoi^ry  fi.nzy  with  which  dL 

Kfellr'  '""  --  '  ^""'^'•"'-*  '-  -="•->"="  '-e  eelehmtion 

J  "■/'^r  '^'^"'^^  "'"  "^^  °^  *"  *'*«^^«^  "f  S°g<li'«a.  Alexander 
returned  mto  Bactria  in  327,  and  began  to  pi^pai^  for  h  s  praject^ 

agamst  h.s  life  by  the  royal  pages,  incited  by  Her^olaus,  one  of  their 
number,  w-ho  had  been  punished  with  stripes  for  anticipating  the  king 
dunng  a  huntmg  party  in  slaying  a  wild  boar.  Hemiolaus '  and  his 
associates,  among  whom  was  Callisthenes,  a  pupU  of  Aristotle,  were  first 


i| 


508 


HISTORY  OP  GBEKCE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


t 


< 


•■( 


\ 


tortiiretl,  and  llieii  put  to  death.  It  seems  certain  that  a  conspiracy 
existed;  but  no  less  certain,  that  the  growing  pride  and  haughtiness 
of  Alexander  were  gradually  alienating  from  him  the  hearts  of  hig 
Ibllowers. 

Alexander  did  not  leave  Bactria  till  late  in  the  spring.     He  crossed 
the  Indus  by  a  bridge  of  boats  near  Taxila,  the  present  Attock,  where  the 
river  is  alx»ut  one  thousand  feet  broatl,  and  very  deep.     He  is  said  to 
have  entered  India  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  foot 
and  fifteen  thousand  horse,  the  greater  part  of  whom  must  necessarily 
have  been  Asiatics.     He  now  found  himself  in  the  district  at  present 
called  the  Penj-ah  (or  the  Five  Rivers).     Taxiles,  the  sovereign  of  the 
district,  at  once  surrendered  Taxila,  his  capital,  and  joined  the  Mace- 
donian  force  with  &ve  thousand  men.     Hence  Alexander  proceeded  with 
little  resistance  to  the  river  Hydaspes  {BehiU  or  Jelum),     On  tlie  opposite 
bank,  Porus,*  a  powerful  Indian  king,  prepared  to  dispute  his  progress 
with  a  numerous  and  well-appointed  force.    Alexander,  however,  by  a 
skilful  stratagem,  conveyed  his  army  safely  across  the  river.    An  obsti- 
nate battle  then  ensued.    In  the  army  of  Porus  were  many  elephants, 
the  sight  and  smell  of  which  frightened  the  horses  of  Alexander*s  cav- 
alry.    But  these  unwieldy  animals  ultimately  proved  as  dangerous  to  the 
Indians  as  to  the  Greeks ;  for  when  driven  into  a  narrow  space,  they 
became  unmanageable,  and  created  great  confusion  in  the  ranks  of  Porus. 
By  a  few  vigorous  charges  the  Indians  were  completely  routed,  with  the  loss 
of  twelve  thousand  slain  and  nine  thousand  prisoners.     Among  the  latter 
was  Porus  himself,  who  was  conducted  into  the  presence  of  Alexander. 
The  courage  which  he  had  displayed  in  the  battle  had  excited  tlie  admira- 
tion of  the  Micedonian  king.    Mounted  on  an  enonnous  elephant,  he 
retreated  leisurely  when  the  day  was  lost,  and  long  rejected  every  sum- 
mons to  surrender;  till  at  length,  overcome  by  tliirst  and  fatigue,  he 
permitted  himself  to  be  taken.    Even  in  this  situation  Porus  still  re- 
tained his  majestic  bearing,  the  effect  of  which  was  increased  by  the 
extraordinary  height  of  his  stature.     On  Alexander's  inquiring  how  he 
wished  to  be  treated,  he  replied,  "  Like  a  kmg. "  "  And  have  you  no  other 
request?"  asked  Alexander.    "No,**  answerd  Porus;  "everything  is 
comprehended  in  the  word  king."     Struck  by  his  magnanimity,  Alexan- 
der not  only  restored  him  to  his  dominions,  but  also  considerably  enlarged 
them;  seeking  by  these  means  to  retain  him  as  an  obedient  and  faithful 
TassaL 

Alexander  rested  a  month  on  the  banks  of  the  Hydaspes,  where  he 
celebrated  his  victory  by  games  and  sacrifices,  and  founded  two  towns, 
mm  of  which  he  named  Nicaea,  and  the  other  Bucephala,  in  honor  of  his 


«  Porus  is  probably  a  corruption  of  the  Sanscrit  word  "  Pauruslia,"  which  signifies 
ft  "hero." 


B.  C.  327.] 


INVASION  or  INDIA. 


509 


gallant  charger  Bucephalus,  which  is  said  to  have  died  here      Hp  th.r. 
ave...n  the  whole  of  the  Penj-ab,  as  far  as  the  H^^l  r  ^^^^^^ 
fromT  '^"fr'-.Jl^  -^^  --^"te  resistance 'L  expLenTe^^^^^^^ 

bly  the  modem  Ze^,,e.     They  were  subdued,  and  their  territory  d  vided 
amongst  the  other  Indian  tribes.     Upon  rea..hing  the  Ilyphasis  The  amv 

Z"'uri\T  ^1  '^""''-'^  POsitively%efuse/'to  AL^^^ 
farther ;  although  Alexander  passionately  desired  to  attack  a  monaixh  stij 
more  po^veiful  than  Porus,  whose  dominions,  he  heani,  lay  beyond  th^ 
nver.  All  his  attempts  to  induce  his  soldiers  to  procLdVov".  in! 
effectual,  he  prepared  to  submit  with  a  good  grace  to  an  alternative  ^hich 
trirf  ?,  ^  ---^-ble.  Pretendii^g  that  the  sacrifices  were  un- 
favorable  for  the  passage  of  the  Hyphasis,  he  gave  the  order  for  retreat- 
havmg  first  erected  on  its  banks  twelve  colossal  altaxs  to  mark  the  boun-* 
dary  of  his  conquests  m  that  direction. 

NiLfoTr  ^'T^''  ^°^^"  ^'^^^^  ^t  his  newly  founded  cities  of 
NK^a^a  and  Bucephala  on  the  Hydaspes,  he  divided  his  army  into  tliree 
detaclnnents.     Two  of  these,  under  the   command  of  HeplLion  ^ 
aaterus,  were  ordered  to  descend  the  Hydaspes  on  its  opposite  ba^ks; 
Jhil.  he  himself,  at  the  head  of  eight  thousand  men,  embarked  on  boani 
a  fleet  of  about  two  thousand  vessels,  which  he  had  ordered  to  be  pre- 
pared  with  the   view  of  sailing  down  the  Indus  to  its  mouth.     The 
Ignorance  which  prevailed  among  the  Macedonians  respecting  the  geo<n^ 
phy  of  the  region  to  be  traversed,  may  be  estimated  from  the  cii-c^- 
stance  that  Alexander  at  first  considered  the  Indus  to  be  a  branch  of  tJie 

The  army  began  to  move  in  November,  327.    The  navigation  lasted 
several  months,  but  was  accomplished  without  any  serious  opposition 
except  from  the  tribe  of  the  Malli,  who  are  conjectured  to  have  occupied 
the  site  of  the  present  Mooltan.     At  the  storming  of  their  town  the  life 
of  Alexander  was  exposed  to  imminent  danger.     He  was  the  first  to  scale 
the  walls  of  the  citadel,  and  was  foUowed  by  four  officers ;  but  before  a 
fifth  man  could  mount,  the  ladder  broke,  and  Alexander  was  left  exposed 
on  the  wall  to  the  missiles  of  the  enemy.     From  this  situation  there  were 
only  two  methods  of  escape ;  either  by  leaping  down  among  his  own  army 
or  into  the  citadel  among  the  enemy.     Alexander  chose  the  latter;  and 
alighting  on  his  feet,  placed  his  back  to  the  wall,  where  he  succeeded  m' 
keeping  the  enemy  at  bay,  and  slew  two  of  their  chiefs  who  had  ventured 
withiii   reach  of  his  sword.     But  an  arrow  which  pierced  his  corslet 
brought  him  to  the  ground,  fainting  with  the  loss  of  blood.     Two  of  his 
followers  who  had  jumped  doivn  after  him  now  stood  over  and  defended 
him ;  till  at  length,  more  soldiers  having  scaled  the  walls,  and  opened  one 
of  the  gates,  sufficient  numbers  poured  in  not  only  to  rescue  their  monarch, 
but  to  capture  the  citadel ;  when  every  living  being  within  the  place  was 


I 


5ia 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


B.  C.  325.J 


MUTINY  OF   THE  ARMY. 


1 


ir 


( ' 


put  to  the  sword.  Alexander's  life  was  long  in  great  danger ;  but  when 
he  was  sufficiently  recovered,  he  was  again  placed  in  his  vessel,  and 
dropped  down  the  Hydraotes  (Have)  to  its  confluence  with  the  Acesines. 
Here  his  army  was  encamped ;  and  the  soldiers  testified  by  shouts  and 
tears  their  joy  at  again  beholding  their  commander.  Hence  Alexander 
pursued  his  course  to  the  point  where  the  four  rivers,  now  united  into  one 
stream,  the  Acesines  (Ckenah),  join  the  Indus.  At  their  confluence  he 
ordered  dock-yards  to  be  constructed,  and  another  Alexandria  to  be  built 
Hence  he  pursued  his  voyage  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  all  the  towns  on  eitlier 
bank  of  the  river  submitting  at  his  approach.  When  he  arrived  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Indus,  he  explored  its  estuaries,  and,  accompanied  by  a  few 
horsemen,  skirted  the  margin  of  the  Delta  next  the  sea.  Nearchus  with 
the  fleet  was  directed  to  explore  the  Indian  Ocean,  the  Persian  Gulf,  and 
the  mouths  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  with  the  view  of  establishing  a 
maritime  communication  between  India  and  Persia.  We  have  hitherto 
beheld  Alexander  only  as  a  conqueror ;  but  these  cares  exhibit  him  in  the 
more  pleasing  light  of  a  geographical  discoverer,  and  of  a  sovereign  so- 
Bcitous  for  the  substantial  benefit  of  his  subjects. 

§  21.  From  tliis  point  Alexander  pmceeded  vrith  his  army,  in  the  au- 
tumn of  326,  through  the  burning  deserts  of  Gedrosia  towards  Persepohs  5 
marching  himself  on  foot,  and  sharing  the  privations  and  fatigues  of  the 
meanest  soldier.  In  these  regions  the  very  atmosphere  seems  to  be  com- 
posed of  a  fine  dust,  which  on  the  slightest  wind  penetrates  into  the  mouth 
and  nose,  whilst  the  soil  affords  no  finn  footing  to  the  traveller.  The  march 
through  this  inhospitable  region  lasted  sixty  days,  during  which  numbers 
of  the  soldiers  perished  from  fatigue  or  disease.  At  length  they  emerged 
into  the  fertile  province  of  Carmania.  Whilst  in  this  country,  Alexander 
was  rejoined  by  Nearchus,  who  had  arrived  with  his  fleet  at  Harmozia 
(Ormuz)  ;  but  who  subsequently  prosecuted  his  voyage  to  the  head  of  the 
Persian  Gulf.  The  main  body  of  the  army  under  Hepha^stion  was  di- 
rected to  march  along  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  j  wliilst  Alexander  himself, 
with  his  horse-guai-ds  and  light  infimtry,  took  a  shorter  route  through  Pa- 
sargadae  and  Persepolis.  During  liis  stay  in  the  latter  city,  lie  remedied 
the  disorders  which  had  been  committed  since  he  left  it,  and  executed 
summary  justice  on  the  delmquent  satraps  who  liad  oppressed  the  prov- 
inces of  Persis.  It  was  thus  that  he  caused  his  empire  to  be  respected,  as 
much  by  the  equity  of  his  administration  as  by  the  irresistible  force  of 
his  arms. 

§  22.  From  Persepolis  Alexander  pursued  his  march  to  Susa  (b.  c. 
325),  where  the  soldiers  were  allowed  to  repose  from  their  fatigues,  and 
were  amused  with  a  series  of  brilliant  festivities.  It  was  here  that  he  adopt- 
ed various  measures  with  the  view  of  consolidating  his  empire.  One  of  the 
most  important  was  to  form  the  Greeks  and  Persians  into  one  people  by 
means  of  intermarriages.     He  himself  celebrated  his  nuptials  with  Stateira, 


511 


officers  and  Latic  women  toZ^K  """■"  "'^'^  '^'''^'^«°  Alexandei 
wMst  no  fewer  tha„T„Luslta"oT:.    ' ''  "  '^''  "''''""'  «  "-'^-d 
example  and  took  native    ^"7  A/In^.r""  "^''""  '""''^-'  '^- 
Europeans  and  Asiatics  Z  I"      ,         ,        '""''*"'  "^  "'"algamating  the 
into  the  army,  .tatoZ  ^^d TnlT''!:  °'*^  ^^"^^  *°  "^  "^''■"'"ed 
But  these  inLations  ..TrtZtd     Z    "  ?'  ''''"'^'''"'^"  '-'"-• 
Macedonian  vetenins;  and  tS  ell"      ''     °"  ^^^  ^y  most  of  the 
Alexander  himself,  who  luZl^  I     "''"'^'^  ^^  '^^  «°"d"«t  of 
and  manners  of  an'  tlT^L     Zf'r:  T'  "''"  °*"  ''^^  ^^'^ 
tent  was  repressed  by  tZa^rLr^jT ^T^l  *""  ^"^""^  '''^«-n- 
and  by  the  dischar-^e  of  ,Ii  th^,  ZT   \.       '^"""^  ^-"""g  t'"'  «oWiers, 
dissatisfaction  brok^e  on  ,^  o  on  „  !  ;*         \  "*  ''"°"^  *'"'"•  ^°"=  ^'M^d 
took  place  at  Opis  on  the  TiS     S  "J  't"'""  ^'  '^  '''"'''  -'-'» 
such  Macedonians  as  were  ^^Zon^     1       '''''  ^"'^'^'^  '«  <J'--« 
they  had  clamored  for  tle.VdT-cW      "l^'^'"^^  '^'^'''Wed ;  but  though 

they  now  regarded  itZf^alT:  T  ""'**'^^  ''''  "^  "^  I"''-- 
king  had  better  dismiss  EaU-hi^tf'  "f  ""^'  ""'  ""-'  *« 
battles."  But  the  mutiny  ZaMh  ff  T  ^"^"^  "^'^''^  «ght  his 
der.  He  immediately  Z^Z  S  ^.  T  '""^'  '=°"<^"<='  "^  ^"^^^n- 
executed,  and  then,  aLr  S.  th«it'  >?f' ^  '"  "^  --<!  -<> 
his  own  and  his  father's  exert  on,   trt^r^''  °"'  '"^'^eni  how,  by  . 

«on  of  scattered  herdsllT^le  Z.  ^'orai^^^  'TJ'^  -'"^- 
Asia;  and  that  whiht  he  h^A  nh„  ^       i       ,  ^"^  ^"^  the  lords  of 

nable  fruits  of  his  conquest  he  hS  "^  ""  ™''"'  ^"^^  --'  ^^1- 

himself,  a«  the  mark  of  it'  !  "^T"^  ""*'""=  "^"^  '^'^  diadem  for 

He  the;  secluded  htsSrtriof"^"  ^^  """  ™'"'-"'  ?-•«• 
nian  guani  was  exchanged  2^  P^  '"'  ''"""^  '"'''''  "^'^  ^^e^o- 

nation  were  appointed  tt^"^  ^f™;-'.  f«^t  -"es  of  the  same 

Over«,me  by  thLe  marks  ZSo::!ttJ:Z  ^'"'^'  ^'^''~ 
Macedonians  now  supplicated  «•;»!.  °    °V  i^  *®"" '°''^'"«'gn'  'he 

emn  reconciliation  was  eS  .  iTZ  ^  !"'""''  "^  '^"•°'--  ^  -1- 
to  their  homes  under  thel'^nt;:  St trtT""^  ^  '"■~^ 
pointed  to  the  government  of  MnL  ,       ''*  ^'""^"''^  '^"^  ""^^  <iP- 

traordmary  splendor.     The  beot  «m.         ,  Dwnysus  with  ex- 

number,  it  i.  said,  of  thre!  thola  d  "  """"'"'  "  ""''''''  '«  *« 
whilst  the  natives  «ockcdi:X;rrs"toTeted-  '"''''  T^' 
nesswhat  was  to  them  a  novel  spect.4le  IW  ,f  'V?'''''''  '"''''- 
«^as  suddenly  converted  into  bitters  b^hdioTK  t  '"'"'"''''' 
was  ™d  off  by  a  fever.     This  event  th^re'riSLS'Itc^  mt 


ffl 


\ 


II.' 


512 


BISTORT  OF    GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIV. 


\ 


ancholy,  from  which  he  never  entirely  recovered.  The  memory  of  He 
phsestion  was  honored  by  extravagant  marks  of  public  mourning,  and  his 
body  was  conveyed  to  Babylon,  to  be  there  interred  with  the  utmost  mag- 
nificence. His  name  was  stiU  retained  as  commander  of  a  division  of  the 
cavalry ;  and  the  oflBcer  who  actually  discharged  the  duties  of  the  post 
was  only  regarded  as  his  lieutenant. 

Alexander  entered  Babylon  in  the  spring  of  324,  notwithstanding  the 
warnings  of  the  priests  of  Belus,  who  predicted  some  serious  evil  to  him 
if  he  entered  the  city  at  that  time.  Babylon  was  now  to  witness  the  con- 
fiiimmation  of  his  triumphs  and  of  his  life.  As  in  the  last  scene  of  some 
well-ordered  drama,  all  the  results  and  tokens  of  his  great  achievements 
seemed  to  be  collected  there  to  do  honor  to  his  final  exit.  Ambassadors 
fix)m  all  parts  of  Greece,  from  Libya,  Italy,  and  probably  from  still  more 
distant  regions,  were  waiting  to  salute  him,  and  to  do  homage  to  him  as 
the  conqueror  of  Asia ;  the  fleet  under  Nearchus  had  arrived,  after  its  long 
and  enterprising  voyage,  and  had  been  augmented  by  other  vessels  con- 
structed in  Phoenicia,  and  thence  brought  overland  to  Thapsacus,  and 
down  the  river  to  Babylon ;  whilst  for  the  reception  of  this  navy,  which 
seemed  to  turn  the  inland  capital  of  his  empire  into  a  port,  a  magnificent 
harbor  was  in  process  of  construction.  A  more  melancholy,  and,  it  may  be 
added,  a  more  useless  monument  of  his  greatness,  was  the  funeral  pile 
now  rising  for  Hephsestion,  which  was  constructed  with  such  unparalleled 
splendor,  that  it  is  said  to  have  cost  ten  thousand  talents.  The  mind  of 
Alexander  was  still  occupied  with  plans  of  conquest  and  ambition ;  his 
next  design  was  the  subjugation  of  Arabia ;  which,  however,  was  to  be 
only  the  stepping  stone  to  the  conquest  of  the  whole  known  world.  He 
despatched  tlu^e  expeditions  to  survey  the  coast  of  Arabia ;  ordered  a 
fleet  to  be  built  to  explore  the  Caspian  Sea ;  and  engaged  himself  in  sur- 
veying the  course  of  the  Euphrates,  and  in  devising  improvements  of  its 
navigation.  The  period  for  commencing  the  Arabian  campaign  had  al- 
ready arrived ;  solemn  sacrifices  were  offered  up  for  its  success,  jind  grand 
banquets  were  given  previous  to  departure.  At  these  carousals  Alexan- 
der drank  deep ;  and  at  the  termination  of  the  one  given  by  his  favorite, 
Medius,  he  was  seized  with  unequivocal  symptoms  of  fever.  For  some 
days,  however,  he  neglected  the  disorder,  and  continued  to  occupy  himself 
with  the  necessary  preparations  for  the  march.  But  in  eleven  days  the 
malady  had  gained  a  fatal  strength,  and  terminated  his  life  on  the  28th  of 
June,  B,  c.  323,  at  the  early  age  of  thirty-two.  Wliilst  he  lay  speechless 
on  his  death-bed  his  favorite  troops  were  admitted  to  see  him ;  but  he 
could  offer  them  no  other  token  of  recognition  than  by  stretching  out  hia 
hand. 

i  24.  Few  of  the  gi-eat  characters  of  history  have  been  so  differently 
judged  as  Alexander.  Of  the  magnitude  of  his  exploits,  indeed,  and  of 
the  justice  with  which,  according  to  the  usual  sentiments  of  mankind,  they 


fi.  0.323.] 


CHARACTER    OF  ALEXANDER. 


513 


confer  upon  him  the  title  of  «  Grpif "  th^^r.^  «      u    t 

his  „,otiL  for  undenaking  the^T^t  W  Z^^TT  ^  '.^ 

eminent  writer*  brands  him  as  an  "adventurr"   7     '"  1"''''«"-    ^ 

^  -en,  must  be  auowed  to  i>:^tz^^:^:::^t: :^ 

him  than  of  most  other  conquerors  on  a  larffe  scale      Hk  »r.n-7 

terpr.»es,  than  m  the  real  power  of  the  foes  whom  he  overeamo     T. 
res.s.ance  he  met  with  was  not  greater  than  that  which  a  E~  a^^ 
experiences  m  the  present  day  from  one  composed  of  AsiatS^   Id  Z 

H>  chief  difficulties  were  the  geogiuphical  difficulties  of  distance  cwS" 
and  the  nature  of  the  ground  travelled.  But  this  is  no  p^of  thatte  w2 
mcompetent  to  meet  a  foe  more  worthy  of  his  military  skUlV  and  1 1  pT 
ceedings  m  Greece  before  his  departure  show  the  reverse  ^ 

Hb  motives   it  must  be  allowed,  seem  mther  to  have  sprung  from  the 

tolne^T       t"^.  ^'^I^^  ^^'='"^'"^'^'  ''  -"1-''  than  from'^^h 
to  benefit  his  subjects.    TJie  attention  which  he  occasionally  devoU  to 

commerce,  to  the  foundation  of  new  cities,  and  to  other  matters  ofa'to^ 

the  we  m  ,  „  .^,,  J  ^  ^^^  ot::;^^.^^^ 

rented  which  he  wished  to  prosecute  before  he  had  consolidated  what  Z 
had  already  won.  Yet  on  the  whole  his  achievements,  thou^^h  hey  ut 
doubtedly  occasioned  great  partial  misery,  must  be  regarded  as  "benSo 
ae  human  race;  the  families  of  which,  if  it  were  not  for  some  such  mot  ! 

quests  of  Alexander  the  two  continents  were  n.,t  ;«/„  „i  ■ 

With  one  another;  and  both,  but  vJ:^:;^^::^^^:^'^ 
language,  the  arts,  and  the  literature  of  Greece  ;ere  introdS  "nto  The 
East ;  and  after  the  death  of  Alexander  Greek  kingdoms  we  formedt 
a.e  western  pans  of  Asia,^^hich^on^  exist  for  many  geleraW 

*  Niebuhr. 


m 


;i 


Bust  of  the  Poet  Menander. 
65 


514 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLV. 


1 

I 


/' 


Hi 


;( 


The  Group  of  Niobe.    From  the  coUection  in  the  Ufflcl  Palace  at  Florence. 


CHAPTER    XLV. 

FROM  THE  DEATH  OP  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF 

IPSUS. 

4  1.  Division  of  the  Provinces  after  Alexander's  Death.  §  8.  Retrospective  View  of  Greciaa 
AiTairs.  Revolt  of  Agis.  Demosthenes  <h  G>rom.  4  3.  Arrival  of  Harpalus  at  Athens. 
Accusation  and  Exile  of  Demosthenes.  §  4.  The  Lamian  War.  Defeat  of  Antipater, 
«nd  Siege  of  Lamia.  ^  6.  Defeat  and  Death  of  Leonnatus.  Battle  of  Crannon.  End  ot 
the  Lamian  War.  §6.  Death  of  Demosthenes.  4  T.  Ambitions  Projects  of  Perdiccas.  Bis 
Invasion  of  Egypt,  and  Death.  ^  8.  Fresh  Division  of  the  Provinces  at  Triparadisus.  Death 
of  Antipater.  Polysperchon  becomes  Regent,  and  conciliates  the  Grecian  States.  Death 
of  Phocion.  §  9.  War  between  Polysperchon  and  Cassander.  lll-snccess  of  Polvspcrchon. 
Cassander  becomes  Master  of  Macedonia,  and  pnts  Olympias  to  Death.  J  W.  Coalition 
against  Antigonns.  Peace  concluded  in  B.  c.  311.  Murder  of  Roxana  and  her  Son.  5  It. 
Renewal  of  the  War  against  Antigonns.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  expels  the  Macedoniani 
fiom  Athens.  §  12.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  at  Cyprus.  Battle  of  Salamis.  Attempt  OD 
Egypt    Siege  of  Rhodes,    i  13.  Battle  of  Ipsns,  and  Death  of  Antigonns. 

§  1.  The  unexpected  death  of  Alexander  threatened  to  involve  both 
his  extensive  dominions  and  his  army  in  inextricable  confusion.  On  the 
day  after  his  death  a  military  council  assembled  to  decide  on  the  course 
to  be  pursued.  Alexander  on  his  death-bed  is  said  to  have  given  his  sig- 
net-ring to  Perdiccas,  but  he  had  left  no  legitimate  heir  to  his  throne, 
though  his  wife  Roxana  was  pregnant.  Li  the  discussions  which  ensued 
in  the  council,  Perdiccas  assumed  a  leading  part ;  and  after  much  debate, 
and  a  quarrel  between  the  cavahy  and  infantry,  which  at  first  threatened 
the  most  serious  consequences,  an  arrangement  was  at  length  effected  on 
the  following  basis :  That  Philip  Arrhidseus,  a  young  man  of  weak  intel- 
lect, the  half-brother  of  Alexander  (being  the  son  of  Philip  by  a  Thessa- 


B.  C.  323.] 


PARTITION   OP   THE   EMPIRE. 


515 


to  the  child  of  Roxana,  if  a  son  should  be  born,  a  share  in  the  soverei^ty  • 
that  the  government  of  Macedonia  and  Greece  should  be  divided  between 
Antipater  and  Craterus ;  that  Ptolemy,  who  was  reputed  to  be  connected 
with  the  royal  family,  should  preside  over  Egj-pt  and  the  adj.-«=ent  comi- 
tnes ;  that  Aiitigonus  should  have  Phrygia  Proper,  Lycia,  and  Pamphylia; 
Jat  the  Hellespontine  Phrygia  should  be  assigned  to  Leonnatus;  tha 
Eumenes  should  have  the  satrapy  of  Paphlagonia  and  Cappa^Iocia,  which 
countries,  however,  still  remained  to  be  subdued;  and  that  Thrace  should 
be  committed  to  Lysimachus.     Perdiccas  reserved  for  himself  the  chiU- 
archy,  or  command  of  the  horse-guards,  the  post  before  held  by  Hephies- 
faon,m  virtue  of  which  he  became  the  guardian  ofPhilip  Arrhid.Bus,  the 
nommal  sovereign.      It  was  not  till  some  time  after  these  arrangements 
had  been  completed,  that  the  la^t  rites  were  paid  to  Alexander's  remains 
:n.ey  were  conveyed  to  Alexandria,  and  deposited  in  a  cemetery  which 
afterwards  became  the  burial-place  of  the  Ptolemies.    Nothing  could  ex- 
ceed the  magnificence  of  the  funeral  car,  which  was  adomed^with  oma- 
ments  of  massive  gold,  and  so  heavy,  that  more  than  a  year  was  occupied 
m  «.nveying  It  from  Babylon  to  Syria,  though  drawn  by  eighty-four  mules. 
In  due  time  Roxana  was  delivered  of  a  son,  to  whom  the  name  of  Alex- 
ander was  given,  and  who  was  declared  the  partner  of  Arrhida=us  in  the 
empire.     Roxana  had  previously  inveigled  Stateini  and  her  sister  Drypetis 
to  Babylon,  where  she  caused  them  to  be  secretly  assassinated. 
./      ^n    """^  "^^''''^  to  teke  a  brief  retrospective  glance  at  the 
^.rs  of  Greece.    Tlu-ee  years  after  Alexander  had  quitted  Europe,  the 
Spartans  made  a  vigorous  effort  to  throw  off  the  JLocedonian  yoke.    They 
were  joined  by  most  of  the  Peloponnesian  states,  but  the  Athenians  kept 
aloof.    In  BC.  331,  the  Spartans  took  up  arms  under  the  commands 
their  king,  Agis ;  but  though  they  met  with  some  success  at  first,  they 
were  fmally  defeated  with  great  slaughter  by  Antipater,  near  Megafopohf 
Agis  fell  in  the  battle,  and  the  chains  of  Greece  were  riveted  more  firmly 
than  ever.    Th,s  victory,  and  the  successes  of  Alexander  in  the  East,  e.; 
couraged  the  Macedonian  party  in  Athens  to  take  active  measures  a-^inst 
Demosthenes ;  a^d  JEschmes  trumped  up  an  old  charge  against  him  ^hich 
had  lain  dormant  for  several  years.     Soon  after  the  battle  of  Cha^ronea, 
Ctesiphon  had  proposed  that  Demosthenes  should  be  presented  with  a 
golden  crown  m  the  theatre  during  the  great  Dionysiac  festival,  on  accomit 
of  the  services  he  had  conferred  upon  his  country.     For  proposing  this 
de  ree  iEsclnnes  indicted  Ctesiphon;  but  though  the  latter  was  the  nomi- 
nal defendant,  it  was  Demosthenes  who  was  really  put  upon  his  trial.* 


htion^of 'I'xu'^'"",'""'  ^  "'?'"  ""P^'""  "  ''''*'"■'*"  "'  <J^"'=«  ■"'gW  be  indicted  for  vi». 
tehon  of  existmg  laws,  by  the  process  caUed  voaAA  irapamuav;  nrovided  th^  T.JZZT 

entered  his  complaint  before  the  decree  had  b^nlpte'd  byl  '^Xls^^;:Td 


516 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLV 


X 


The  case  was  decided  in  330  b.  c,  and  bus  been  immortabzed  by  tbe 
memorable  and  still  extant  speeches  of  iEschines  "  Against  Ctesipbon," 
and  of  Demosthenes  "  On  the  Crown."  J^schines,  who  did  not  obtain  a 
fifth  part  of  the  votes,  and  consequently  became  himself  liable  to  a  penalty, 
was  so  chagrined  at  his  defeat  that  he  retired  to  Rhodes. 

§  3.  In  B.  c.  325,  Harpalus  arrived  in  Athens.  Harpalus  was  a  great 
favorite  with  Alexander,  as  he  had  embraced  his  side  during  his  quarrel 
with  his  father,  Philip.  When  Alexander,  after  the  conquest  of  Persia 
and  Media,  determined  to  push  on  into  the  interior  of  Asia,  in  pursuit  of 
Darius,  he  left  Harpalus  at  Ecbatana,  with  six  thousand  Macedonian 
troops,  in  charge  of  the  royal  treasures.  From  thence  he  removed  to 
Babylon,  and  appears  to  have  held  the  important  satrapy  of  that  province, 
as  well  as  the  adramistration  of  the  treasury'.  It  was  here  that,  during 
the  absence  of  Alexander  in  India,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  most  extrava- 
gant luxury  and  profusion,  squandering  the  treasures  intrusted  to  him,  at 
5ie  same  tune  that  he  ahenated  the  people  subject  to  his  rule  by  his  lust- 
ful excesses  and  extortions.  He  had  probably  thought  that  Alexander  would 
never  return  from  the  remote  regions  of  the  East  into  which  he  had  i>ene- 
trated ;  but  when  he  at  length  learnt  that  the  king  was  on  his  march  back 
to  Susa,  and  had  visited  with  unsppring  rigor  those  of  his  officers  who 
had  been  guilty  of  any  excesses  during  his  absence,  he  at  once  saw  that 
his  only  resource  was  in  flight.  Collecting  together  all  the  treasures  which 
he  could,  and  assembling  a  body  of  six  thousand  mercenaries,  he  hastened 
to  the  coast  of  Asia,  and  from  thence  crossed  over  to  Attica.  He  seems 
to  have  reckoned  on  a  favorable  reception  at  Athens,  as  during  the  time 
of  his  prosperity  he  had  made  the  city  a  large  present  of  corn,  in  return 
for  which  he  had  received  the  right  of  citizenship.  At  first,  however,  the 
Athenians  refused  to  receive  him  ;  but  bribes  administered  to  some  of  the 
principal  orators  induced  them  to  alter  their  determination.  Such  a  step 
was  tantamount  to  an  act  of  hostility  against  Macedonia  itself;  and  accord- 
ingly Antipater  called  upon  the  Athenians  to  dehver  up  Harpalus,  and  to 
bring  to  trial  those  who  had  accepted  his  bribes.  The  Athenians  did  not 
venture  to  disobey  these  demands.  Harpalus  was  put  into  confinement, 
but  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  from  prison.  Demosthenes  was 
among  the  orators  who  were  brought  to  trial  for  corruption.  He  was  de- 
clared to  be  guilty,  and  was  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  of  fifty  talents.  Not 
being  able  to  raise  that  sum,  he  was  thrown  into  prison ;  but  he  contrived 
to  make  his  escape,  and  went  into  exile.  There  are,  however,  good 
grounds  for  doubting  his  guilt ;  and  it  is  more  probable  that  he  fell  a  vic- 


had  become  a  law.  If  the  charge  was  proved  to  be  well  founded,  the  proposer  of  the  decree 
was  liable  to  a  penalty.  Ctesiphon  was  prosecuted  by  Jlschines  on  this  process.  The  pro- 
posal to  crown  Demosthenes  is  attacked  on  three  principal  points :  —  1.  Demosthenes  had 
not  yet  settled  the  accounts  of  his  oflBce.  2.  The  proposed  place  was  illegal.  3.  His  po- 
litical course  was  unworthy  of  such  a  disthiguished  honor.  — Ed. 


B.  C.  323.] 


THE   LAMIAN   WAK. 


517 


tim  to  the  impbcable  hatred  of  the  Macedonian  party.  Upon  quitting 
Athens  Demosthenes  resided  chiefly  at  ^gina  or  Troezen,  in  si -lit  of  his 
native  land,  and  whenever  he  looked  towai-ds  her  shores  it  was  observed 
that  he  shed  tears. 

§  4.  When  the  news  of  Alexander's  death  reached  Athens,  the  anti- 
Macedonian  party,  which,  since  the  exile  of  Demosthenes,  was  led  by 
Hypereides,  carried  all  before  it.     The  people  in  a  decree  declared  their 
determuiation  to  support  the  liberty  of  Greece;  a  fleet  of  two  hundred 
and  forty  triremes  was  ordered  to  be  equipped;  all  citizens  under  forty 
years  of  age  were  commanded  to  enroll  themselves  for  service;  and  Leos- 
thenes  was  directed  to  levy  an  army  of  mercenaries.     Envoys  were  de- 
spatched to  all  the  Grecian  states  to  announce  the  determination  of  Ath- 
ens and  to  exhort  them  to  struggle  with  her  for  their  independence.    This 
call  was  responded  to  in  the  Peloponnesus  only  by  the  smaller  states, 
whilst  Sparta,  Arcadia,  and  Achaia  kept  aloof.     In  Northern  Greece  the 
confederacy  was  joined  by  most  of  the  states  except  the  Boeotians;  and 
Leosthenes  was  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  allied  forces. 

Phocion,  as  usual,  was  opposed  to  this  war,  thinking  the  forces  of 
Athens  wholly  inadequate  to  sustain  it.     Leosthenes  scoffed  at  him,  and 
a^ked  him  "what  he  had  ever  done  for  his  countiy  during  the  Ion-  tune 
that  he  was  general."     "Do  you  reckon  it  nothing,"  answered  Phocion, 
that  the  Athenians  are  buried  in  the  sepulchres  of  their  forefathers  ? " 
And  when  Leosthenes  continued  his  pompous  harangues,  Phocion  said 
"Young  man,  your  speeches  resemble  cypress-trees,  which  are  indeed  large' 
and  lofty,  but  produce  no  fruit."    "Tell  us,  then,"  interrupted  Hypereides, 
what  will  be  the  proper  time  for  the  Athenians  to  make  war."     Phocion 
answered,  "Not  till  young  men  keep  within  the  bounds  of  decorum,  the 
rich  contribute  with  hberaHty,  and  the  orators  desist  from  robbinc.  the 
people."  ° 

^  The  allied  army  assembled  in  the  neighborhood  of  Thermopylje.  An- 
tipater now  advanced  from  the  north,  and  offered  battle  in  the  vale  of  the 
Spercheus ;  but  being  deserted  by  his  Thessalian  cavalry,  who  went  over 
to  his  opponents  during  the  heat  of  the  engagement,  he  was  obhcred  to  re- 
treat, and  threw  himself  into  Lamia,  a  strong  fortress  on  the  Mahan  Gulf. 
Leosthenes,  desirous  to  finish  the  war  at  a  blow,  pressed  the  sie-e  with 
the  utmost  vigor ;  but  Iiis  assaults  were  repulsed,  and  he  was  compeUed  to 
resort  to  the  slower  method  of  a  blockade.  From  this  town  the  contest 
between  Antipater  and  the  allied  Greeks  has  been  called  the  Lamian 
War. 

§  5.  The  novelty  of  a  victory  over  the  Macedonian  arms  was  received 
with  boundless  exultation  at  Athens,  and  this  feeling  was  raised  to  a  still 
higher  pitch  by  the  arrival  of  an  embassy  from  Antipater  to  sue  for 
peace.  Phocion  was  bantered  unmercifully.  He  was  asked  whether  he 
would  not  like  to  have  done  such  great  things  as  Leosthenes  ?     "  Cer- 


7 


It' 


518 


HISTOKY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLV. 


vi 


tainlj,"  said  he ;  "  but  I  should  not  have  advised  the  attempting  of  them." 
And  when  messenger  after  messenger  announced  the  successes  of  the 
Athenian  arras,  he  exclauned  sai'castically,  "  TVIien  shall  we  have  done 
conqueiing  ?  "  The  Athenians  were  so  elated  with  their  good  fortune,  that 
they  would  listen  to  no  terms  but  the  unconditional  surrender  of  Antipater. 
Meantime  Demosthenes,  though  still  an  exile,  exerted  himself  in  various 
parts  of  the  Peloponnesus  in  counteracting  the  envoys  of  Antipater,  and  in 
endeavoring  to  gain  adherents  to  the  cause  of  Athens  and  the  allies.  The 
Athenians,  in  return,  invited  Demosthenes  back  to  his  native  country,  and 
a  ship  was  sent  to  convey  him  to  Peirajus,  where  he  was  received  with 
extraordinary  honors. 

Meanwiiile  Leonnatus,  governor  of  the  Hellespontine  Phrygia,  had  ap- 
peared on  the  theatre  of  war  with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  foot  and 
twenty-five  hundred  horse.  Leosthenes  had  been  slain  at  Lamia  in 
a  sally  of  the  besieged ;  and  Antipliilus,  on  whom  the  command  of  the 
allied  aiiny  devolved,  hastened  to  offer  battle  to  Leonnatus  before  he 
could  arrive  at  Lamia.  Tlie  hostile  armies  met  in  one  of  tlie  i)lains  of 
Thessaly,  where  Leonnatus  was  killed  and  his  troops  defeated.  Antipater, 
as  soon  as  the  blockade  of  Lamia  was  raised,  had  pui*sued  Antipliilus,  and 
on  the  diiy  after  the  battle  he  effected  a  junction  with  the  beaten  army  of 
Leonnatus. 

Shortly  afterwaixls,  Antipater  was  still  further  reinforced  by  the  arrival 
of  Crateras  with  a  considerable  force  from  Asia ;  and  being  now  at  the 
head  of  an  anny  which  outnumbered  the  forces  of  the  allies,  he  marched 
against  them,  and  gained  a  decisive  victory  over  them  near  Craniion  in 
Thessaly,  on  the  7th  of  August,  b.  c.  322.  The  allies  were  now  com- 
pelled to  sue  for  peace ;  but  Antipater  refused  to  treat  with  them  except 
as  separate  states,  foreseeing  that  by  this  means  many  would  be  detached 
from  the  confederacy.  The  result  answered  his  ex})ectations.  One  by 
one,  the  various  states  submitted,  till  at  length  all  had  laid  down  their 
arms.  Athens,  the  original  instigator  of  the  insurrection,  now  lay  at  the 
mercy  of  the  conqueror.  As  Antipater  advanced,  Phocion  used  all  the 
influence  which  he  possessed  mth  the  Macedonians  in  favor  of  his  country- 
men; but  he  could  obtain  no  other  terms  than  an  unconditional  surrender. 
On  a  second  mission,  Phocion  received  the  final  demands  of  Ant  ii>ater; 
which  were  that  the  Athenians  should  deliver  up  a  certain  number  of  their 
orators,  among  whom  were  Demosthenes  and  Ilypereides ;  that  their  po- 
litical franchise  should  be  limited  by  a  pro[>erty  quahfication ;  that  they 
should  receive  a  Macedonian  garrison  in  Munychia ;  and  that  they  should 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  war.     Such  was  the  result  of  the  Lamian  War. 

I  6.  After  the  return  of  the  envoys  brmging  the  ultimatum  of  Antipater, 
|he  sycophant  Demades  procured  a  decree  for  the  death  of  the  denounced 
orators.  Demosthenes  and  the  other  persons  compromised  made  their 
escape  from  Athens  before  the  Macedonian  garrison  arrived.    JSgina  was 


B.  C.  322.] 


DEATH   OF   DEMOSTHENES. 


519 


their  hrst  place  of  refuge,  but  they  soon  parted  in  different  directions. 
Hypereides  fled  to  the  temple  of  Demeter  at  Hermione  in  Peloponnesus 
whilst  Demosthenes  took  refuge  in  that  of  Poseidon  in  the  isle  of  Calau- 
rea,  near  Troezen.     But  the  sateUites  of  Antipater,  under  the  guidance  of 
a  Thurian  named  Archias,  who  had  formerly  been  an  actor,  tore  them 
from  their  sanctuaries.     Hypereides  was  carried  to  Athens,  and  it  is  said 
that  Antipater  took  the  brutal  and  cowardly  revenge  of  ordering  liis 
tongue  to  be  cut  out,  and  his  remains  to  be  thrown  to  the  dogs.     Demos- 
thenes contrived  at  least  to  escape  the  insults  of  the  tyrannical  conqueror. 
Archias  at  first  endeavored  to  entice  him  from  his  sanctuaiy  by  the  bland- 
est promises.     But  Demosthenes,  forewarned,  it  is  said,  by  a  dream,  fixincr 
his   eyes   intently   on    him,   exclaimed,   "Your   acting,   Archias,   never 
touched  me  formerly,  nor  do  your  promises  now."     And  when  Archias 
began  to  employ  threats,  «  Good,"  said  Demosthenes ;  "  now  you  speak  as 
from  the  Macedonian  tripod;  before  you  were  only  playing  a  part.     But 
wait  awhile,  and  let  me  write  my  last  directions  to  my  family."    So,  taking 
his  writing  materials,  he  put  the  reed  into  his  mouth  and  bit  it  for  some 
time,  as  was  his  custom  when  composing ;  after  which  he  covered  his  head 
with  his  garment  and  reclined  against  a  pillar.     The  guards  who  accom- 
panied  Archias,  imagining  this  to  be  a  mere  trick,  laughed,  and  called  him 
coward,  whilst  Archias  began  to  renew  his  false  persuasions.     Demos- 
thenes, feeling  the  poison  work,  — for  such  it  was  that  he  had  concealed  in 
the  reed,  — now  bade  him  lead  on.     "You  may  now,"  said  he,  "enact 
the  part  of  Creon,  and  cast  me  out  unburied ;  but  at  least,  O  gracious  Po- 
seidon, I  have  not  polluted  thy  temple  by  my  death,  which  Antipater  and 
his  Macedonians  would  not  have  scrupled  at."    But  whilst  he  was  endeav- 
oring to  walk  out,  he  fell  down  by  the  altar  and  expired. 

§  7.  The  course  of  events  now  carries  us  back  to  the  East.     Perdiccas 
possessed  more  power  than  any  of  Alexander's  generals,  and  was  regarded 
as  the  regent  of  the  empire.     He  had  the  custody  of  the  infant  Alex°ander, 
the  son  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  the  weak  Philip  Arrhidaius  was  a 
pupiM3t  in  his  hands.     Perdiccas  had  at  first  courted  the  alliance  of  An- 
tipater, and  had  even  married  his  daughter  Nica?a.     But  when  Olympias 
offered  him  the  hand  of  her  daughter  Cleopatra,  if  he  would  a^^sist  her 
against  Antipater,  Perdiccas  resolved  to  divorce  NiccTa  at  the  fii-st  con- 
venient opportunity,  and  espouse  Cleopatra  in  her  stead,  believing  that 
such  an  alliance  with  the  royal  family  would  pave  his  way  to  the  Macedo- 
nian throne,  to  which  he  was  now  aspiring.     His  designs,  however,  were 
not  unknown  to  Antigonus  and  Ptolemy ;  and  when  he  attempted  to  bring 
Antigonus  to  trial  for  some  offence  in  the  government  of  his  satrapy,  thai 
general  made  his  escape  to  Macedonia,  where  he  revealed  to  Antipater 
the  full  extent  of  the  ambitious  schemes  of  Perdiccas,  and  thus  at  once  in 
duced  Antipater  and  Craterus  to  unite  in  a  league  with  him  and  Ptolemy, 
and  openly  declare  war  against  the  regent.     Thus  assailed  on  all  sides,' 


n 


? 


^1. 


520 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLV 


Ml 


Perdiccas  resolved  to  direct  his  arms  in  the  first  instance  against  Ptolemy. 
Li  the  spring  of  b.  c.  321  he  accordingly  set  out  on  liis  march  against 
Egypt,  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  anny,  and  accompanied  by  Pliilip  Ar- 
rhid^us,  and  Roxana  and  her  infant  son.  He  advanced  without  opposition 
as  far  as  Pelusium,  but  he  found  the  banks  of  the  Nile  strongly  fortified 
and  guaKled  by  Ptolemy,  and  was  repulsed  in  repeated  attempts  to  force 
the  passage  of  the  river ;  in  the  last  of  which,  near  Memphis,  he  lost  great 
numbers  of  men,  by  the  depth  and  rapidity  of  the  current.  Perdicca^  had 
never  been  popular  with  the  soldiery,  and  these  disasters  completely 
alienated  their  affections.  A  conspiracy  was  formed  agamst  him,  and 
some  of  his  chief  officers  murdered  him  in  his  tent. 

§  8.  The  death  of  Perdiccas  was  followed  by  a  fresh  distribution  ot  the 
provinces  of  the  empire.  At  a  meeting  of  the  generals  held  at  Tripara- 
disus  in  Syria,  towards  the  end  of  the  year  321  b.  c,  Antipater  was  de- 
clared regent,  retaining  the  government  of  Macedonia  and  Greece ;  Ptole- 
my was  continued  in  the  government  of  Egypt;  Seleucus  received  the 
satrapy  of  Babylon;  whilst  Antigonus  not  only  retained  his  old  provmce, 
but  was  rewarded  with  that  of  Susiana. 

Antipater  did  not  long  survive  these  events.  He  died  In  the  year  318, 
lit  the  advanced  age  of  eighty,  leaving  Polysperchon,  one  of  Alexanders 
oldest  generals,  regent;  much  to  the  surprise  and  mortification  of  his  son 
Cassander,  who  received  only  the  secondary  dignity  of  Chiharch,  or  com- 
mander  of  the  cavalry.  Cassander  was  now  bent  on  obtaimng  the  regen- 
cy ;  but  seeing  no  hope  of  success  in  Macedonia,  he  went  over  to  Asia  to 
solicit  the  assistance  of  Antigonus.  «  ,     ri 

Polysperchon,  on  his  side,  sought  to  conciliate  the  friendship  of  the  Gre- 
dan  states  by  proclaiming  them  all  free  and  independent,  and  by  abolish- 
ing  the  ohgarchies  which  had  been  set  up  by  Antipater.     In  order  to 
enforce  these  measures,  Polysperchon  prepared  to  march  into  Greece, 
whilst  his  son  Alexander  was  despatched  beforehand  with  an  army  towards 
Athens,  to  compel  the  Macedonian  garrison  under  the  command  of  Nica- 
nor  to  evacuate  Munychia.    Nicanor,  however,  refused  to  move  without 
orders  from  Cassander,  whose  general  he  declared  himself  to  be.    Phocion 
was  supposed  to  be  intriguing  in  favor  of  Nicanor,  and,  being  accused  of 
treason,  fled  to  Alexander,  now  encamped  before  the  walls  of  Athens. 
Alexander  sent  Phocion  and  the  friends  who  accompanied  him  to  his 
father,  who  was  then  in  Phocis ;  and  at  the  same  time  an  Athenian  em- 
bassy  arrived  in  Polysperchon's  camp  to  accuse  Phocion.    A  sort  of  mock 
trial  ensued,  the  result  of  which  was  that  Phocion  was  sent  back  to  Athens 
in  chains,  to  be  tried  by  the  Athenian  people.    The  theatre,  where  his 
trial  was  to  take  place,  was  soon  full  to  overflowing.     Phocion  was  as- 
sailed  on  every  side  by  the  clamors  of  his  enemies,  which  prevented  his 
defence  from  being  heard,  and  he  was  condemned  to  death  by  a  show  of 
hands.    To  the  last  Phocion  maintmned  his  caboa  and  dignified,  but  some- 


B.  C.  317.]      WAR  BETWEEN  POLYSPERCHON  AND    CASSANDER. 


521 


what  contemptuous  bearing.  Wlien  some  wretched  man  spat  upon  him 
as  he  passed  to  the  prison,  "  Will  no  one,"  said  he,  "  check  this  fellow's  in- 
decency ?  "  To  one  who  asked  him  whether  he  had  any  message  to  leave 
for  his  son  Phocus,  he  answered,  "  Only  that  he  bear  no  grudge  against 
the  Athenians."  And  when  the  hemlock  which  had  been  prepared  was 
found  insufficient  for  all  the  condemned,  and  the  jailer  would  not  furnish 
more  unless  he  was  paid  for  it,  "  Give  the  man  his  money,"  said  Phocion 
to  one  of  his  friends,  "  since  at  Athens  one  cannot  even  die  for  nothin<r.'* 
He  died  in  b.  c.  317,  at  the  age  of  eighty-five.  The  Athenians  afterwards 
repented  of  their  conduct  towards  Phocion.  His  bones,  which  had  been 
cast  out  on  the  frontiers  of  Megara,  were  subsequently  brought  back  to 
Athens,  and  a  bronze  statue  was  erected  to  his  memory. 

§  9.  Whilst  Alexander  was  negotiating  with  Nicanor  about  the  surren- 
der of  Munychia,  Cassander  arrived  in  the  Peiraeus  with  a  considerable 
army,  with  which  Antigonus  had  supplied  him ;  and  though  Polysperchon 
himself  soon  came  up  with  a  large  force,  he  found  the  fortifications  of  Pei- 
raBUS  too  strong  for  him.  Leaving,  therefore,  his  son  to  blockade  the  city, 
Polysperchon  advanced  with  the  greater  part  of  his  army  into  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus. Here  he  laid  siege  to  Megalopolis ;  but  that  town  was  defend- 
ed with  such  extraordinary  efforts,  that  Polysperchon  was  compelled  to 
withdraw.  His  ill-success,  as  well  as  the  destruction  of  his  fleet  by  the 
fleet  of  Cassander,  produced  an  unfavorable  turn  in  the  disposition  of  the 
Greek  states  towards  Polysperchon,  and  Athens  in  particular  abandoned 
his  alliance  for  that  of  Cassander,  who  established  an  oligarchical  govern- 
ment in  the  city  under  the  presidency  of  Demetrius  of  Plialenis. 

At  the  same  time  Eurydice,  the  active  and  intriguing  wife  of  Philip 
ArrhidoBus,  conceived  the  project  of  throwing  off"  the  yoke  of  the  regent, 
and  concluded  an  alliance  with  Cassander,  while  she  herself  assembled  an 
army  with  which  she  obtained  for  a  time  the  complete  possession  of  Mace- 
donia: But  in  the  spring  of  317,  Polysperchon,  having  united  his  forces 
with  those  of  iEacides,  king  of  Epeirus,  invaded  Macedonia,  accompanied 
by  Olympias.  Eurydice  met  them  Avith  equal  daring;  but  when  the 
mother  of  Alexander  appeared  on  the  field,  surrounded  by  a  train  in  bac- 
chanalian style,  the  Macedonians  at  once  declared  in  her  favor,  and  Eury- 
dice, abandoned  by  her  own  troops,  fled  to  Amphipolis,  where  she  soon 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Olympias,  who  put  both  her  and  her  husband  to 
death,  with  circumstances  of  the  greatest  cruelty.  She  next  wreaked  her 
vengeance  on  the  family  of  Antipater,  and  on  the  adherents  of  Cassander. 
These  events  determined  Cassander  to  proceed  with  all  haste  into  Mace- 
donia. At  his  approach  Olympias  threw  herself  into  Pydna,  together  ^^th 
Roxana  and  her  son.  Cassander  forthwith  laid  siege  to  this  place ;  and 
after  a  blockade  of  some  months  it  surrendered,  in  the  spring  of  316. 
Olympias  had  stipulated  that  her  life  should  be  spared,  but  Ciissander 
soon  afterwards  caused  her  to  be  murdered.    After  the  fall  of  Pydna  all 

66 


mSTOBT  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLV. 


li 

i' 


";• 


Macedonia  submitted  to  Cassander;  who,  after  shutting  up  Koxana  and 
her  son  in  the  citadel  of  Amphipolis,  married  Thessalonica,  a  half-sister  ot 
Alexander  the  Great,  with  the  view  of  strengthening  his  pretensions  to 

Hie  tlirone.  , 

Shortly  afterwards  Cassander  marched  into  Greece,  and  began  the  res- 
toration of  Thebes  (b.  c.  315),  in  the  twentieth  year  after  its  destruction 
by  Alexander,  a  measure  highly  popular  with  the  Greeks. 

§  10   A  new  war  now  broke  out  in  the  East.    Antigonus  had  become 
die  most  powerful  of  Alexander's  successors.     He  had  conquered  Eume- 
nes,  who  had  long  defied  his  arms,  and  he  now  began  to  dispose  oi  the 
provinces  as  he  thought  fit.    His  increasing  power  and  ambitious  projects 
led  to  a  general  coahtion  against  him,  consisting  of  Ptolemy,  Seleucus, 
Cassander,  and  Lysimachus,  the  governor  of  Thrace.     The  war  began 
in  the  year  315,  and  was  carried  on  with  great  vehemence  and  alternate 
access  in  Syria,  Phoenicia,  Asia  Minor,  and  Greece.      After  four  years 
aU  parties  became  exhausted  with  the  struggle,  and  peace  was  accordingly 
cMcluded  in  311,  on  condition  that  the  Greek  cities  should  be  free,  that 
Cassander  should  retain  his  authority  in  Europe  till  Alexander  came  of 
aee,  that  Ptolemy  and  Lysimachus  should  keep  possession  of  Thrace  and 
Egypt  respectively,  and  that  Antigonus  should  have  the  govermnent  of 
all  Asia.     The  name  of  Seleucus  docs  not  occur  in  the  treaty. 

This  hollow  i>eace,  which  had  been  merely  patched  up  for  the  conven- 
ience of  the  parties  concerned,  was  not  of  long  duration.  It  seems  to  liave 
been  the  immediate  cause  of  another  of  those  crimes  which  disgrace  the 
history  of  Alexander's  successors.  Alexander,  who  had  now  attained  the 
age  of  sixteen,  was  still  shut  up  with  his  mother  Roxmia  in  Ami^i.pohs; 
and  his  partisans,  with  injudicious  zeal,  loudly  expressed  their  wish  that 
he  should  be  released  and  placed  upon  the  throne.  In  order  to  avert  this 
event,  Cassander  contrived  the  secret  murder  both  of  the  mother  and  the 

son 

§  11.  This  abominable  act,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have  caused  a 
br^ch  of  the  peace.     Ptolemy  was  the  first  to  break  it  (b.  c.  310)  under 
the  pretext  that  Antigonus,  by  keeping  his  gan-isons  in  the  Greek  cities 
of  Asia  and  the  islands,  had  not  respected  that  article  of  the  treaty  which 
guaranteed  Grecian  freedom.     After  the  war  had  lasted  three  years  An- 
tigonus  resolved  to  make  a  vigorous  effort  to  wrest  Greece  from  the  hands 
cf  Cassander  and  Ptolemy,  who  held  all  the  principal  towns  in  it.    Accord- 
ingly, in  the  summer  of  307  b.  c.  he  despatched  his  son  Demetrms  from 
Ephesus  to  Athens,  with  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  sail,  and  five 
thousand  talents  m  money.     Demetrius,  who  afterwards  obtained  the  sur- 
name of  «PoUorcetes,"  or  "Besieger  of  Cities,"  was  a  young  man  of  ar- 
dent  temperament  and  great  abilities.     Upon  arriving  at  the  Peira^us,  he 
immediately  proclaimed  the  object  of  his  expedition  to  be  the  liberation  of 
Athens  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Macedonian  garrison.     Supported  by  the 


B.  C.  306.] 


BATTLE   OF  SALAMIS. 


523 


Macedonians,  Demetrius  the  Phalerean  had  now  ruled  Athens  for  a  period 
of  more  than  ten  years.     Of  mean  birth,  Demetrius  the  Phalerean  owed 
his  elevation  entirely  to  his  talents  and  perseverance.     His  skill  as  an 
orator  raised  him  to  distinction  among  his  countrymen ;  and  his  politics, 
which  led  him  to  embrace  the  party  of  Phocion,  recommended  him  to  Cas- 
sander and  the  Macedonians.     He  cultivated  many  branches  of  literature, 
and  was  at  once  an  historian,  a  philosopher,  and  a  poet ;  but  none  of  his 
works  have  come  down  to  us.     During  the  first  period  of  his  administra- 
tion he  api)i&ars  to  have  governed  wisely  and  equitably,  to  have  improved 
the  Athenian  laws,  and  to  have  adorned  the  city  with  useful  buildings.* 
But  in  spite  of  his  pretensions  to  philosophy,  the  possession  of  uncontrolled 
power  soon  altered  his  character  for  the  worse,  and  he  became  remarka- 
ble for  luxuiy,  ostentation,  and  sensuality.      Hence  he  gradually  lost  the 
popularity  which  he  had  once  enjoyed,  and  which  had  prompted  the  Athe- 
nians to  raise  to  him  no  fewer  than  three   hundred   and  sixty  bronze 
statues,  most  of  them  equestrian.      The  Athenians  heard  with  pleasure  the 
proclamations  of  the  son  of  Antigonus ;  his  namesake,  the  Phalerean,  was 
obliged  to  surrender  the  city  to  him,  and  to  close  his  political  career  by 
retiring  to  Thebes.      The  Macedonian  garrison  in  Munychia  offered  a 
slight  resistance,  which  was  soon  overcome.     Demetrius  Poliorcetes  then 
formally  announced  to  the  Athenian  assembly  the  restoration  of  their  an- 
cient constitution,  and  promised  them  a  large  donative  of  corn  and  ship- 
timber.      This  munificence  was  repaid  by  the  Athenians  with  the  basest 
and  most  abject  flattery.      Both  Demetrius  and  his  father  were  deified, 
and  two  new  tribes,  those  of  Antigonias  and  Demetrias,  were  added  to  the 
existing  ten  which  derived  their  names  from  the  ancient  heroes  of  Attica. 
§  12.  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  did  not,  however,  remain  long  at  Athens. 
Early  in  306  b.  c.  he  was  recalled  by  his  father,  and,  sailing  to  Cyjirus, 
undertook  the  siege  of  Salamis.     Ptolemy  hastened  to  its  relief  with  one 
hundred  and  forty  vessels  and  ten  thousand  troops.     The  battle  that  en- 
sued was  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the  annals  of  ancient  naval  war- 
fare, more  particularly  on  account  of  the  vast  size  of  the  vessels  engaged. 
Ptolemy  was  completely  defeated;   and  so  important  was  the  victory 
deemed  by  Antigonus,  that  on  the  strength  of  it  he  assumed  the  title  of 
king,  which  he  also  conferred  upon  his  son.     This  example  was  followed 
by  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  and  Lysimachus. 

Encouraged  by  their  success  at  Cyprus,  Antigonus  and  Demetrius 
made  an  attempt  upon  Egypt,  which,  however,  proved  a  disastrous  failure. 
By  way  of  revenge,  Demetrius  undertook  an  expedition  against  Ehodes, 
which  tad  refused  its  aid  in  the  attack  upon  Ptolemy.     It  was  from  the 


ii 


*  A  census  which  Demetrius  took  of  the  population  of  Attica,  probably  in  309  b.  c,  the 
year  of  his  archonship,  gave  21,000  freemen,  10,000  metics,  or  resident  aliens,  and  the  amaz- 
ing number  of  400,000  slaves.  The  wives  and  families  of  the  free  population  must  of  course 
be  added. 


I 

! 


1 


524 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLV. 


memorable  siege  of  Rhodes  that  Demetrius  obtiuned  his  name  of    Poli- 
oreetes."    AOer  in  vain  attempting  to  talce  the  town  from  the  sea-siae, 
by  means  of  floating  batteries,  from  which  stones  of  enormous  weight  were 
hurled  from  engines  with  incredible  force  against  the  walls,  he  determmca 
to  alter  his  plan  and  invest  it  on  the  land-side.    With  the  assistance  of 
Epimachus,  an  Athenian  engineer,  he  constructed  a  machme  ^hicli,  m 
anticipation  of  its  effect,  was  called  HelepoUs,  or  "the  city-taker.       "Dns 
was  a  square  wooden  tower,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high,  and  divided 
into  nine  stories,  Med  with  armed  men,  who  discharged  missiles  through 
apertures  in  the  sides.    When  armed  and  prepared  for  attack,  it  rcquirea 
the  strength  of  two  thousand  three  hundred  men  to  set  this  enormous  ma- 
chine  in  motion.    But  though  this  formidable  engme  was  assisted  by  the 
operation  of  two  battering-rams,  each  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  long  ana 
propelled  by  the  labor  of  one  thousand  men,  the  Rhodians  were  so  active 
in  repairing  the  breaches  made  in  their  walls,  that,  after  a  year  spent  in 
the  vain  attempt  to  take  the  town,  Demetrius  was  forced  to  retire  and 

grant  the  Rhodians  peace.  ,    ,       j  * 

§  13.  Whilst  Demetrius  was  thus  employed,  Cassander  had  made  great 
progress  in  reducing  Greece.  He  had  taken  Corinth,  and  was  besieging 
Athens,  when  Demetrius  entered  the  Eurlpus.  Cassander  immediately 
raised  the  siege,  and  was  subsequently  defeated  in  an  action  near  Iher- 
mopyUe.  When  Demetrius  entered  Athens,  he  was  received  as  before 
with  the  most  extravagant  flatteries.  He  remained  two  or  three  years  in 
Greece,  during  which  his  superiority  over  Cassander  was  decided,  though 

no  great  battle  was  fought  _ 

In  the  spring  of  301  b.  c.  he  was  recalled  by  his  father  Antigonus,  who 
stood  in  need  of  his  assistance  against  Lysimachus  and  Seleucus     In  the 
course  of  the  same  year  the  struggle  between  Antigonus  and  »«  "^"l^ 
was  brought  to  a  close  by  the  battle  of  Ipsus  in  Phrygia,  m  which  An- 
tigonus was  killed,  and  his  army  completely  defeated.    Antigonus  had  at- 
tuned the  age  of  eighty-one  at  the  time  of  his  death.    Demetrius  retreated 
with  the  remnant  of  the  army  to  Ephesus,  whence  he  sailed  to  Cyprus, 
and  afterwards  proposed  to  go  to  Athens ;  but  the  Athenians,  alienated  by 
his  in-fortune  at  Ipsus,  refused  to  receive  him.     Seleucus  and  Lysima- 
chus shared  between  them  the  possessions  of  Antigonus.     Lysimachus 
seems  to  have  had  the  greater  part  of  Asia  Mmor,  whUst  the  whole  coun- 
try from  the  coast  of  Syria  to  the  Euphrates,  as  weU  as  a  part  of  Phrygia 
and  Cappadocia,  fell  to  the  share  of  Seleucus.    The  latter  founded  on  the 
Orontes  a  new  capital  of  his  empire,  which  he  named  after  his  father  An- 
tioch.    The  fall  of  Antigonus  secured  Cassander  in  the  possession  of . 
Greece,  though  it  does  not  appear  that  any  formal  treaty  was  entered  into 
br  that  purpose. 


B.  C.  296.] 


DEMETRIUS    CAPTURES    ATHENS. 


525 


■; 


Gnmp  of  Dirce.    From  the  Mnseum  at  Naples. 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

ntOH  THE  BATTLE  OP  IPSUS  TO  THE  CONQUEST  OF  GREECE  BT  THS 

ROMANS. 


If! 


1» 


4  1.  Proceedings  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  He  captures  Athens.  $  2.  Obtains  the  Mace- 
donian Crow^n.  His  Flight  and  Death.  §  3.  Lysimachus  reigns  over  Macedonia.  He 
is  defeated  and  slain  by  Seleucus.  §  4.  Seleucus  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus. 
Invasion  of  the  Celts,  and  Death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus.  §  5.  Antigonus  Gonatas  ascends 
the  Macedonian  Throne.  Death  of  Pyrrhus  of  Epeirus.  Chremonidean  War.  §  6.  The 
Achjean  League.  §  7.  State  of  Sparta.  Reforms  of  Agis  and  Cleomenes.  The  Cle- 
omenic  War.  ^  8.  The  ^tolian  League.  §  9.  The  Social  War.  §  10.  War  between  Philip 
and  the  Romans.  §  11.  Philopceraen.  ^  12.  Second  War  between  Philip  and  the  Romans. 
Battle  of  Cynoscephalae.  §  13.  Defeat  of  Antiochus,  and  Subjugation  of  the  .^tolians  by 
the  Romans.  ^  14.  Extension  of  the  Achaean  League.  Conquest  of  Sparta.  Death  of 
Philopoemen.  §  15.  War  between  Perseus  and  the  Romans.  Conquest  of  Macedonia. 
§  16.  Proceedings  of  the  Romans  in  Greece.  §  17.  Athens  and  Oropus.  War  between 
the  Achaeans  and  Spartans.  §  18.  The  Spartans  appeal  to  the  Romans,  who  reduce 
Greece  into  a  Roman  Province. 


I 


§  1.  After  his  repulse  from  Athens,  Demetrius  proceeded  towards 
Peloponnesus,  but  found  that  his  allies  in  that  quarter  had  also  abandoned 
Wm  and  embraced  the  cause  of  Cassander.  He  was,  however,  neither 
ruined  nor  discouraged.  On  leaving  the  Peloponnesus  (b.  c.  300)  he 
proceeded  to  the  Thracian  Chersonese,  and  ravaged  the  territory  of  Lj- 
fiimachus.  Whilst  engaged  m  this  expedition  he  was  agreeably  surprised 
by  receiving  an  embassy  from  Seleucus,  by  which  that  monarch  soUcited 
his  daughter  Stratonice  in  marriage.  Demetrius  gladly  granted  the  re- 
quest, and  found  himself  so  much  strengthened  by  this  alliance,  that  in 
the  spring  of  the  year  296  he  was  in  a  condition  again  to  attack  Athens, 


S26 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Cdap.  XL VI. 


n 


* 

It" 


which  he  captured  after  a  long  siege,  and  drove  out  the  bloodthirsty 
tyrant  Lachares,  who  had  been  established  there  by  Cassander.  Such 
was  the  extremity  of  famine  to  which  the  Athenians  had  been  reduced, 
that  we  are  told  of  a  father  and  son  quarrelling  for  a  dead  mouse ;  and 
the  philosopher  Epicurus  supported  himself,  and  the  society  over  which 
he  presided,  by  dividing  amongst  them  daily  a  small  quantity  of  beans. 
On  becoming  master  of  the  city,  Demetrius,  much  to  the  surprise  of  the 
Athenians,  treated  them  with  great  lenity  and  indulgence,  and,  in  consider- 
ation  of  their  distresses,  made  them  a  present  of  a  large  quantity  of  com. 

§  2.  Meanwhile  Cassander  had  died  shortly  before  the  siege  of  Athens, 
and  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  of  Macedon  by  his  eldest  son,  Philip 
IV.*    But  that  young  prince  died  in  295,  and  the  succession  was  dis- 
puted  between  his  two  brothers,  Antipater  and  Alexander.    Their  mother 
Thessalonica,  a  daughter  of  the  great  Philip,  seems  to  have  been  theur 
guardian,  and  to  have  attempted  to  anange  their  cUsputes  by  dividing  the 
kin^om  between  them ;  but  Antipater,  thinking  that  she  favored  Alexan- 
der°slew  her  with  his  own  hand  m  a  fit  of  jealous  rage.     Alexander  now 
called  in  the  aid  of  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epeirus,  as  well  as  of  Deme- 
trius   who  was  in  the  Peloponnesus  with  his  army.      Pyrrhus,  as  the 
nearest,  was  the  first  to  respond  to  this  call,  and  effected  a  partition  of 
Macedonia  between  the  two  brothers ;  an  arrangement,  which,  as  it 
weakened  a  neighboring  kingdom,  was  favorable  to  his  own  interests. 
Shortly  aftei-wards  (294)  Demetrius,  who  saw  in  the  distracted  state  of 
Macedonia  an  opening  for  his  own  ambitious  designs,  appeared  in  that 
country  with  his  forces.    Alexander  having  joined  him  with  his  army, 
Demetrius  caused  that  young  prince  to  be  assassinated,  and  was  saluted 
king  by  the  troops.     Demetrius  reigned  over  Macedonia,  and  the  gi'eater 
part  of  Greece,  about  seven  years.     He  aimed  at  recovering  the  whole 
of  his  father's  dominions  in  Asia;  but  before  he  was  ready  to  take  the 
field,  his  adversaries,  alarmed  at  his  preparations,  determined  to  forestaU 
bun.    In  the  spring  of  b,  c.  287,  Ptolemy  sent  a  powerf-ul  fleet  against 
Greece   while  Pyrrhus  on  the  one  side  and  Lysimachus  on  the  other 
simultaneously  invaded  Macedonia.     Demetrius  had  completely  alienated 
his  own  subjects  by  his  proud  and  haughty  bearmg,  and  by  his  lavish  ex- 
penditure on  his  own  luxuries ;  while  Pyrrhus,  by  his  generosity,  affability, 
^d  darinn-  courage,  had  become  the  hero  of  the  Macedonians,  who  looked 
upon  him'' as  a  second  Alexander.    The  appearance  of  Pyrrhus  was  the 
si«Tial  for  revolt :  the  Macedonian  troops  flocked  to  his  standard,  and  De- 
metrius was  compelled  to  fly.    Pyrrhus  now  ascended  the  throne  of 
Macedonia;  but  his  reign  was  of  brief  duration ;  and  at  the  end  of  seven 
months  he  was  in  turti  driven  out  by  Lysimachus.     Demetrius  made 
geveral  attempts  to  regain  his  power  m  Greece,  and  then  set  sail  for  Asia, 


*  Philip  Arrhidaeus  is  called  Philip  IIL 


B.  C.  281.] 


LYSIMACHUS    DEFEATED    AND    SLAIN. 


527 


where  he  successively  endeavored  to  establish  himself  in  the  territories  of 
Lysimachus,  and  of  his  son-in-law,  Seleucus.  Falling  at  length  into  the 
hands  of  the  latter,  he  was  kept  in  a  kind  of  magnificent  captivity  in  a 
royal  residence  in  Syria;  where,  in  283,  at  the  early  age  of  fifty-five,  his 
checkered  career  was  brought  to  a  close,  partly  by  chagrin,  and  partly 
by  the  sensual  indulgences  with  which  he  endeavored  to  divert  it. 

§  3.  The  history  of  Alexander's  successors  continued  to  be  marked  to 
the  end  by  the  same  ambition,  the  same  dissensions,  and  the  same  crimes 
which  had  stained  it  from  the  first.     Tlie  power  of  Lysimachus  had  been 
greatly  increased  by  the  acquisition  of  Macedonia ;  and  he  now  found  him- 
self in  possession  of  all  the  dominions  in  Europe  that  had  formed  part  of 
the  Macedonian  monardiy,  as  well  as  of  the  greater  part  of  Asia  JVIinor. 
Of  Alexander's  immediate  successors,  Lysimachus  and  Seleucus  were  the 
only  two  remaining  competitors  for  power ;  and  with  the  exception  of  Egypt, 
those  two  sovereigns  divided  Alexander's  empire  between  them.    Li  Egypt 
the  aged  Ptolemy  had  abdicated  in  285  m  favor  of  his  son  by  Berenice, 
afterwards  known  as  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  and  to  the  exclusion  of  his 
eldest  son,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  by  his  wife  Eurydic^.     Ptolemy  Cerau- 
nus  quitted  Egypt  in  disgust,  and  fled  to  the  court  of  Lysimachus :  and 
although  Arsinoe,  the  wife  of  Lysimachus,  was  own  sister  to  his  rival, 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  he  succeeded  in  gaining  her  entire   confidence. 
Arsinoe,  jealous   of  her  step-son  Agathocles,  the  heir  apparent  to  the 
throne,  and  desirous  of  securing  the  succession  for  her  own  children,  con- 
spired with  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  against  his  life.     She  even  procured  the 
consent  of  Lysimachus  to  his  murder ;  and  after  some  vain  attempts  to 
make  away  with  him  by  poison,  he  was  flung  into  prison,  where  Ptolemy 
Ceraunus  despatched  him  with  his  own  hand.     Lysandra,  the  mother  of 
Agathocles,  fled  with  the  rest  of  her  fiimily  to  Seleucus,  to  demand  from 
him  protection  and  vengeance ;  and  Seleucus,  induced  by  the  hopes  of  suc- 
cess inspired  by  the  discontent  and  dissensions  which  so  foul  an  act  had 
excited  among  the  subjects  of  Lysimachus,   espoused  her  cause.     Tlie 
hostilities  which  ensued  between  him  and  Lysimachus  were  brought  to  a 
termination   by  the   battle   of  Corupedion,   fought  near  Sardis  in  281, 
in  whicli  Lysimachus  was  defeated  and  slain.     By  this  victory,  Mace- 
donia, and  the  whole  of  Alexander's  empire,  with  the  exception  of  Egypt, 
Southern  Syria,  Cyprus,  and  part  of  Phoenicia,  fell  under  the  sceptre 
of  Seleucus. 

§  4.  That  monarch,  who  had  not  beheld  his  native  land  since  he 
first  joined  the  expedition  of  Alexander,  now  crossed  the  Hellespont 
to  take  possession  of  Macedonia.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  who  after  the 
battle  of  Corupedion  had  thrown  hunself  on  the  mercy  of  Seleucus,  and 
had  been  received  with  forgiveness  and  favor,  accompanied  him  on  this 
journey.  The  murder  of  Agathocles  had  not  been  committed  by  Ptolemy 
merely  to  oblige  Arsinoe.     He  had  even  then  designs  upon  the  sui>reme 


ni 


528 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVI 


ij 


\U\ 


4 


power,  which  he  now  completed  by  another  crhne.    As  Seleucus  stopped 
to  sacrifice  at  a  celebrated  altar  near  Lysimachia  in  Thrace,   Ptolemy 
treacherously  assassinated  him  by  stabbing  him  in  the  back  (280).    After 
this  base  and  cowardly  act,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  who  gave  himself  out  as 
the  avenger  of  Lysimachus,  was,  by  one  of  those  movements  wholly  mex- 
pUcable  to  our  modern  notions,  saluted  king  by  the  army ;  but  the  Asiatic 
dominions  of  Seleucus  fell  to  his  son  Antiochus,  sumamed  Soter.     The 
crime  of  Ptolemy,  however,  was  speedily  overtaken  by  a  just  punishment. 
In  the  very  same  year  his  kingdom  of  Macedonia  and  Thrace  was  mvaded 
by  an  immense  host  of  Celts,  and  Ptolemy  fell  at  the  head  of  the  forces 
which  he  led  against  them.     A  second  mvasion  of  the  same  barbari- 
ans compelled  the  Greeks  to  raise  a  force  for  their  defence,  which  was 
intrusted  to  the  command  of  the   Athenian  Callippus  (b.  c.  279).    On 
this  occasion  the  Celts,  attracted  by  the  report  of  treasures  which  were 
now  perhaps  little  more  than  an  empty  name,  penetrated  as  far  south- 
wards  as  Delphi,  with  the  view  of  plundering  the  temple.    The  god,  it  is 
said,  vmdicated  his  sanctuary  on  this  occasion  in  the  same  supernatural 
manner  as  when  it  was  attacked  by  the  Persians;  it  is  at  all  events 
certain  that  the  Celts  were  repulsed  with  great  loss,  including  that  of  then- 
leader,  Brennus.    Nevertheless  some  of  their  tribes  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing themselves  near  the  Danube;  others  settled  on  the  sea-coast  of 
Thrace ;  whilst  a  third  portion  passed  over  into  Asia,  and  gave  their 
name  to  the  country  called  Galatia. 

§  5.  After  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  Macedonia  feU  for  some 
time  mto  a  state  of  anarchy  and  confusion,  and  the  cro^vTi  was  disputed  by 
several  pretenders.    At  length,  in  278,  Antigonus  Gonatas,  son  of  Deme- 
trius Poliorcetes,  succeeded  in  estabUshing  hunself  on  the  throne  of  Mace- 
donia; and  with  the  exception  of  two  or  three  years  (274-272)  durmg 
which  he  was  temporarily  expelled  by  Pyrrhus,  he  continued  to  retam 
possession  of  it  till  his  death  in  239.     The  struggle  between  Antigonus 
and  Pyrrhus  was  brought  to  a  close  at  Argos,  in  272.    Pyrrhus  had 
marched  into  the  Peloponnesus  with  a  large  force  in  order  to  make  war 
npon  Sparta,  but  with  the  collateral  design  of  reducing  the  places  which 
still  held  out  for  Antigonus.     Pyrrhus,  having  faUed  in  an  attempt  to  take 
Sparta,  marched  against  Argos,  where  Antigonus  also  arrived  with  his 
forces.    Both  armies  entered  the  city  by  opposite  gates ;  and  in  a  batt  e 
which  ensued  m  the  streets,  Pyrrhus  was  struck  from  his  horse  by  a  tile 
hurled  by  a  woman  from  a  house-top,  and  was  then  despatched  by  some 
soldiers  of  Antigonus.     Such  was  the  inglorious  end  of  one  of  the  bravest 
and  most  warlike  monarchs  of  antiquity;  whose   character  for  moral 
virtue,  though  it  would  not  stand  the  test  of  modem  scrutiny,  shone  out 
conspicuously  in  comparison  with  that  of  contemporary  sovereigns;  but 
whose  enterprises,  undertaken  rather  from  the  love  of  action  than  from 
any  well-directed  ambition,  were  rendered  abortive  by  their  desultory 
nature. 


B.C.  251. J 


THE   ACH^AN   LEAGUE. 


529 


Antigonus  Gonatas  now  made  himself  master  of  the  greater  part  of 
Peloponnesus,  which  he  governed  by  means  of  tyrants  whom  he  estab- 
lished in  various  cities.  He  then  applied  himself  to  the  reduction  of 
Athens,  whose  defence  was  assisted  by  an  Egyptian  fleet  and  a  Spartan 
army.  This  war,  which  is  sometimes  called  tlie  Chremonidean  War  from 
the  Athenian  Chremonides,  who  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  defending  the 
city,  lasted  six  or  seven  years,  and  reduced  the  Athenians  to  great  misery. 
Athens  was  at  length  taken,  probably  in  262. 

§  6.  While  all  Greece,  with  the  exception  of  Sparta,  seemed  hopelessly 
prostrate  at  the  feet  of  Macedonia,  a  new  political  jxywer,  which  sheds  a 
lustre  on  the  declining  period  of  Grecian  history,  arose  in  a  small  province 
in  Peloponnesus,  of  which  the  very  name  has  been  hitherto  rarely  men- 
tioned since  the  heroic  age.     In  Achaia,  a  narrow  slip  of  country  upon  the 
shores  of  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  a  league,  chiefly  for  religious  purposes,  had 
existed  from  a  very  early  period  among  the  twelve  chief  cities  of  the 
province.     This  league,  however,  had  never  possessed  much  poUtical  im- 
portance^  and  it  had  been  finally  suppressed  by  the  Macedonians.    At  the 
time  of  which  we  are  speaking,  Antigonus  Gonatas  was  in  possession  of  all 
the  cities  formerly  belonging  to  the  league,  either  by  means  of  his  garrisons 
or  of  the  tyrants  who  were  subservient  to  him.     It  was,  however,  this 
very  oppression  that  led  to  a  more  efficient  revival  of  the  league.     The 
Achaean  towns,  now  only  ten  in  number,, as  two  had  been  destroyed  by 
earthquakes,  began  gradually  to  coalesce  again;   a  process  which  was 
much  facihtated  after  Antigonus  had  withdrawn  from  Greece  to  take  up 
his  residence  at  Pella,  where  the  affairs  of  Macedonia  chiefly  occupied 
his  attention.     But  Aratus  of  Sicyon,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  charac- 
ters of  this  period  of  Grecian  history,  was  the  man  who,  about  the  year 
251  B.  c,   first  called   the   new   league   into   active   political   existence. 
Aratus  was  one  of  those  characters  who,  though  not  deficient  in  boldness 
and  daring,  seem  incapable  of  exerting  these  qualities  except  in  stratagems 
and  ambuscades.     He  had  long  lived  in  exile  at  Argos,  whilst  his  native- 
city  groaned  under  the  dominion  of  a  succession  of  tyrants.    Having  collect- 
ed a  band  of  exiles,  Aratus  surprised  Sicyon  in  the  night-time,  and  drove 
out  the  last  and  most  unpopular  of  these  tyrants.    Instead  of  seizing  the 
tyranny  for  himself,  as  he  might  easily  have  done,  Aratus  consulted  only 
the  advantage  of  his  country,  and  with  this  view  united  Sicyon  with  the 
Achaean  league.     The  accession  of  so  important  a  town  does  not  appear 
to  have  altered  the  constitution  of  the   confederacy.     The   league   was 
governed  by  a  Strategus,  or  general,  whose  functions  were  both  military 
and  civil ;  a   Gramrnateus,  or  secretary ;  and  a  council  of  ten  demiurgu 
The  sovereignty,  however,  resided  in  the  general  assembly,  which  met 
twice  a  year  in  a  sacred  grove  near  iEgium.     It  was  composed  of  every 
Achaean  who  had  attained  the  age  of  thirty,  and  possessed  the  right  of 
electing  the  officers  of  the  league,  and  of  deciding  all  questions  of  war, 

67 


II 
it 


530 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


IChap.  XLVI 


■;i  t 


i« 


«ace  forei<m  alliances,  and  the  Uke.  In  the  year  245  b.  c.  Aratus  was 
K^XS.^  ofthe'league,  and  ag«n  in  243  I«  *«  ^"^  «^*^^, 
years  he  succLed  in  wresting  Corinth  from  the  ^a-—  Jy^o^er 
noctumd  surprise,  and  uniting  it  to  the  league.  ^^'^  ^^^'"^l^l 
spread  with  wonderful  rapidity.  It  was  soon  jomed  ^X  T™>  Ep.dau 
L,  Hen«ione,and  other  cities ;  and  ultimately  embraced  Athcn^  Mega™. 
iE^a,  Salamis,  and  the  whole  Peloponnesus,  with  the  exception  of  Spar- 
ta, Elis,  and  some  of  the  Arcadian  towns.  .  ,  .  ,  ,  „„  v„. 
S  7.  Sparta,  it  is  true,  still  continued  to  retain  her  mdependence,  hut 

JhL  a  sh^ow  of  her  former  greatness  ^^  V^^TJ':,^^:^. 
pUdty  of  Spartan  maimers  had  been  completely  destroyed  bj  the  co  ec 
Son  of  weal*  into  a  few  hands,  and  by  the  consequent  progress  of  luxury. 
T^  nuX  of  Spartan  citizens  had  been  reduced  to  seven  l-«>-J^;  b" 
even  of  these  the^  were  not  above  a  hundred  who  po^essed  a  suffi^e^ 
quantity  of  knd  to  maintain  themselves  in  mdependence.     The^Sl««^«" 
Lgs  hL  ceased  to  be  the  patriotic  servants  and  generals  of  ";™°j^'J 
LilTe  the  Ca.Mieri  of  more  modem  times,  they  were  accu.toped  srn^ 
the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  to  let  out  their  services    o  the  highest 
MdeT  .md   no  longer  content  with  the  simple  habits  of  their  forefathers. 
Sf^pSed  to  fo'ign  courts  in  order  to  «^-«>- '•'--":„'^ 
q„L  in  luxuries  which  they  could  not  procu^  at  home.    The  young 
kin-,  A-^is  IV.,  who  succeeded  to  the  crown  m  244   attempted  to  revive 
Temcieni  SpLrlan  virt.u,  by  restoring  the  institutions  of  Lycurgus,  by 
^ncXg  al^  debts,  and  by  nuking  a  new  distribution  of  lands ;  and  w^ 
to  view  he  relinquished  all  his  own  property,  as  well  as  that  of  his  fam- 
STflrThe  public  good.    These  reforms,  though  promoted  by  one  of  the 
Sl^L  weroppc^Tby  Lconidas,  the  colleague  of  Agis  in  the  monar- 
ifw^o  Shed'The  JyorMj  of  the  more  wealthy  citizens  around  hmu 
A^  Id  his  party  succeeded,  however,  in  deposing  Leomdas,  and  *-or  a 
^  h"  is  proLed  to  be  successful ;  but  having  undertaken  an  expe- 
Sn  to  S=t  Aralus  against  the  iEtoUans,  the  opposite  party  took  ai- 
?  r„This  absence  to  remstate  Leonidas,  and  when  Agis  returned,  he 
::Tt  t^  d^X  )     But  a  few  years  afterwards,  Cleomenes,  the  son 
riL'cceW  in  effecting  the  reforms  wbich  ^ad    e-  c    '^^^ 
Lted  by  Agis ;  a  course  which  he  was  probably  induced  to  take  by  the 
£  of  aIs,  whom  he  had  married.    It  was  his  nnlitary  accesses  that 
iSbL  Cleomenes  to  carry  out  his  political  views.    Aratus,  m  his  zed  fo^ 
I^enlg  the  Achaean  confederacy,  attempted  to  seize  the  Arcadian  towns 
^OrchomLs,  Tegea.  and  Mantinea,  which  the  iEtolians  had  ceded  to 
ot  Orcnomenus,       „   ^  /227-226)  in  which  the  forces  of  the 

f'^JI^Tf^edbrCir—  The  liter  then  suddenly  returned 
^::Z  "^iSs  .-..r^  ^r,  and,  after  p.Ung  the  Epbo.  to 
iath,  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  reforms  projected^  ^ffirof  Ihe!^ 
.•Terd  others  which  regarded  military  duciphne.    The  effect  of  these 


B.  C.  220.] 


THE  ^TOLIAN  LEAGUE. 


531 


new  measures  soon  became  visible  in  the  increased  success  of  the  Spartan 
arms.  Aratus  was  so  hard  pressed  that  he  was  compelled  to  solicit  the 
assistance  of  the  IMacedonians.  Both  Antigonus  Gonatas  and  his  son  De- 
metrius 11.  —  who  had  reigned  in  Macedonia  from  239  to  226  b.  c.  ^ 
were  now  dead,  and  the  government  was  administered  by  Antigonus  Do- 
son,  as  guardian  of  Philip,  the  youthful  son  of  Demetrius  11.  Antigonus 
Doson,  who  obtained  the  latter  surname  from  his  readiness  in  making 
promises,  was  the  grandson  of  D(»metrius  Poliorcetes,  and  the  nephew  of 
Antigonus  Gonatas.  The  Macedonians  compelled  him  to  accept  the 
crown :  but  he  remained  faithful  to  his  trust  as  guardian  of  Philip,  whose 
mother  he  married ;  and  though  he  had  children  of  his  own  by  her,  yet 
Phihp  succeeded  him  on  his  death.  It  was  to  Antigonus  Doson  that 
Aratus  applied  for  assistance ;  and  in  223  the  Macedonian  king  marched 
into  the  Peloponnesus  and  compelled  Cleomenes  to  retire  into  Laconia. 
This  war  between  Cleomenes  and  Aratus,  which  is  called  the  Cleomenic 
war,  lasted  altogether  about  six  years.  It  broke  out  in  227,  and  was  not 
brought  to  a  close  till  two  years  after  the  intervention  of  Doson.  After 
his  defeat,  Cleomenes  raised  a  considerable  sum  by  allowing  six  thousand 
Helots  to  purchase  their  freedom ;  and  having  thus  recruited  his  army,  he 
in  the  following  year  attacked  and  destroyed  Megalopolis.  He  afterwards 
pushed  his  successes  up  to  the  very  walls  of  Argos;  but  in  221  he  was  to- 
tally defeated  by  Antigonus  Doson  in  the  fatal  battle  of  Sellasia  in  Laco- 
nia. The  army  of  Cleomenes  was  almost  totally  annihilated ;  he  himself 
was  obliged  to  fly  to  Egypt ;  and  Sparta,  which  for  many  centuries  had 
remained  unconquered,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victor. 

§  8.  Antigonus,  however,  did  not  live  long  *to  enjoy  his  success.  Be- 
fore the  end  of  the  year  he  was  recalled  to  Macedonia  by  an  invasion  of 
the  Illyrians,  which'  he  repelled;  but  he  shortly  afterwards  died  of  a  con- 
sumption. He  was  succeeded  by  Philip  V.,  the  son  of  Demetrius  H., 
who  was  then  about  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  of  age.  His  youth  en- 
couraged the  JEtolians  to  make  predatory  incursions  mto  the  Peloponnesus. 
That  people  were  a  species  of  freebooters,  and  the  ten-or  of  their  neigh- 
bors ;  yet  they  were  united,  like  the  Achaeans,  in  a  confederacy  or  league. 
The  JEtolian  League  was  a  confederation  of  tribes  instead  of  cities,  like 
the  Achtean.  Its  history  is  involved  in  obscurity;  but  it  must  at  all 
events  have  had  a  fixed  constitution  even  in  the  time  of  Philip  and  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  since  Aristotle  wrote  a  treatise  on  it ;  and  after  the  death 
of  Alexander  we  find  the  League  taking  a  prominent  part  in  the  Lamian 
war.  The  diet  or  council  of  the  league,  called  the  Panaetolicum,  assem- 
bled every  autumn,  generally  at  Thermon,  to  elect  the  Strategus  and  other 
officers ;  but  the  details  of  its  affairs  were  conducted  by  a  committee  called 
Apocleti,  who  seem  to  have  formed  a  sort  of  permanent  council.  The 
JEtolians  had  availed  themselves  of  the  disorganized  state  of  Greece  con- 
sequent upon  the  death  of  Alexander  to  extend  their  power,  and  had 


y 


1 


332 


HISTOKT   OF   GREFXE. 


[Chap.  XL VI. 


B.  C.  208.] 


PHILOPCEMEN. 


533 


h'.      11 


1    ' 

I 

I 

p 


gra^naUy  made  themselves  masters  of  Locris,  Pl.oe.s  Bceoba,  together 
S  portions  of  Acamania,  Thessaly,  and  Epeirus.  Tims  both  the  Am- 
pWctJonic  Coanca  and  the  oracle  of  Delphi  were- in  the.r  P»«'"-  J^ey 
had  early  wrested  Naupactus  from  the  Achsans,  and  had  sub»equenUy 

acquired  several  Peloponnesian  cities.  ,      .        ,  TJi,-r„'=  „^ 

S  9.  Such  was  the  condition  of  the  ^tolians  at  the  time  of  Phd.p  s  ac- 
cession.   Soon  after  that  event  we  find  them,  under  the  eadersh.p  of  Dc^ 
rimachus,  engaged  in  a  series  of-freebooting  exped.t.ons  m  Mess  ma^d 
<rther  parts  of  Peloponnesus.    Aratus  marched  to  the  as  stance  of  the 
MesseLns  at  the  head  of  the  Achaean  forces,  but  was  to.aHy  defea  ed  m 
a  battle  near  Caphya;.    The  Acha=ans  now  saw  no  hope  of  safety  except 
through  the  assistance  of  Philip.    That  young  monarch  was  amb.t.ons  and 
enter;rising,  possessmg  considemble  military  ability  and  much  Hu.cal 
L  J^hr.     He  readily  listened  to  the  application  of  the  Ach»ans  and  m 
Sfelred  into  an  knee  with  them.    The  war  which  eus..ed  bet.veen 
the  JEtolians  on  one  side,  and  the  Achxans,  assisted  by  Pluhp,  on  the 
other,  and  which  lasted  about  three  years,  has  been  ca  led  the  Social  A\ar 
PhiUp  gained  several  victories  over  the  iEtolians,  but  ^e  eoncuded  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  them  in  217,  because  he  was  anxious  to  turn  h.s  arms 
against  another  and  more  formidable  power.  ,  r-  ...i  „^ 

^§  10.  The  great  struggle,  now  going  on  between  Rome  and  Carthage 
attLed  the  Attention  of  the  whole  civilized  world.    It  was  evident  that 
Greece,  distracted  by  intestine  quarrels,  must  «»"  ^^  ^"""^^^  JP  ^'j 
whichever  of  those  great  states  might  prove  successful;  and  of  the  two, 
t^ml  of  the  i:m.m„  who  had  already  gained  a  f^tingon  theeas  - 
em  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  was  by  far  the  more  formidable  to  Greece. 
^iUp's  inclination  to  take  part  in  the  great  struggle.in  the  west  was  m- 
Si  by  the  news  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Romans  at  the  lake  of  Tra- 
^tne;  Ld  he  therefore  readily  listened  to  the  advice  and  solicitations  of 
Ze^rius  of  Pharos,  who  had  been  driven  by  the  Romany  from  .^  "- 
Wrian  dominions,  and  who  now  appealed  to  him  for  assistance.     Attei  the 
Slsbn  of  the  peace  with  the  iEtolians,  Philip  prepared  alarge  fie  t, 
^S^LTemploy'^l  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  Romans   and  ,n    he 
following  year  (216)  he  concluded  a  treaty  with  Hannibal,  whih    among 
Lr  clauses,  provided  that  the  Romans  should  not  be  allowed  to  retain 
lir  conquei;  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Adriatic     He  even  medi.at^l 
an  invasion  of  Italy,  and  with  that  view  endeavored  to  make  h.m.elf  mas- 
ter of  Apollonia  and  Oricum.     But  though  he  succeeded  m  taking  the 
latter  city   the  Romans,  under  M.  Valerius  I^vinus^  surprised  his  camp 
whilst  he  was  besieging  Apollonia;  and  as  they  had  likewise  bockadcd 
Z  mouth  of  the  river  Aous  with  their  fleet.  Philip  was  compelled  obum 
£  ships  and  retire.    Meanwhile  Philip  had  acted  m  «  "-  -!>'  -;7 
.namier  in  the  aflnirs  of  Greece ;  and  when  Aratus  remonstrated  w„h  1  im 
^pecting  his  proceedings,  he  got  rid  of  his  former  fnend  and  counsellor 
by  means  of  a  slow  and  secret  poison  (b,  c.  213). 


When  the  affairs  of  the  Romans  had  begun  to  ^-ecoyer  in  Italy,  they  di- 
rected their  attention  more  seriously  towards  Greece,  and  in  the  year  211 
concluded  an  alliance  with  the  ^tolians,  who  were  now  weary  of  peace, 
and,  declared  war  against  Philip.  Before  the  end  of  the  year,  the  Romarft 
made  themselves  masters  of  Zacynthus,  with  the  exception  of  the  capital ; 
and,  having  also  wrested  QEniadae  and  Naxos  from  the  Acarnanians,  trans- 
ferred these  acquisitions  to  the  iEtolians,  and  retained  the  booty  for  them- 
selves, agreeably  to  the  treaty.  In  the  following  year  the  town  of  Anti- 
cyra  and  the  island  of  iEgina  were  treated  in  a  similar  manner. 

§  11.  In  B.  c.  209,  the  Achaeans,  being  hard  pressed  by  the  JEtolians, 
were  again  induced  to  call  in  the  aid  of  Philip.  The  spirit  of  the  Achjs- 
ans  was  at  this  time  revived  by  Philopoemen,  one  of  the  few  noble  charac- 
ters of  the  period,  and  who  has  been  styled  by  Plutarch  "  the  last  of  the 
Greeks."  He  was  a  native  of  MegalopoUs  m  Arcadia,  and  had  already 
distinguished  himself  in  the  Cleomenic  war,  and  especially  at  the  battle  of 
Sellasia,  which  was  mainly  won  by  a  decisive  charge  which  he  made, 
without  orders,  at  the  head  of  the  Megalopolitan  horse.  In  210  he  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Achaean  cavaliy,  and  in  208  he  was 
elected  Strategus  of  the  League.  In  both  these  posts  Philopoemen  made 
great  alterations  and  improvements  in  the  arms  and  discipline  of  the 
Achaian  forces,  which  he  assimilated  to  those  of  the  Macedonian  phalanx. 
These  reforms,  as  well  as  the  public  spirit  with  which  he  had  inspired  the 
Achteans,  were  attended  with  the  most  beneficial  results.  In  207  Philo- 
poemen gained  at  Mantinea  a  signal  victory  over  the  Lacedjcmonians,  who 
had  joined  the  Roman  alliance  ;  four  thousand  of  them  were  left  upon  the 
field,  and  among  them  Machanidas,  who  had  made  himself  tyrant  of 
Sparta.  This  decisive  battle,  combined  with  the  withdrawal  of  the  Ro- 
mans, who,  being  desirous  of  turning  their  undivided  attention  towards 
Carthage,  had  made  peace  with  Philip  (205),  secured  for  a  few  years  the 
tranquillity  of  Greece.  It  also  raised  the  fame  of  Philopoemen  to  its  high- 
est pohit ;  and  in  the  next  Nemean  festival,  being  a  second  time  general  of 
the  league,  he  was  hailed  by  the  assembled  Greeks  as  the  liberator  of  their 
country. 

§  12.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  second  Punic  war,  the  Romans 
renewed  their  enterprises  in  Greece,  for  which  the  conduct  of  Philip,  who 
had  assisted  the  Carthaginians,  afforded  them  ample  pretence.  Philip's 
attempts  in  the  iEgean  Sea  and  in  Attica  had  also  caused  many  com- 
plaints to  be  lodged  against  him  at  Rome ;  and  in  b.  c.  200  the  Romans 
declared  war  against  him.  Athens,  which  he  had  besieged,  was  relieved 
by  a  Roman  fleet ;  but  before  he  withdrew,  Philip,  prompted  by  anger 
and  revenge,  displayed  his  barbarism  by  destroying  the  gardens  and 
buildings  in  the  suburbs,  including  the  Lyceum  and  the  tombs  of  the 
Attic  heroes ;  and  in  a  second  incui'sion  which  he  made,  with  large  rein- 
forcements, he  committed  still  greater  excesses.     For  some  time,  however 


A 


5M 


HISTORY  OF  OBCECE. 


[Chap.  XL  VI 


B.  C.  172.]  WAR   BETWEEN   PERSEUS   AND   THE   ROMANS. 


535 


the  war  lingered  on  without  any  decided  success  on  either  side.  But  in 
198  the  Consul  T.  Quinctius  FlaminTnus  succeeded  in  gaining  over  the 
Achsean  league  to  the  Roman  alliance ;  and  as  the  ^tolians  had  pre- 
fiously  deserted  Philip,  both  those  powers  fought  for  a  short  time  on  the 
same  side.  In  197  the  struggle  between  the  Romans  and  Philip  Avas 
brought  to  a  termination  by  the  battle  of  Cynoscephahe,  near  Scotuj^sa,  in 
Thessaly,  which  decided  the  fate  of  the  Macedonian  monarchy.  PhiHp 
was  obliged  to  sue  for  peace,  and  in  the  following  year  (196)  a  treaty  was 
latilied,  by  which  the  Macedonians  were  compelled  to  renounce  tlieir  su- 
premacy, to  withdraw  their  garrisons  from  the  Grecian  towns,  to  surrender 
their  fleet,  and  to  pay  a  thousand  talents  for  the  expenses  of  the  war.  At 
the  ensuing  Isthmian  games,  Flamininus  solemnly  proclaimed  the  freedom 
of  the  Greeks,  and  was  received  by  them  with  overwhelming  joy  and 
gratitude.  The  Romans,  however,  still  held  the  fortresses  of  the  Acrocorin- 
thos,  Demetrias,  and  Chalcis;  and  it  was  not  till  194  that  they  showed 
any  real  intention  of  cariying  out  their  promises  by  withdrawing  theu* 
armies  from  Greece. 

§  13.  The  iEtohans,  dissatisfied  with  these  arrangements,  endeavored 
to  persuade  Nabis,  who  had  succeeded  Machanidas  as  tyrant  of  Sparta, 
Antiochus  III.,  king  of  Syria,  as  well  as  Philip,  to  enter  into  a  league 
.against  the  Romans.  But  Antiochus  alone,  at  whose  court  Hannibal  was 
then  residing  as  a  refugee,  ventured  to  listen  to  these  overtures.  He 
passed  over  into  Greece  with  a  wholly  inadequate  force,  and  was  de- 
feated by  the  Romans  at  Thermopylae  (b.  c.  191).  The  iEtolians  were 
now  compelled  to  make  head  against  the  Romans  by  themselves.  After 
some  ineffectual  attempts  at  resistance,  they  were  reduced  to  sue  for 
peace,  which  they  at  length  obtained,  but  on  the  most  humiliating  condi- 
tions (b.  c.  189).  These,  as  dictated  to  them  in  Ambracia,  by  M.  Fulvius 
Nobilior,  differed  but  little  from  an  unconditional  surrender.  They  were 
required  to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  Rome,  to  renounce  all  the  con- 
quests they  had  recently  made,  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  five  hundred  tal- 
ents, and  to  engage  in  future  to  aid  the  Romans  in  their  wars.  The 
power  of  the  ^tolian  league  was  thus  for  ever  crushed,  though  it  seems 
to  have  existed,  in  name  at  least,  till  a  much  later  period. 

I  14.  The  Achaean  league  still  subsisted,  but  was  destined  before  long 
to  experience  the  same  fate  as  its  rival.  At  first,  indeed,  it  enjoyed  the 
protection  of  the  Romans,  and  even  acquired  an  extension  of  members 
through  their  influence ;  but  this  protectorate  involved  a  state  of  almost 
absolute  dependence.  Philopcemen  also  had  succceeded,  in  the  year  192, 
in  adding  Sparta  to  the  league,  which  now  embraced  the  whole  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus. But  Sparta  having  displayed  symptoms  of  msubordination, 
Philopcemen  marched  against  it  in  188,  and  captured  the  city ;  when  he 
put  to  death  eighty  of  the  leading  men,  commanded  all  the  inhabitants 
who  had  been  enfranchised  by  the  recent  tyrants  to  leave  the  place  by  a 


fixed  day,  razed  the  walls  and  fortifications,  abolished  the  institutions  of 
Lycurgus,  and  compelled  the  citizens  to  adopt  the  democratic  constitution 
of  the  Achieans.  Meanwhile,  the  Romans  regarded  with  satisfaction  the 
internal  dissensions  of  Greece,  which  they  foresaw  would  only  render  her 
an  ea^sier  prey,  and  neglected  to  answer  the  appeals  of  the  Spartans  for 
protection.  In  183  the  Messenians,  under  the  leadership  of  Dinocrates, 
having  revolted  from  the  league,  Philopamen,  who  had  now  attained  the 
age  of  seventy,  led  an  expedition  against  them ;  but  having  follen  from  his 
horse  in  a  skirmish  of  cavalry,  he  was  captured,  and  conveyed  with  many 
circumstances  of  ignominy  to  Messene,  where,  after  a  sort  of  mock  trial, 
he  was  executed.  His  fate  was  avenged  by  Lycortas,  the  commander  of 
the  Acha*an  cavalry,  the  father  of  the  historian  Polybius.  In  the  follow- 
ing year,  Lycortas,  now  Strategus,  captured  Messene,  and  having  com- 
pelled those  who  had  been  concerned  in  the  death  of  Pliilopoemen  to^put  an 
end  to  their  own  lives,  conveyed  the  ashes  of  that  general  to  Megalopolis, 
where  they  were  interred  with  heroic  honors. 

§  15.  In  B.  c.  179  Philip  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Perseus, 
the  last  monarch  of  Macedonia.     The  latter  years  of  the  reign  of  Philip 
had  been  spent  in  preparations  for  a  renewal  of  the  war,  which  he  foresaw 
to  be  inevitable ;  and  when  Perseus  ascended  the  throne,  he  found  himself 
amply  provided  with  men  and  money  for  the  impending  contest.     But, 
whether  from  a  sincere  desire  of  peace,  or  from  irresolution  of  character, 
he  sought  to  avert  an  open  rupture  as  long  as  possible,  and  one  of  the  first 
acts  of  his  reign  was  to  obtain  from  the  Romans  a  renewal  of  the  treaty 
which  they  had  concluded  with  his  father.     It  is  probable  that  neither 
party  was  sincere  in  the  conclusion  of  this  peace,  at  least  neither  could 
entertain  any  hope  of  its  duration ;  yet  a  period  of  seven  years  elapsed 
before  the  mutual  enmity  of  the  two  powers  broke  out  into  open  hostilities. 
Meanwhile,  Perseus  was  not  idle ;  he  secured  the  attachment  of  his  sub- 
jects by  equitable  and  popular  measures,  and  formed  alliances,  not  only 
with  the  Greeks  and  the  Asiatic  princes,  but  also  with  the  Thracian,  II- 
lyrian,  and  Celtic  tribes  which  surrounded  his  dominions.     The  Romans 
naturally  viewed  these  proceedings  with  jealousy  and  suspicion ;  and  at 
length,  in  172,  Perseus  was  formally  accused  before  the  Roman  Senate,  by 
Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamus,  in  person,  of  entertaining  hostile  designs 
against  the  Roman  power.     The  murder  of  Eumenes  near  Delphi,  on  his 
return  homewards,  of  which  Perseus  was  suspected,  aggravated  the  feel- 
ing against  hun  at  Rome,  and  in  the  following  year  war  was  declared 
against  him. 

Perseus  was  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  and  well-appointed  army,  but  of 
all  his  allies  only  Cotys,  king  of  the  Odrysians,  ventured  to  support  him 
against  so  formidable  a  foe.  Yet  the  war  was  protracted  three  years  with- 
out any  decisive  result ;  nay,  the  balance  of  success  seemed  on  the  whole  to 
incline  in  favor  of  Perseus,  and  mimy  states,  which  before  were  wavering. 


506 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVI. 


I 


lj» 


now  showed  a  disposition  to  join  his  cause.  But  his  ill-timed  parsimony 
restrained  him  from  taking  advantage  of  their  offers,  and  in  168  the  arrival 
of  the  Consul  L.  ^milius  Paulus  completely  changed  the  aspect  of  af- 
fairs. Perseus  was  driven  from  a  strong  position  which  he  had  taken  up 
on  the  banks  of  the  Enipeus,  forced  to  retreat  to  Pydna,  and  finally  to  ac- 
cept an  engagement  near  that  town.  At  first  the  serried  ranks  of  the 
phalanx  seemed  to  promise  superiority ;  but  its  order  having  been  broken 
by  the  inequalities  of  the  ground,  the  Roman  legionaries  penetrated  into 
the  disordered  mass,  and  committed  fearful  carnage,  to  the  extent,  it  is 
said,  of  twenty  thousand  men.  Perseus  fled  first  to  Pella,  then  to  Am- 
phipolis,  and  finally  to  the  sanctuary  of  the  sacred  island  of  Samothrace, 
but  was  at  length  obliged  to  surrender  himself  to  a  Roman  squadron.  He 
was  carried  to  Rome  to  adorn  the  triumph  of  Paulus  (167),  and  was  after- 
wards cast  into  a  dungeon ;  from  whence,  however,  he  was  liberated  at  the 
intercession  of  his  conqueror,  and  permitted  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his 
life  in  a  sort  of  honomble  captivity  at  Alba.  Such  was  the  end  of  the 
Macedonian  empire,  which  was  now  divided  into  four  districts,  each  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  an  oligarchical  council. 

§  16.  The  Roman  commissioners  deputed  to  arrange  the  affairs  of  Ma- 
cedonia did  not  confine  their  attention  to  that  province,  but  evinced  their 
designs  of  bringing  all  Greece  under  the  Roman  sway.  In  these  views 
they  were  assisted  by  various  despots  and  traitors  in  different  Gre- 
cian cities,  and  especially  by  Callicrates,  a  man  of  great  influence  among 
the  Achaeans,  and  who  for  many  years  lent  himself  as  the  base  tool  of  the 
Romans  to  effect  the  enslavement  of  his  country.  After  the  fall  of  Mace- 
donia, Callicrates  denounced  more  than  a  thousand  leading  Achoeans  who 
had  favored  the  cause  of  Perseus.  These,  among  whom  was  Polybius  the 
historian,  were  apprehended  and  sent  to  Rome  for  trial.  Polybius  was 
one  of  the  survivors,  who,  after  a  captivity  of  seventeen  years,  were  per- 
mitted to  return  to  their  native  country.  A  still  harder  fate  was  experi- 
enced by  ^tolia,  Boeotia,  Acamania,  and  Epeirus.  In  the  last-named 
country,  especially,  no  fewer  than  seventy  of  the  principal  towns  were 
abandoned  by  Paulus  to  his  soldiers  for  pillage,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  persons  are  said  to  have  been  sold  into  slavery. 

§  17.  An  obscure  quarrel  between  Athens  and  Oropus  was  the  remote 
cause  which  at  length  afforded  the  Romans  a  pretence  for  crushing  the 
small  remains  of  Grecian  independence  by  the  destruction  of  the  Achaean 
league.  For  some  time  Athens  had  been  reduced  to  a  sort  of  political 
mendicancy,  and  was  often  fain  to  seek  assistance  in  her  distress  from  the 
bounty  of  the  Eastern  princes  or  of  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt.  In  the  year 
156  the  poverty  of  the  Athenians  became  so  urgent,  that  they  were 
induced  to  make  a  piratical  expedition  against  Oropus  for  the  purposes  of 
plunder.  On  the  complaint  of  the  Oropians,  the  Roman  Senate  assigned 
the  adjudication  of  the  matter  to  the  Sicyonians,  who  condemned  the 


\ 


%  A 


B.  C.  147.]  ROMAN   COMMISSIONERS    SENT   TO    GREECE. 


537 


Athenians  to  pay  the  large  fine  of  five  hundred  talents.  In  order  to  ob^ 
tain  a  mitigation  of  this  fine  the  Athenians  despatched  to  Rome  (in  151) 
the  celebi-ated  embassy  of  the  three  philosophers,  —  Diogenes  the  Stoic* 
Critolaiis  the  Peripatetic,  and  Cameades,  the  founder  of  the  third  Acad- 
emy. The  ambassadors  were  nominally  successful,  since  they  obtained  a 
reduction  of  the  fine  to  a  hundred  talents ;  a  sum,  however,  still  much 
greater  than  the  Athenians  were  in  a  condition  to  pay.  The  subsequent 
relations  between  Athens  and  Oropus  are  obscure  ;  but  in  150  we  find  the 
Oropians  complaining  of  a  fresh  aggression,  which  consisted  in  an  attack 
upon  some  of  their  citizens  by  the  Athenian  soldiers.  On  this  occasion 
the  Oropians  appealed  for  protection  to  the  Achaean  league,  which,  how- 
ever, at  first  declined  to  interfere.  The  Oropians  now  bribed  a  Spartan 
named  Menalcidas,  who  was  at  that  time  Strategus,  with  a  present  of  ten 
talents  ;  and  Menalcidas  employed  the  corrupt  influence  of  Callicrates  to 
procure  the  intervention  of  the  league.  Menalcidas  having  subsequently 
defrauded  Callicrates  of  the  sum  which  he  had  promised  him,  the  lat- 
ter accused  him  of  having  advised  the  Romans  during  his  administration 
to  effect  the  detachment  of  Sparta  from  the  league.  Menalcidas  escaped 
condemnation  by  bribing  Diasus,  his  successor  in  the  office  of  Strategus. 
But  such  was  the  obloquy  incurred  by  Diaeus  through  this  transaction, 
that,  in  order  to  divert  public  attention  from  himself,  he  incited  the  Achae- 
ans  to  violent  measures  against  Sparta,  which  ultimately  involved  the 
league  in  a  fatal  struggle  with  Rome.  His  pretext  for  making  war  on  the 
Spartans  \yiis,  that,  instead  of  appealing  to  the  league  respecting  a  boun- 
dary question,  as  they  ought  to  have  done,  they  had  violated  its  laws  by 
sending  a  private  embassy  to  Rome. 

§  18.  The  Spartans,  feeling  themselves  incompetent  to  resist  this  attack, 
appealed  to  the  Romans  for  assistance ;  and  in  147  two  Roman  commis- 
sioners were  sent  to  Greece  to  settle  these  disputes.  These  commissioners 
decided  that  not  only  Sparta,  but  Corinth,  and  all  the  other  cities  except 
those  of  Achaia,  should  be  restored  to  their  independence.  This  decision 
occasioned  serious  riots  at  Corinth.  All  the  Spartans  m  the  town  were 
seized,  and  even  the  Roman  commissioners  narrowly  escaped  violence. 
On  their  return  to  Rome  a  fresh  embassy  was  despatched  to  demand  sat- 
isfaction for  these  outrages.  But  the  violent  and  impolitic  conduct  of 
Critolaiis,  then  Strategus  of  the  league,  rendered  all  attempts  at  accommo- 
dation fruitless,  and  after  the  return  of  the  ambassadors  the  Senate  de- 
clared war  against  the  league.  The  cowardice  and  incompetence  of  Crito- 
laiis as  a  general  were  only  equalled  by  his  previous  insolence.  On  the 
approach  of  the  Romans  under  Metellus  from  Macedonia,  he  did  not  even 
venture  to  make  a  stand  at  Thei-mopylie ;  and  being  overtaken  by  them 
near  Scari)hea  in  Locris,  he  was  totally  defeated,  and  never  again  heard 
of.  Diieus,  who  succeeded  him  as  Strategus,  displayed  rather  more  en- 
ergy and  courage.     But  a  fresh  Roman  force  under  Mummius  having 

68 


1 


I 


538 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVI 


landed  on  the  istbmus,  Diieus  was  overthrown  in  a  hattle  near  Cormth ; 
imd  that  city  was  immediately  evacuated,  not  only  by  tlie  ti-oops  of  the 
league,  but  also  by  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants.  On  entermg  it 
Mummius  put  the  few  males  who  remained  to  the  sword ;  sold  the  women 
and  children  as  slaves ;  and,  having  carried  away  all  its  treasures,  con- 
signed  it  to  the  flames  (b.  c.  146).  Corinth  was  filled  with  masterpieces 
of  ancient  art;  but  Mummius  was  so  insensible  of  their  surpassing  excel- 
lence,  as  to  stipulate  with  those  who  contracted  to  convey  them  to  Italy, 
that,  if  any  were  lost  in  the  passage,  they  should  be  replaced  by  others  of 
equal  value !  Mummius  then  employed  himself  in  chastising  and  rcgulat- 
incr  the  whole  of  Greece ;  and  ten  commissioners  were  sent  from  Rome  to 
settle  its  future  condition.  The  whole  country,  to  the  borders  of  Macedo- 
nia and  Epeirus,  was  formed  into  a  Roman  province,  under  the  name  of 
Achaia,  derived  froqi  that  confederacy  which  had  made  the  last  struggle 
for  its  political  existence. 


ii 


Apollo  CitharoBdiis.    From  the  collection  in  the  Vatican. 


Chap.  XLVII.]     later  school  of  attic  sculpture. 


536 


Group  of  the  Laocoon  in  the  Vatican. 


CHAPTER    XLYH. 


history  of  GRECIAN  ART  FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  PELOPONNESIAN 

WAR  TO  ITS  DECLINE. 

$  1.  Later  School  of  Athenian  Sculpture.  §  2.  Scopas.  §  3.  Praxiteles.  §  4.  Sicyonian 
School  of  Sculpture.  Euphranor,  Lysippus.  §  5.  Sicyonian  School  of  Painting.  Eu- 
pompus,  Paraphilus,  Apelles.  §  6.  Architecture.  §  7.  Period  after  Alexander  the 
Great.     School  of  Rhodes.    §  8.  Plunder  of  Greek  Works  of  Art  by  the  Romans. 

§  1.  After  the  close  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  what  is  called  the  second 

• 

or  later  school  of  Attic  sculpture  still  continued  to  assert  its  pre-eminence. 
In  style  and  chai-acter,  however,  it  presented  a  marked  difierence  from  the 
school  of  the  preceding  age.     The  excitement  and  misfortunes  which  had 
attended  the  war  had  worked  a  great  change  in  the  Athenians.     This  was 
communicated  to  their  works  of  art,  which  now  manifested  an  expression 
of  stronger  passion  and  of  deeper  feeling.     The  serene  and  composed 
majesty  which  had  marked  the  gods  and  heroes  of  the  earlier  artists  alto- 
gether vanished.     The  new  school  of  sculptors  preferred  to  take  other 
deities  for  their  subjects  than  those  which  had  been  selected  by  their  pre- 
decessors ;  and  Zeus,  Hera,  and  Athena  gave  place  to  gods  characterized 
by  more  violent  feelings  and  passions,  such  as  Dionysus,  Aphrodite,  and 
Eros.     These  formed  the  favorite  subjects  of  the  later  Athenian  school, 
and  received  from  it  that  stamp  and  character  of  representation  which  they 
retained  through  the  succeeding  period  of  classic  art.     A  change  is  also 
observable   in  the  materials  employed,  and  in  the  technical  handling  of 


i; 


540 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVIL 


Hi 


them.  The  magnificently  adomeil  chryso-elephantme  statues  ahiiost  wholly 
disappear;  marble  becomes  more  frequently  used,  especially  by  the  Athe- 
nian statuaries,  and  the  whole  execution  is  softer  and  more  flowing. 

§  2.  The  only  two  artists  of  this  school  whom  it  will  be  necessary  to  men- 
tion are  Scopas  and  Praxiteles.     Scopas  was  a  native  of  Paios,  and  flour- 
ished in  the  first  half  of  the  fourth  century  b.  c.     His  exact  date  cannot  be 
ascertained,  nor  is  there  anything  known  of  his  life,  except  in  connection 
with  his  works,  of  wliich  some  specimens  still  remmn.     Among  these  are 
the  bas-reliefs  on  the  frieze  of  the  peristyle  which  suiTounded  the  Mauso- 
leum, or  tomb  of  Mausolus,  at  HaUcamassus  (Budrum),  some  of  which 
s^  now  deposited  in  the  British  Museum  (Budmm  Marhlesy     Their 
style  is  very  similar  to  that  of  the  sculptures  on  the  frieze  of  the  Choragic 
Monument  of  Lysicrates,  which  is  of  the  same  period  of  art.*     Both  are 
of  high  exceUence,  but  inferior  to  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon.     Scopas, 
however,  was  more  famous  for  single  statues  and  detached  groups  than  for 
architectural  sculpture.     His  statues  of  Aphrodite  were  very  celebrated  in 
antiquity.      That  of  the  Victorious  Aphrodite   (Venus  Victnx)   in  the 
Louvre  at  Paris  is  ascribed  to  his  chisel  by  many  competent  judges.     But 
the  most  esteemed  of  all  his  works  was  a  group  representing  Achilles  con- 
ducted by  the  maiine  deities  to  the  island  of  Leuc4.    It  consisted  of  figures 
of  Poseidon,  Thetis,  and  Achilles,  suri-ounded  by  Nereids  on  dolphins, 
huge  fishes,  and  hippocampi,  and  attended  by  Tritons  and  sea-monsters. 
In  the  treatment  of  the  subject,  heroic  grandeur  is  said  to  have  been 
combined   with   grace.     A  group  better  known  in  modern  times,  from 
a  copy  of  it  preserved  in  the  Museum  at  Florence,  is  that  of  Niobe  and 
her  children  slain  by  the  hands  of  Artemis  and  ApoUo.f     There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  it  filled  the  pediment  of  a  temple.     At  a  later  period  it  was 
preserved  in  the  temple  of  Apollo  Sosianus  at  Rome,  but  it  was  a  disputed 
point  among  the  Romans  whether  it-  was  from  the  hands  of  Scopas  or 
Praxiteles.     In  the  noble  forms  of  the  countenances  grief  and  despair  are 
portrayed  without  distortion.    Another  celebrated  work  of  Scopas  was  the 
statue  of  the  Pythian  Apollo  playing  on  the  lyre,  which  Augustus  placed  in 
the  temple  which  he  built  to  ApoUo  on  the  Palatine,  in  thanksgiving  for 
his  victory  at  Actium.    The  copy  of  this  statue  in  the  Vatican  is  figured 
on  p.  538.     Scopas  was  an  architect  as  well  as  %>  statuary,  and  built  the 
temple  of  Athena  Alea  at  Tegea,  in  Arcadia,  one  of  the  largest  and  most 
magnificent  in  the  Peloponnesus. 

§  3.  Praxiteles  was  contemporary  with  Scopas,  though  perhaps  some- 
what  younger.  Nothing  is  positively  known  of  his  history,  except  that  he 
was  at  least  a  citizen,  if  not  a  native,  of  Athens,  and  that  his  career  as  an 
artist  was  intimately  connected  with  that  city.  He  excelled  in  represent- 
ing the  softer  beauties  of  the  human  form,  and  especially  the  female 


•  See  below,  p.  544. 


t  See  drawing  on  p.  514. 


Chap.  XL VII.]  SICYONIAN   SCHOOL    OF    SCULPTURE. 


u\ 


figure.  But  art  had  now  sunk  from  its  lofty  and  ideal  majesty.  The 
Cnidian  Aphrodite,  the  masterpiece  of  Praxiteles,  expressed  only  sensual 
charms,  and  was  avowedly  modelled  from  the  courtesan  Phryne.  Yet 
such  was  its  excellence  that  many  made  a  voyage  to  Cnidos  on  purpose  to 
behold  it ;  and  so  highly  did  the  Cnidians  prize  it,  that  they  refused  to 
part  with  it  to  King  Nicomedes,  although  he  offered  to  pay  off  their  public 
debt  in  exchange  for  it.  In  this  work  Aphrodite  was  represented  either 
as  just  entering  or  just  quitting  the  bath ;  and  it  is  said  to  have  been  the 
first  instance  in  which  any  artist  had  ventured  to  represent  the  goddess  en- 
tirely divested  of  di-apery.  At  the  same  time  he  made  a  draped  statue  of 
the  goddess  for  the  Coans,  which  however  never  enjoyed  so  much  reputa- 
tion as  the  former,  though  Praxiteles  obtained  the  same  price  for  it.  He 
also  made  two  statues  of  Eros,  one  of  which  he  deemed  his  masterpiece. 
It  is  related  that,  in  his  fondness  for  Phryne,  he  promised  to  give  her  any 
statue  she  might  choose,  but  was  unwilUng  to  tell  her  which  he  considered 
his  masterpiece.  In  order  to  ascertain  this  point  Phryne  sent  a  messa^^e 
to  Praxiteles  that  his  house  was  on  fire ;  at  which  news  he  rushed  out,  ex- 
claiming that  he  was  undone  if  the  fire  had  touched  his  Satyr  or  his 
Eros.  He  also  excelled  in  representing  Dionysus  with  his  fauns  and 
satyrs.  A  statue  of  Apollo,  known  as  Apollo  Sauroctonos,  or  the  lizard- 
killer,  was  among  his  most  famous  pieces.  It  was  in  bronze,  and  nu- 
merous copies  of  it  are  still  extant. 

§  4.  The  later  Athenian  school  of  sculpture  was  succeeded  by  the 
Sicyonian  school.  It  is  characterized  by  representations  of  heroic  strength 
and  of  the  forms  of  athletse,  and  by  a  striving  after  the  colossal.  Its 
chief  artists  were  Euphranor  and  Lysippus.  Euphranor  was  a  native  of 
the  Corinthian  isthmus,  but  practised  his  art  at  Athens.  He  appears  to 
have  flourished  during  the  time  of  Philip  of  Macedon,  and  beyond  the 
period  of  Alexander's  accession.  He  excelled  in  painting  as  well  as  in 
statuaiy.  He  executed  figures  in  bronze  and  marble  of  all  sizes,  from  a 
drinking-cup  to  a  colossal  statue.  One  of  his  most  celebrated  works  was 
a  statue  of  Paris.  Lysippus  was  a  native  of  Sicyon,  and  flourished  during 
the  reign  of  Alexander  the  Great.  He  was  originally  a  mere  workman 
in  bronze,  but  through  his  genius  and  a  sedulous  study  of  nature  rose  to 
the  highest  eminence  as  a  statuary.  He  followed  the  school  of  Polycle- 
tus,  whose  Doryphoros  formed  his  standard  model ;  but  by  this  course  of 
study  the  ideal  of  art  was  sacrificed  to  the  merely  natural.  Hercules, 
a  human  hero,  was  the  favorite  subject  of  his  chisel ;  but  he  deviated 
from  the  former  models,  in  which  Hercules  was  endowed  with  ponderous 
strength,  and  represented  him  as  characterized  by  strength  and  agility 
combined.  This  type  was  adopted  by  subsequent  artists.  The  celebrated 
Farnese  Hercules  in  the  Museum  at  Naples  is  probably  a  copy  of  one  of 
his  works.  Lysippus  excelled  in  portraits ;  in  which  department  he  also 
adhered  to  his  principles  of  art,  and  followed  nature  so  closely  as  to  por- 


\ 


I 


IP 


II 


r<»r' 


l>  if 


1 1   :i: 


542 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


(Chap.  XLVIL 


tray  even  the  defects  of  his  subjects.  Thus,  in  his  busts  of  Alexander,  he 
did  not  omit  his  wry  neck.  Nevertheless,  tliat  monarch  was  so  pleased 
with  his  performances,  that  he  forbade  anybody  but  Lysippus  and  Apel- 
les  to  represent  him.  The  most  renowned  of  Lysippus's  statues  of  Alex- 
ander was  that  which  represented  him  brandishing  a  lance,  and  wliich  was 
regarded  as  a  companion  to  the  picture  of  Apelles,  in  which  he  wielded  a 

thunderbolt. 

It  has  been  observed  that  the  features  of  Alexander  per\'ade  most  of 
the  heroic  statues  of  this  period.  Lysippus  worked  principally  in  bronze. 
One  of  his  most  celebrated  productions  was  an  equestrian  group  of  the 
chieftains  who  fell  at  the  battle  of  the  Granlcus.  His  works  were  very 
numerous,  and  are  said  to  have  amounted  to  fifteen  hundred. 

§  5.  With  regard  to  painting,  the  Asiatic  school  of  Zeuxis  and  Parrha- 
sius  was  also  succeeded  by  a  JSicyonian  school,  of  which  Eupompus  may 
be  considei-ed  as  the  founder.  He  was  excelled,  however,  by  his  pupil 
Pamphilus,  who  was  renowned  as  a  teacher  of  his  art,  and  founded  a  sort 
of  academy.  His  period  of  instruction  extended  over  ten  years,  and  his 
fee  was  a  talent.  Tlie  school  of  Pamphilus  produced  several  celebrated 
artists,  of  whom  Apelles  was  by  far  the  greatest 

Apelles  seems  to  have  been  a  native  of  Colophon,  in  Ionia ;  but,  as  we 
have  said,  he  studied  ten  years  under  Pamphilus  at  Amphipolis ;  and  sub- 
sequently, even  after  he  liad  attained  some  reputation,  under  Melanthius  at 
Sicyon.  Thus  to  the  grace  and  elegance  of  the  Ionic  school  he  added  the 
scientific  accuracy  of  the  Sicyonian.  The  greater  part  of  his  life  seems  to 
huve  been  spent  at  the  court  of  Pella.  He  was  warmly  patronized  by 
Alexander,  who  frequently  visited  his  studio,  and,  as  mentioned  before, 
granted  him  the  exclusive  privilege  of  painting  his  portrait.  In  one  of 
these  visits  Alexander  began  to  descant  on  art,  but  exposed  his  igno- 
rance so  much  that  Apelles  gave  him  a  polite  hint  to  be  silent,  as  the 
boys  who  were  grinding  the  colors  were  laughing  at  him.  He  appears  to 
have  accompanied  Alexander  in  his  Eastern  expedition,  and  after  the 
death  of  that  monarch  to  have  travelled  through  the  western  parts  of  Asia. 
He  spent  the  latter  part  of  his  life  at  the  court  of  King  Ptolemy  in  Egjpt. 
The  chai-acter  of  Ai>elles  presents  us  with  traits  quite  the  reverse  of  the 
silly  vanity  of  Zeuxis.  He  was  always  ready  to  acknowledge  his  own 
faults,  as  well  as  the  merits  of  others.  In  fact,  there  was  only  one  point 
in  which  he  asserted  his  superiority  over  his  contemporaries,  namely, 
ffrme;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  was  no  vain  assumption.  He 
was  not  ashamed  to  learn  from  the  humblest  critics.  With  this  view  he 
was  accustomed  to  exhibit  his  unfinished  pictures  before  his  house,  and  to 
conceal  himself  behind  them  in  order  to  hear  the  criticisms  of  the  passers- 
by.  On  one  of  these  occasions  a  cobbler  detected  a  fault  in  the  shoes  of 
one  of  his  figures,  which  Apelles  corrected.  The  next  time  he  passed, 
the  cobbler,  encouraged  by  the  success  of  his  criticism,  began  to  remark 


Chap:  XLVII.J 


ARCHITECTURE. 


S43 


upon  the  leg;  at  which  the  artist  lost  aU  patience,   and,  rusliing  from 
behind  his  picture,  commanded  the  cobbler  to  keep  to  his  shoes.  °Hence 
the  proverb, «  Ne  sutor  ultra  crepidam,"  —  Let  the  cobbler  stick  to  his  last. 
His  conduct  towards  his  contemporary,  Protogenes  of  Rhodes,  exhibits  a 
generosity  not  always  found  among  rival  artists.     On  arriving  at  Rhodes, 
Apelles  saw  that  the  works  of  Protogenes  were  scarcely  at  all  valued  by 
his  country-men ;  whereupon  he  offered  him  fifty  talents  for  one  of  his 
pictures,  at  the  same  time  spreading  the  report  that  he  meant  to  sell  it 
again  as  one  of  his  own.     Apelles  studied  with  the  greatest  industry,  and 
always  went  on  trying  to  improve  himself;  yet  he  knew  when  to  leave  off" 
correcting  his  pictures,  and  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim  that  over-care  often 
spoiled  a  piece.     His  pictures  seem  to  have   been   chiefly  on  movable 
panels,  and  he  was  probably  the  first  who  used  a  sort  of  varnish  to  his 
pictures,  with  an  effect  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the  modern  toniiig  or 
glazing.     He  generally  painted  single  figures,  or  groups  of  only  a  few. 
He  excelled  in  portraits,  among  the  most  celebrated  of  which  was  that 
already  mentioned  of  Alexander  wielding  the  thunderbolt.     The   hand 
which  held  it  seemed  to  stand  out  of  the  panel ;  and  in  order  to  heighten 
this  effect  of  foreshortening,  Alexander's  complexion   was   made   dark, 
though   in   reality   it   was   light.     The  price  paid  for  this  picture  was 
twenty   talents.     But   the   most  admired  of  all   his  pamtings  was  the 
"  Aphrodite   (Venus)   Anadyomene,"  *  or  Aphrodite  rising  from  the  Sea. 
The  goddess  was  represented  wringing  her  hair,  whilst  the  falling  drops 
formed  a  veil  around  her.     It  wa5  originally  painted  for  the  temple  of 
JSsculapius  at  Cos,  and  was  afterwards  placed  by  Augustus  in  the  temple 
which  he  dedicated  to  Julius  Cajsar  at  Rome.     Another  figure  of  Aphro- 
dite, also  painted  for  the  Coans,  Apelles  left  incomplete  at  his  death, 
and  nobody  could  be  found  to  finish  it.     By  the  general  consent  of  the 
ancients  Apelles  was  the  first  of  painters,  and  some  of  the  later  Latm 
poets  use  his  name  as  a  synonyme  for  the  art  itself. 

§  6.  The  architecture  of  this  period  was  marked  rather  by  the  laying 
out  of  cities  in  a  nobler  and  more  convenient  fashion,  and  by  the  increase 
of  splendor  in  private  residences,  than  by  any  improvement  in  the  style  of 
public  buildings  and  temples.     The  conquests  of  Alexander  caused  the 
foundation  of  new  cities,  and  introduced  into  the  East  the  architecture  of 
Greece.     The  two  finest  examples  of  cities  which  arose  in  this  manner 
were  Alexandria  in  Egypt  and  Antioch  in  Syria.     The  regularity  of  its 
plan,  the  colossal  size  of  its  public  buildmgs,  and  the  beauty  and  solidity 
of  its  private  houses,  rendered  Alexandria  a  sort  of  model  city ;  yet  it  was 
surpassed  by  Antioch  in  the  pleasing  nature  of  the  impression  produced. 
The  fittings  and  furniture  of  the  apartments  kept  pace  with  the  increased 
external  splendor  of  private  dwellings.     This  age  was  also  distinguished 


•   I 


*  17  avahvoyxvrj  *A(f)podiTTi. 


r: 


(   I 


54A 


HISTORT  OP   GREECE, 


[Chaf.  XLVn. 


by  its  splendid  sepulchral  monuments :  the  one  to  the  memory  of  her 
husband  Mausolus,  erected  at  Halicarnassus,  by  the  Carian  Queen 
Artemisia,  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world.  It 
was  adorned  with  sculptural  decorations  by  the  greatest  artists  of  the  later 
Attic  school.  (See  p.  540.)  At  the  same  Ume  temple  architecture  was 
not  neglected ;  but  the  simple  and  solid  grandeur  of  the  Doric  order,  and 
the  chaste  grace  of  the  louic,  began  to  give  place  to  the  more  florid 

Corinthian. 

One  of  the  most  graceful  monuments  of  tins  period  still  extant  is  the 
Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates,  at  Athens,  vulgarly  called  the  Lantern 
of  Demosthenes,  which  was  dedicated  by  Lysicrates  in  b.  c.  335,  as  we 
learn  from  an  inscription  on  the  architrave,  in  commemoration  of  a  vic- 
tory gained  by  the  chorus  of  Lysicrates  in  the  dramatic  contests.  It 
is  a  small,  circuhir  building  on  a  square  basement,  of  white  marble,  and 
covered  by  a  cupola,  supported  by  six  Corinthian  columns ;  the  summit 
of  the  cupola  was  formerly  crowned  by  the  tripod  which  Lysicrates 
had  gamed  as  the  prize.  The  frieze  of  the  monument,  of  which  there  are 
casts^'in  the  British  Museum,  represents  the  destruction  of  the  Tyrrhenian 
pirates  by  Dionysus  and  his  attendants.  A  drawing  of  the  monument  is 
given  on  p.  407,  and  portions  of  the  frieze  are  figured  on  pp.  427,  428. 
Another  extant  monument  of  this  period  at  Athens  is  the  Horologium  of 
Andronicus  Cyrrhestes,  probably  erected  about  b.  c.  100,  and  vulgarly 
called  the  "  Temple  of  the  Winds,"  from  the  figures  of  the  Wmds  upon  its 
faces.  It  is  an  octagonal  tower,  with  its  eight  sides  facing  respectively 
the  direction  of  the  eight  winds  mto  which  the  Athenian  compass  was  di- 
vided.  The  directions  of  the  several  sides  are  indicated  by  the  figures  and 
names  of  the  eight  Winds,  which  were  sculptured  on  the  frieze  of  the  en- 
tablature. On  the  summit  of  the  building  there  stood  originally  a  bronze 
figure  of  a  Triton,  holding  a  wand  in  his  right  hand,  and  turning  on  a 
ph'ot,  so  as  to  serve  for  a  weathercock.     (See  drawing  on  p.  657.) 

§  7.  After  the  age  of  Alexander,  Greek  art  began  visibly  to  decline. 
The  great  artists  that  had  gone  before  had  fixed  the  ideal  types  of  the 
oi-dinary  subjects  of  the  sculptor  and  painter,  and  thus  in  a  manner  ex- 
hausted  invention ;  whilst  all  the  technical  details  of  handhng  and  treat- 
ment had  been  brought  to  the  highest  state  of  perfection  and  development. 
The  attempt  to  outdo  the  great  masterpieces  which  already  existed  in- 
duced artists  to  depart  from  the  simple  grace  of  the  ancient  models,  and  to 
replace  it  by  striking  and  theatrical  effect.  The  pomp  of  the  monarchs 
who  had  divided  amongst  them  the  empire  of  Alexander  required  a  dis- 
play of  Eastern  magnificence,  and  thus  also  led  to  a  meretricious  style  in 
art.  Nevertheless,  it  was  impossible  that  the  innate  excellence  of  the 
Gi«ek  schools  should  disappear  altogether  and  at  once.  The  perfect  mod- 
els that  were  always  present  could  not  fail  to  preserve  a  certain  degree  of 
taste ;  and  even  after  the  time  of  Alexander,  we  find  many  works  of  great 


Chap.  XLVII.] 


SCHOOL    OF   RHODES. 


5ib 


excellence  produced.     Art,  however,  began  to  emigrate  from  Greece  to 
the  coasts  and  islands  of  Asia  Minor :    Rhodes,  especially,  remained  an 
eminent  school  of  art  almost  down  to  the  Christian  era.  .  This  school  was 
an  immediate  offshoot  of  that  of  Lysippus,  and  its  chief  founder  was  the 
Rhodian  Chares,  who  flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  third  century 
B.  c.     His  most  noted  work  was  the  statue  of  the  Sun,  which,  under  the 
name  of  the  Colossus  of  Rhodes,  was  esteemed  one  of  the  seven  wonders 
of  the  world.     It  was  of  bronze,  and  105  feet  high.     It  stood  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  harbor  of  Rhodes  ;  but  the  statement  that  its  legs  extended 
over  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  does  not  rest  on  any  authentic°foundation. 
It  was  twelve  years  in  erecting,  at  a  cost  of  three  hundred  talents,  and 
was  so  large  that  there  were  few  who  could  embrace  its  thumb.     It  was 
overthrown  by  an  earthquake  fifty-six  years  after  its  erection.     But  the 
most  beautiful  work  of  the  Rhodian  school  at  this  period  is  the  famous 
group  of  the  Laocoon  in  the  Vatican,  so  well  known  by  its  many  copies. 
(See  drawing  on  p.  539.)     It  was  the  work  of  three  sculptors,  Agesander, 
Polydorus,  and  Athenodorus.     In  this  group  the  pathos  of  physical  suffer- 
ing is  expressed  in  the  highest  degree,  but  not  without  a  certain  theatrical 
air  and  straining  for  effect,  which  the  best  age  of  Greek  art  would  have 
rejected.    To  the  same  school  belongs  the  celebrated  group  called  the  Fame- 
sian  Bull,  in  the  Museum  at  Naples,  representing  Zethus  and  Amphion  bind- 
ing Dirce  to  a  wild  bull,  in  order  to  avenge  their  mother.     (See  drawing 
on  p.  525.)     It  was  the  work  of  two  brothers,  Apollonius  and  Tauriscus  of 
Tralles.     About  the  same  time  eminent  schools  of  art  flourished  at  Pero-a- 
mus  and  Ephesus.     To  the  former  may  be  referred  the  celebrated  Dyin*y 
Ghidiator  in  the  Capitoline  Museum  at  Rome,  and  to  the  latter  the  Borghese 
Gladiator  in  the  Louvre.    The  well-known  statue  of  Aphrodite  at  Florence, 
called  the  "  Venus  de'  Medici,"  also  belongs  to  the  same  period.     It  was 
executed  by  an  Athenian  artist  named  Cleomencs,  wliose  exact  date  is  un- 
known, but  who  lived  before  the  capture  of  Corinth,  in  b.  c.  146. 

§  8.  When  Greece  began  to  Ml  into  tlie  hands  of  the  Romans,  the  treas- 
ures of  Greek  art  were  conveyed  by  degrees  to  Rome,  where  ultimately 
a  new  school  arose.  The  triumphs  over  Philip,  Antiochus,  the  iEtolians, 
and  others,  but,  above  all,  the  capture  of  Corintli,  and,  subsequently,  the 
victories  over  Mithridates  and  Cleopatra,  filled  Rome  with  works  of  art. 
The  Roman  generals,  the  governors  of  provinces  (as  Verres),  and  finally 
the  emperors,  continued  the  work  of  spoliation ;  *  but  so  prodigious  was 
the  number  of  works  of  art  in  Greece,  that,  even  in  the  second  century  of 
the  Christian  era,  when  Pausanms  visited  it,  its  temples  and  other  pubHc 
buildings  were  still  crowded  with  statues  and  paintings. 


*  Nero  alone  is  said  to  have  brought  five  hundred  statues  from  Delphi,  merely  to  adoiu 
his  golden  house. 

.69 


in 


m 


M6 


HISTORY  OF  SREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVHI. 


Bust  of  Aristotle. 


CHAPTER  xL\an. 

aRECIAN  LITERATURE  FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR 

TO  THE  LATEST  PERIOD. 

I  1  The  Drama.  The  Middle  Comedy.  The  New  Comedy:  Philemon,  Menander. 
4' 2  Oratory.  Circumstances  which  favored  it  at  Athens.  §  3.  Its  Sicilian  Origin. 
i  4  The  Ten  Attic  Orators:  Antiphon,  Andocides,  Lysias,  Isocrates,  Isxus,  ^schines, 
Lycurgus,  Demosthenes,  Hypereides,  and  Dinarchus.  ^  6.  Athenian  Philosophy:  Plato. 
418.  Sketch  of  his  Philosophy.  ^  7.  The  Megarics,  Cyrenaics,  and  Cynics  ^  8.  The 
Academicians.  ^  9.  Aristotle  and  the  Peripatetics.  $  10.  The  Stoics  and  Epicureans. 
4  11.  The  Alexandrian  School  of  Literature.  ^  12.  Later  Greek  Writers:  Polybms, 
Dionvsius  of  Halicamassus,  Diodorus  Siculus,  Arrian,  Appian,  Plutarch,  Josephus,  Stra- 
bo,  Pausanias,  Dion  Cassius,  Luciah,  Galen.  ^  13.  The  Greek  Scriptures  and  Fatliers. 
Coiuslusion. 

§  1.  In  reviewing  the  preceding  period  of  Greek  literature,  we  have  al- 
ready had  occasion  to  notice  the  decline  of  tragedy  at  Athens.  It  contin- 
ued, indeed,  still  to  subsist ;  hut  after  the  great  tragic  triumvirate,  we  have 
no  authors  who  have  come  down  to  us,  or  whose  works  were  at  all  com- 
parable to  thoee  of  their  predecessors.  There  are,  however,  a  few  names 
that  should  be  reconled;  as  that  of  Agathon,  the  contemporary  and  friend  of 
Euripides,  whose  compositions  were  more  remarkable  for  their  flowery  ele- 
gance  than  for  force  or  sublimity:  of  lophon,  the  son  of  Sophocles,  whose 
undutiful  conduct  towards  his  father  has  been  already  mentioned,  the  au- 
thor of  fifty  tragedies,  which  gained  considerable  reputation :  of  Sophocles, 
the  grandson  of  the  great  tragic  poet :  and  of  a  second  Euripides,  the 
nephew  of  the  celebrated  one.  With  regard  to  comedy  the  case  was  differ- 
ent.  After  the  days  of  Aristophanes  it  took,  indeed,  a  wholly  different 
form ;  but  a  form  which  rendered  it  a  more  perfect  imitation  of  nature, 
and  established  it  as  the  model  of  that  species  of  composition  in  every  civ- 
flized  nation  of  after  times.  We  have  already  noticed,  in  the  plays  of  Ans- 
.tophanes  himself,  a  transition  from  the  genuine  Old  Comedy  to  the  Middle 


Chap.  XL VIII.] 


THE  DRAMA. 


547 


Comedy.     The  latter  still  continued  to  be  in  some  degree  political ;  but 
persons  were  no  longer  introduced  upon  the  stage  under  their  real  names, 
and  the  office  of  the  chorus  was  very  much  curtailed.     It  was,  in  fact,  the 
connecting  link  between  the  Old  Comedy  and  the  New,  or  the  Comedy  of 
Manners.     The  most  distinguished  authors  of  the  Middle  Comedy,  besides 
Aristophanes,  were  Antiphanes  and  Alexis.     The    New  Comedy  arose 
after  Athens  had  become  subject  to  the  Macedonians.     Politics  were  now 
excluded  from  the  stage,  and  the  materials  of  the  dramatic  poet  were  de- 
rived entirely  from  the  fictitious  adventures  of  persons  in  private  life. 
The  two  most  distinguished  writers  of  this  school  were  Philemon  and  Me- 
nander.    Philemon  was  probably  born  about  the  year  360  b.  c,  and  was 
either  a  Cilician  or  Syracusan,  but  came  at  an  early  age  to  Athens.     He 
is  considered  as  the  founder  of  the  New  Comedy,  which  was  soon  after- 
wards brought  to  perfection  by  his  younger  contemporary,  Menander. 
Philemon  was  a  prolific  author,  and  is  said  to  have  written  ninety-seven 
plays,  of  which  only  a  few  fragments  remain.    Menander  was  an  Athenian, 
and  was  bom  in  b.  c.  342.     Diopeithes,  his  father,  commanded  the  Athe- 
nian forces  on  the  Hellespont,  and  was  the  person  defended  by  Demos- 
thenes in  one  of  his  extant  speeches.*     Menander  was  handsome  in  j^er- 
son,  and  of  a  serene  and  easy  temper,  but  luxurious  and  effeminate  in  his 
habits.      Demetrius   Phalereus   was   his   friend   and   patron.      He   was 
drowned  at  the  age  of  fifty-two,  whilst  swimming  in  the  harbor  of  Peirseus. 
He  wrote  upwards  of  one  hundred  comedies ;  yet  during  his  lifetime  his 
dramatic  career  was  not  so  successful  as  his  subsequent  fame  would  seem 
to  imply ;  and  he  gained  the  prize  only  eight  times.     The  broader  humor 
of  his  rival  Philemon  seems  to  have  told  with  more  effect  on  the  popular 
ear.     But  the  unanimous  praise  of  posterity  made  ample  compensation 
for  this  injurious  neglect,  and  awakens  our  regret  for  the  loss  of  the  works 
of  one  of  the  most  elegant  writers  of  antiquity.     The  number  of  his  frag- 
ments,  collected  from  the  writings  of  various  authors,  sliows  how  extensively 
he  was  read ;  but  unfortunately  none  are  of  sufficient  length  to  convey  to 
us  an  adequate  idea  of  his  style  and  genius.      The  comedies,  indeed,  of 
Plautus  and  Terence  may  give  us  a  general  notion  of  the  New  Comedy 
of  the  Greeks,  from  which  they  were  confessedly  drawn  ;  but  there  is  good 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  works  even  of  the  latter  Roman  writer  fell  far 
short  of  the  wit  and  elegance  of  Menander. 

§  2.  The  latter  days  "of  literary  Athens  were  chiefly  distinguished  by 
the  genius  of  her  orators  and  philosophers.  Both  rhetoric  and  philosophy 
were  at  first  cultivated  exclusively  by  the  sophists,  and,  till  the  time  of 
Socrates,  remained  almost  entirely  in  their  hands.  Socrates,  by  directing 
the  attention  of  philosophers  to  the  more  useful  questions  of  morals,  effected 
a  separation  between  rhetoric  and  philosophy.     After  his  time  we  find 


*  JJepi  Tav  iv  Xtparov^ac^. 


us 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVHI 


various  scbools  of  moral  philosophy  springing  up,  as  the  Academicians 
Peripatetics,  Stoics,  &c.,  whilst  the  more  technical  pai-t  of  the  art  of  speak- 
ing became  a  distinct  profession. 

The  extreme  democratical  nature  of  the  Athenian  institutions,  especially 
after  the  reforms  of  Pericles,  rendered  it  indispensable  for  a  public  man  to 
possess  some  oratorical  skill.  All  public  business,  both  political  and  judi- 
cial, was  transacted  by  the  citizens  themselves,  in  their  courts  and  public 
assembhes.  The  assembly  of  the  people  decided  all  questions,  not  only 
of  domestic  policy,  but  even  those  which  concerned  then- foreign  relations. 
They  not  only  made,  but  administered,  the  laws ;  and  even  their  courts  of 
justice  must  be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  public  assemblies,  from  the  number 
of  dicasts  who  composed  them.  The  vast  majority  of  those  who  met  either 
in  the  public  assemblies  or  in  the  courts  of  justice  were  men  of  no  pohtical 
or  legal  training  *  The  Athenian  citizen  was  a  statesman  and  a  judge  by 
prerogative  of  birth.  Although  he  took  an  oath  to  decide  according  to 
the  laws,  he  was  far  from  considering  himself  bound  to  make  them  his 
study,  or  to  decide  according  to  their  letter.  The  frequency  and  earnest- 
ness with  which  the  orators  remind  the  dicasts  of  their  oath  betray  their 
apprehension  of  its  violation.  It  contained,  mdeed,  a  very  convenient 
clause  for  tender  consciences,  as  it  only  bound  the  dicast  to  decide  ac- 
cording to  the  best  of  his  judgment;  and  the  use  which  might  be  made 
of  this  loophole  by  a  clever  advocate  is  pointed  out  by  Aristotle.f  Hence 
it  is  surprising  how  little  influence  the  written  code  had  on  the  decision 
of  a  case.  The  orators  usually  drew  their  topics  from  extraneous  circum- 
stances, or  from  the  general  character  of  their  adversary,  and  endeavored 
to  prejudice  the  minds  of  then-  audience  by  personal  reflections  wholly 
foreign  to  the  matter  in  hand,  and  which  modem  courts  would  not  tolerate 
for  a  moment  In  addition  to  all  this,  the  natural  temperament  of  the 
Athenians  rendered  them  highly  susceptible  of  the  charms  of  eloquence. 
They  enjoyed  the  intellectual  gladiatorship  of  two  rival  orators,  and  even 
their  mutual  reproaches  and  abuse. 

§  3.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that,  though  the  soil  of  Attica  was  thus 
naturally  adapted  to  the  cultivation  of  eloquence,  the  first  regular  profes- 
sors of  it,  as  an  art,  were  foreigners.  Protagoras  of  Abdera,  who  visited 
Athens  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  fifth  century  before  Christ,  was  the  first 
who  gave  lessons  in  rhetoric  for  money.  He  was  followed  by  Prodicus  of 
Ceos,  and  Gorgias  of  Leontini ;  the  latter  of  whom  especially  was  very 
celebrated  as  a  teacher  of  rhetoric.  The  art,  however,  had  been  established 
in  Sicily  before  the  time  of  Gorgias  by  Corax  and  his  pupil  Tisias.     Co- 


Chap.  XLVni,] 


ATHENIAN   ORATORY. 


549 


*  This  is  not  strictly  correct.  The  Athenian  had  a  practical  training,  both  in  law  and 
politics,  in  the  actual  working  of  the  civil  and  judicial  institutions;  and  long  before  he  had 
reached  the  legal  age  to  take  a  personal  part  m  public  aflfairs,  he  was  generally  quite  fa- 
miliar both  with  principles  and  forms.  — El>. 

•  Rhetoric,  1. 15.  5. 


rax  has  been  regarded  as  the  founder  of  technical  oratory,  and  was  at  all 
events  the  first  who  wrote  a  treatise  on  the  subject.  The  appearance  of 
Gorgias  at  Athens,  whither  he  went  as  ambassador  from  Leontini,  in  427 
B.  c,  produced  a  great  sensation  among  the  Athenians,  who  retained  him 
in  their  city  for  the  purpose  of  profiting  by  his  instructions.  His  lectures 
were  attended  by  a  vast  concourse  of  persons,  and  attracted  many  from 
the  schools  of  the  philosophers.  His  merit  must  have  been  very  great  to 
have  drawn  so  much  attention  in  the  best  times  of  Athens ;  and  we  are 
told  by  Cicero  that  he  alone  of  all  the  sophists  was  honored  with  a  golden, 
and  not  merely  a  gilt,  statue  at  Delplii. 

§  4.  The  Athenians  had  established  a  native  school  of  eloquence  a  little 
before  the  appearance  of  Gorgias  among  them.  The  earliest  of  their 
professed  oilitors  was  Antiphon  (born  b.  c.  480),  who  stands  at  the  head 
of  the  ten  contained  in  the  Alexandrian  canon.  Gorgias  seems  to  have 
been,  known  at  Athens  by  his  works  before  he  appeared  there  in  person  ; 
and  one  of  the  chief  objects  of  Antiphon  was  to  establish  a  more  solid- 
style  in  place  of  his  dazzling  and  sophistical  rhetoric.  Thucydides  was 
among  the  pupils  in  the  school  which  he  opened,  and  is  said  to  have  owed 
much  to  his  master.  Antiphon  was  put  to  death  in  411  b.  c,  for  the  part 
which  he  took  in  establishing  the  oligarchy  of  the  Four  Hundred.  Fif- 
teen of  his  orations  have  come  down  to  us. 

The  remaining  nine  Attic  orators  contained  in  the  Alexandrian  canon 
were  Andocides,  Lysias,  Isocrates,  Isasus,  ^schines,  Lycurgus,  Demos- 
thenes, Hypereides,  and  Dinarchus.  Andocides,  who  has  been  already 
mentioned  as  concerned  with  Alcibiades  in  the  affair  of  the  Hermje,*  was 
born  at  Athens  in  b.  c.  467,  and  died  probably  about  391.  We  have  at 
least  three  genuine  orations  of  his,  which,  however,  are  not  distin^-uished 
by  any  particular  merit. 

Lysias,  also  born  at  Athens  in  458,  was  much  superior  to  him  as  an 
orator,  but  being  a  metic,  or  resident  alien,  he  was  not  allowed  to  speak 
in  the  assemblies  or  courts  of  justice,  and  therefore  wrote  orations  for 
others  to  deliver.  Of  these  thirty-five  are  extant,  but  some  are  incom- 
plete, and  others  probably  spurious.  His  style  may  be  regarded  as  a 
model  of  the  Attic  idiom,  and  his  orations  are  characterized  by  indescrib- 
able gracefulness,  combined  with  energy  and  power. 

Isocrates  was  born  in  436.  After  receiving  the  instructions  of  some 
of  the  most  celebrated  sophists  of  the  day,  he  became  himself  a  speech- 
writer  and  professor  of  rhetoric ;  his  weakly  constitution  and  natural  ti- 
midity preventing  him  from  taking  a  part  himself  in  public  life.  His  style 
is  more  periodic  than  that  of  the  other  Attic  orators,  and  betrays  that  it 
was  meant  to  be  read  rather  than  spoken.  Although  pure  and  elegant, 
it  is  wanting  in  simplicity  and  vigor,  and  becomes  occasionally  monotonous, 


*  See  p.  313. 


550 


HISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVIIL 


through  the  recurrence  of  the  same  turns.  Isocrates  made  away  with 
himself  in  338,  after  the  fatal  battle  of  Chwronea,  in  despair,  it  is  said,  of 
his  country's  fate.  Twenty-one  of  his  speeches  have  come  down  to  us. 
He  took  great  pains  with  his  compositions,  and  is  reported  to  have  spent 
ten,  or,  according  to  others,  fifteen  years  over  his  Panegyric  oration. 

Isa3us,  according  to  some,  was  a  native  of  Chalcis  ;  others  call  him  an 
Athenian ;  and  it  is  certain,  at  all  events,  Ihat  he  came  at  a  very  early 
age  to  Athens.  His  exact  date  is  not  known,  but  he  flourished  between 
the  end  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  and  the  accession  of  Philip  of  Macedon. 
He  opened  a  school  of  rhetoric  at  Athens,  and  is  said  to  have  numbered 
Demosthenes  among  his  pupils.  The  orations  of  Isaius  were  exclusi\  ely 
judicial,  and  the  whole  of  the  eleven  which  have  come  down  to  us  turn 
on  the  subject  of  inheritances. 

Of  ^schines,  the  antagonist  of  Demosthenes,  we  have  already  had  oc- 
casion to  speak.  He  was  bom  in  the  year  389,  and  was  a  native  of  Attica, 
but  of  low,  if  not  servile,  origin,  and  of  a  mother  of  more  than  equivocal 
reputation.  This,  however,  is  the  account  of  Demosthenes;  and  -^s- 
chines  himself  tells  a  different  story.  He  was  successively  an  assistant 
in  his  father's  school,  a  gymnastic  teacher,  a  scribe,  and  an  actor ;  for 
which  last  profession  a  strong  and  sonorous  voice  peculiarly  qualified  him. 
He  afterwards  entered  the  anny,  where  he  achieved  more  success ;  for 
besides  a  vigorous,  athletic  form,  he  was  endowed  with  considerable  cour- 
age. The  reputation  which  he  gained  in  the  battle  of  Tamynai  encour- 
aged him  to  come  forwards  as  a  public  speaker.  As  a  politician  he  was 
at  first  a  violent  anti-Macedonian ;  but  after  his  embassy  along  with  De- 
mosthenes and  others  to  Philip  s  court,  he  was  the  constant  advocate  of 
peace.  Demosthenes  and  ^schines  now  became  the  leading  speakers  on 
their  respective  sides,  and  the  heat  of  political  animosity  soon  degenerated 
into  personal  hatred.  In  343,  Demosthenes  charged  iEschinc^  with  hav- 
ing received  bribes  from  Philij^  during  a  second  embassy ;  and  the  speech, 
or  rather  pamphlet,*  —  for  it  was  not  spoken,-— in  which  he  brought  for- 
ward this  accusation,  was  answered  in  another  by  iEschines.  The  result 
of  this  charge  is  unknown,  but  it  seems  to  have  detracted  from  the  popu- 
larity of  JEschines.  We  have  already  adverted  to  his  impeachment  of 
Ctesiphon,  and  the  celebrated  reply  of  Demosthenes  in  his  speech  De  Cq- 
Tona,\  After  the  banishment  of  iEschines  on  this  occasion  (b.  c.  330), 
he  spent  several  years  in  Ionia  and  Caria,  where  he  employed  himself  in 
teaching  rhetoric.  After  the  death  of  Alexander  he  retired  to  Rhodes, 
and  established  a  school  of  eloquence,  which  afterwards  became  very  cele- 
brated, and  which  held  a  middle  place  between  Attic  simplicity  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  ornate  Asiatic  style  on  the  other.  He  died  in  Samos 
in  314.    As  an  orator  he  was  second  only  to  Demosthenes.     He  never 


ncpl  TrapoTrpcaiScmff. 


t  See  pp.  515,  516. 


Chap.  XLVIIL] 


DEMOSTHENES. 


551 


published  more  than  three  of  his  speeches,  which  have  come  down  to  us ; 
namely,  that  against  Timarclius,  that  on  the  Embassy,  and  the  one  a^^ainst 
Ctesiphon. 

Of  the  life  of  his  great  rival,  Demosthenes,  we  have  already  given  some 
account,  and  need  therefore  only  speak  here  of  his  literary  merits.  The 
verdict  of  his  contemporaries,  ratified  by  posterity,  has  pronounced  De- 
mosthenes the  greatest  orator  that  ever  lived.  The  principal  element 
of  his  success  must  be  traced  in  his  purity  of  purpose,  which  gave  to  his 
arguments  all  the  force  of  conscientious  conviction;  and  which,  when 
aided  by  a  powerful  logic,  perspicuous  arrangement,  and  the  most  un- 
daunted courage  in  tearing  the  mask  from  the  pretensions  of  his  adversa- 
ries, rendered  his  advocacy  almost  irresistible.  The  effect  of  his  speeches 
was  still  further  heightened  by  a  wonderful  and  almost  magic  force  of 
diction.  It  cannot,  however,  be  supposed  that  his  orations  were  delivered 
in  exactly  that  perfect  form  in  which  we  now  jwssess  them.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  they  were  carefully  revised  for  publication  ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  any  trifling  defects  in  form  and  composition  must  have  been 
more  than  compensated  by  the  gmce  and  vivacity  of  oral  delivery.  This 
is  attested  by  the  well-known  anecdote  of  ^schines,  when  he  read  at 
Rhodes  his  speech  against  Ctesiphon.  His  audience  having  expressed 
their  surprise  that  he  should  have  been  defeated  after  such  an  oration : 
"  You  would  cease  to  wonder,"  he  remarked,  "  if  you  had  heard  Demos- 
thenes." Sixty-one  of  the  orations  of  Demosthenes  have  come  down  to 
us ;  though  of  these  some  are  spurious,  or  at  all  events  doubtful.  The 
most  celebrated  of  his  political  orations  are  the  Philippics,  the  Olynthiacs, 
and  the  oration  on  the  Peace ;  among  the  private  ones,  the  fimious  speech 
on  the  Crown. 

The  remaining  three  Attic  orators,  viz.  Lycurgus,  Hypereides,  and 
Dinarchus,  were  contemporaries  of  Demosthenes.  Lycurgus  and  Hyper* 
eides  both  belonged  to  the  anti-Macedonian  party,  and  were  warm  sup- 
porters of  the  iK)licy  of  Demosthenes.  Of  Lycurgus  only  one  oration  is 
extant ;  and  of  Hypereides  only  two,  which  have  been  recently  discovered 
in  a  tomb  in  Egypt  Dinarchus,  who  is  the  least  important  of  the  Attic 
orators,  survived  Demosthenes,  and  wjis  a  friend  of  Demetrius  Phalereus. 
He  was  an  opponent  of  Demosthenes,  against  whom  he  delivered  one  of 
his  three  extant  orations,  in  relation  to  the  affiiir  of  Haq^alus.* 

§  5.  Whilst  Attic  oratory  was  thus  attaining  perfection,  philosophy  was 
making  equal  progress  in  the  new  direction  marked  out  for  jt  by  Socrates. 
Of  all  the  disciples  of  that  original  and  truly  great  philosopher,  Plato  was 
by  far  the  most  distinguished.  Plato  was  born  at  Athens  in  429  b.  c, 
the  year  in  which  Pericles  died.  By  Ariston,  his  father,  he  was  said  to 
be  descended  from  Codrus,  the  last  of  the  Athenian  kmgs ;  whilst  the 


"l. 


1 


*  See  pp.  516,  517. 


552 


HISTOBT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVIIl 


Chap.  XLVin.] 


PLATO. 


553 


family  of  his  mother  traced  a  relationship  with  Solon.     His  own  name 
.  which  was  originally  Aristocles,  is  said  to  have  been  changed  to  Plato  on 
account  of  the  breadth  of  his  shoulders.*      He  was  instructed  in  music, 
grammar,  and  gymnastics,  by  the  most  celebrated  masters  of  the  time. 
His  first  literary  attempts  were  in  epic,  lyric,  and  dithyrambic  poetry ; 
but  his  attention  was  soon  turned  to  philosophy  by  the  teaching  of  Socrates, 
whose  lectures  he  began  to  frequent  at  about  the  age  of  twenty.      From 
that  time  till  the  death  of  Socrates  he  appears  to  have  lived  in  the  closest 
intimacy  with  that  philosopher.      After  that  event  Plato  withdrew  to 
Megara,  and  subsequently  undertook  some  extensive  travels,  in  the  course 
of  which  he  visited  Cyrene,  Egypt,  Sicily,  and  Magna  Grcecia.     His  in- 
tercourse with  the  elder  Dionysius  at  Syracuse  has  been  already  related.f 
H|8  absence  from  Athens  lasted  about  twelve  years ;  on  his  retuni,  being 
then  upwards  of  forty,  he  began  to  teach  in  the  gymnasium  of  the  Academy, 
and  also  in  his  garden  at  Colonus.     His  instructions  were  gratuitous,  and 
his  method,  like  that  of  his  master,  Socrates,  seems  to  have  been  by  inter- 
rogation and  dialogue.      His  doctrines,  however,  were  too  recondite  for 
the  popular  ear,  and  his  lectures  were  not  very  numerously  attended.    But 
he  had  a  narrower  circle  of  devoted  admirers  and  disciples,  consisting  of 
about  twenty-eight  persons,  who  met  in  his  private  house ;  over  the  vesti- 
bule of  which  was  inscribed,  "  Let  no  one  enter  who  is  ignorant  of  ge- 
ometry."   The  most  distinguished  of  this  Httle  band  of  auditoi-s  were  Speu- 
8ippus,  his  nephew  and  successor,  and  Aristotle.     But  even  among  the 
wider  circle  of  his  hearers,  who  did  not  properly  form  part  of  his  school, 
were  some  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the  age,  as  Chabrias,  Iphic- 
mtes,  Timotheus,  Phocion,  and  others.     Whether  Demosthenes  attended 
his  lectures  is  doubtful.     In  these  pursuits  the  remainder  of  his  long  life 
was  spent,  relieved,  however,  by  two  voyages  to  Sicily  .J     He  died  in  347, 
at  the  age  of  eighty-one  or  eighty-two,  and  bequeathed  his  garden  to  liis 
school. 

§  6.  Plato  must  be  regarded  principally  as  a  moral  and  political  philos- 
opher, and  as  a  dialectician ;  as  a  physical  inquirer  he  did  not  shine,  and 
the  T^mnBus  is  his  only  work  in  that  branch  of  philosophy.  His  dialectic 
method  was  a  development  of  that  of  Socrates ;  and  though  he  did  not, 
like  Aristotle,  produce  any  formal  treatise  on  the  subject,  it  is  exemplified 
in  most  of  his  works,  but  especially  in  the  Theoetetus,  Sophistes,  Parmeni- 
des,  and  one  or  two  others  of  the  same  class.  The  fundamental  principle 
of  Plato's  phijpsophy  is  the  belief  in  an  eternal  and  self-existent  cause, 
the  origin  of  all  things.  From  this  divine  being  emanate  not  only  the 
Bouls  of  men,  which  are  also  immortal,  but  that  of  the  universe  itself,  w  hich 
is  supposed  to  be  animated  by  a  divine  spirit.  The  material  objects  of 
our  sight  and  other  senses  are  mere  fleeting  emanations  of  the  divine  idea ; 


*  irXarvff. 


It  IS  only  this  idea  itself  that  is  really  existent ;  *  the  objects  of  sensuous 
perception  f  are  mere  appearances,  taking  their  forms  by  participation  J 
in  the  idea.  Hence  it  follows  that  in  Plato's  view  all  knowledge  is  imiaie, 
and  acquired  by  the  soul  before  birth,  when  it  was  able  to  contemplate 
real  existences,  and  all  our  ideas  in  this  world  are  mere  reminiscences  of 
their  true  and  eternal  patterns.  These  principles,  when  applied  to  the 
mvestigation  of  language,  necessarily  made  Vlato , a  realist ;  that  is,  he  held 
that  an  abstract  name,  expressing  a  genus,  —  as,  for  instance,  mankind, 
comprehending  all  individual  men,  tree^  comprehending  every  species  of 
tree,  and  so  forth,  —  were  not  mere  signs  tp  express  our  modes  of  thinking, 
but  denoted  real  existences,  in  fact  the  only  true  existences,  as  being  the 
expressions  of  the  eternally  pre-existent  idea.  In  this  matter  he  seems 
to  have  departed  from  Socrates ;  and,  indeed,  the  reader  who  should  seek 
the  philosophy  of  Socrates  in  the  writings  of  Plato  would  often  be  led 
very  far  astray.  Socrates  believed  in  a  divine  cause,  but  the  doctrine  of 
ideas  and  other  figments  with  which  Plato  surrounded  it  seem  to  have 
been  his  own. 

As  a  moral  and  political  philosopher  the  views  of  Plato  were  sublime 
and  elevated,  but  commonly  too  much  tinged  with  his  poetical  and  some- 
what  visionary  cast  of  mind  to  be  of  much  practical  utility.     They  are 
speculations  which  may  awake  our  admiration  as  we  read  them,  but  which 
for  the  most  part  it  would  be  difficult  or  impossible  to  put  in  practice. 
His  belief  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul  naturally  led  him  to  establish  a 
lofty  standard  of  moral  excellence,  and,  like  his  great  teacher,  he  con- 
stantly inculcates  temperance,  justice,  and  purity  of  life.      His  political 
views  are  developed  in  the  Republic  and  the  Laws.     The  former  of  these 
works  presents  us  with  a  sort  of  Utopia,  such  as  never  has  existed,  and 
never  could  exist.     The  main  feature  of  his  system  is  the  subordination, 
or  rather  the  entire  sacrifice,  of  the  individual  to  the  state.     The  citizens 
are  divided  into  three  classes,  in  fanciful  analogy  with  the  faculties  of  the 
soul.     Thus  the  general  body,  or  working  class,  represents  the  passions 
and  appetites  ;  the  will  is  typified  by  the  military  order,  which  is  to  con- 
trol the  general  mass,  but  which  is  in  turn  to  be  thoroughly  subservient 
to  the  government,  whose  functions  correspond  with  those  of  the  intellect, 
or  rational  faculty.     With  such  views  Plato  was  naturally  mimical  to  the 
unrestricted  democracy  of  Athens,  and  inclined  to  give  a  preference  to 
the  Spartan  constitution.      In  the  Laws,  however,  he  somewhat  relaxed 
the   theory  laid   down   in  the   Republic,  and  sought  to  give  it  a  more 
practical  character.      Thus  he  abandons  in  that  work  the  strict  sepa- 
ration  of  classes,  sets  some  hmits  to  the  power  of  the  government,  and 
attempts  to  reconcile  freedom  and  absolutism  by  mingling  monarchy  with 
democracy. 


^ 


t  See  p.  457. 


X  See  pp.  458,  459. 


*  TO  ojrrcDS  ov. 


70 


f  ra'yiyvd/ifva. 


t  IJL($€(lS. 


§§4k 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVIII 


§  7.  Flatoy  as  we  have  said,  visited  Megara  after  the  death  of  Socrates, 
where  other  pupils  of  that  philosopher  had  also  taken  refuge.  Among 
these  the  most  famous  was  Eucleides,  who  must  not  be  confounded  with 
the  great  mathematician  of  Alexandria.  Eucleides  founded  the  sect  called 
fix)m  his  residence  the  Megaric,  and  which,  from  the  attention  they  paid 
to  dialectics,  were  also  entitled  DiaUctici  and  Mristid  (or  the  Disputatious). 
Two  other  offshoots  of  the  Socratic  school  were  the  Cyrenaics  and  Cynics. 
The  former  of  these  sects  was  founded  by  Aristippus  of  Cyrene  in  Africa, 
the  latter  by  Antisthenes.  Aristippus,  though  a  hearer  of  Socrates,  wan- 
dered far  from  the  precepts  of  his  great  master.  He  was  fond  of  luxurious 
living  and  sensual  gratifications,  which  he  held  to  be  shameful  only  when 
they  obtained  so  uncontrolled  an  empire  over  a  man  as  to  render  him  their 
entire  slave.  His  chief  maxun  was  to  discover  the  art  of  extracting  i)leas- 
ure  from  all  the  circumstances  of  life,  and  to  make  prosperity  and  adversity 
alike  subservient  to  that  end.  Such  tenets  made  him  a  favorite  with  the 
clever  and  cultivated  man  of  the  world,  and  we  find  him  more  than  once 
approvingly  alluded  to  by  Horace.*  Antisthenes  was  an  Athenian,  and 
also  a  pupil  of  Socrates.  He  taught  m  the  Cynosarges,  a  gymnasium  at 
Athens  designed  for  Athenian  boys  bom  of  foreign  mothers,  which  is  said 
to  have  been  his  own  case.  It  was  from  this  gymnasium  that  the  sect  he 
founded  was  called  the  Cyiiic,  though  some  derive  the  name  from  their 
dog-like  habits,  which  led  them  to  neglect  all  the  decent  usages  of  society. 
It  was  one  of  the  least  important  of  the  philosophical  schools.  One  of 
its  most  remarkable  members  was  Diogenes  of  Sinope,  whose  interview 
with  Alexander  the  Great  at  Corinth  we  have  had  occasion  to  relate.f 
No  writings  of  any  of  the  three  last-mentioned  sects  have  survived. 

§  8.  Such  were  the  most  celebrated  minor  schools  which  sprang  from 
the  teaching  of  Socrates.  The  four  principal  schools  were  the  Academi- 
eiansy  who  owed  their  origin  to  Plato ;  the  Peripatetics,  founded  by  his 
pupil  Aristotle ;  the  Epicuream,  so  named  from  their  master  Epicurus ; 
and  the  Stoics,  founded  by  Zeno. 

Speusippus,  Plato's  nephew,  became  the  head  of  the  Academy  after  his 
uncle's  death.  Under  him  and  his  unmediate  successors,  as  Xenocrates, 
Polemon,  Crates,  and  Grantor,  the  doctrines  of  Plato  were  taught  >vith 
Mtde  alteration,  and  these  professors  formed  what  is  called  the  Old  Academy. 
The  Middle  Academy  begins  with  Arcesilaus,  who  flourished  towards  the 
dose  of  the  third  century  b.  c,  and  who  succeeded  to  the  chair  on  the 


And  again:  — 


t  See  p.  493. 


*  "  Nunc  in  Aristippi  furtim  praecepta  relabor 
E^  mihi  res  non  me  rebus  subjungere  conor." 

HoR.  £p.  i.  1. 18. 

«  Omnis  Aristippum  decuit  color  et  status  et  res." 

Ibid.  17.  28. 


Chap,  XL  VIII.]        ACADE^nciANS.  —  peripatetics. 


555 


death  of  Grantor.  Under  him  the  doctrines  of  the  Academy  underwent 
some  modification.  He  appears  to  have  directed  his  inquiries  almost  ex- 
clusively to  an  investigation  of  the  grounds  of  knowledge,  and  to  have 
approached  in  some  degree  the  Pyrrhonists  or  Sceptics.  The  Platonic 
doctrines  suffered  a  further  change  in  the  hands  of  Carneades,  the  founder 
of  the  New  Academy.  Carneades  flourished  towards  the  middle  of  the 
second  century  b.  c.  Under  him  doubt  and  hesitation  began  still  more 
strongly  to  characterize  the  teaching  of  the  Platonists.  His  distinguish- 
ing tenet  was  an  entire  suspension  of  assent,  on  the  ground  that  truth  has 
always  a  certain  degree  of  error  combined  with  it;  and  so  far  did  he 
carry  this  principle,  that  even  Clitomachus,  his  most  intimate  pupil,  could 
never  discover  his  master's  real  tenets  on  any  subject. 

§  9.  But  of  all  the  Grecian  sects,  that  of  the  Peripatetics,  founded  by 
Aristotle,  had  the  greatest  influence,  so  far  as  the  researches  of  the  intellect 
are  concerned ;  and  this  not  merely  in  antiquity,  but  even  perhaps  to  a 
still  greater  extent  in  modem  times,  and  especially  during  what  are  called 
the  Middle  Ages.     Aristotle  was  bom  in  384  b.  c,  at  StagTra,  a  sea-port 
town  of  Chalcidice,  whence  he  is  frequently  called  the  Stagirite.     His 
father,  Nicomachus,  was  physician  to  Amyntas  II.,  king  of  Macedonia. 
At  the  age  of  seventeen,  Aristotle,  who  had  then  lost  both  father  and 
mother,  repaired  to  Athens.     Here  he  received  the  instractions  of  Hera- 
cleides  Ponticus,  and  other  Socratics ;  and  when,  about  three  years  after 
his  arrival  at  Athens,  Plato  returned  to  that  city,  Aristotle  immediately 
attended  his  lectures.     Plato  considered  him  his  best  scholar,  and  called 
him  "  the  intellect  of  his  school."     Aristotle  spent  twenty  years  at  Athens, 
during  the  last  ten  of  which  he  established  a  school   of  his  own ;   but 
during  the  whole  period  he  appears  to  have  kept  up  his  connection  with 
the  Macedonian  court.     On  the  death  of  Plato,  in  347,  Aristotle  quitted 
Athens,  and  repaired  to  Atarneus,  in  Mysia,  where  he  resided  two  or 
three  years  with  Hermias,  a  former  pupil,  who  had  made  himself  dynast 
of  that  city  and  of  Assos,   and   whose   adopted   daughter   he   married. 
Atarneus  being  threatened  by  the  Persians,  into  whose  hands  Hermias 
had   fallen,   Aristotle   escaped   with   his   wife   to  Mytilene,  and  in  342 
accepted  the  invitation  of  Philip  of  Macedon  to  undertake  the  instruc- 
tion of  his   son   Alexander.     Philip  treated   the  philosopher  ^vith  the 
greatest  respect,  and  at  his  request  caused  the  city  of  StagTra  to  be  rebuilt, 
which  had  been  destroyed  in  the  Olynthian  war.     It  was  here,  in  a  gym- 
nasium called  the  Nymphaeum,  that  Aristotle  imparted  his  instructions  to 
Alexander,  as  well  as  to  several  other  noble  youths.     In  335,  after  Alex- 
ander had  ascended  the  throne,  Aristotle  quitted  Macedonia,  to  which  he 
never  returned.     He  again  took  up  his  abode  at  Athens,  where  his  friend 
Xenocrates  was  now  at  the  head  of  the  Academy.     To  Aristotle  himself 
the  Athenians  assigned  the  gymnasium  called  the  Lyceum ;  and  from  his 
habit  of  delivering  his  lectures  whilst  walking  up  and  down  in  the  shady 


556 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XL VIII. 


Chap.  XLVIII.J 


STOICS.  —  EPICUREANS. 


557 


walks  of  tliis  place,  his  school  was  called  the  peripatetic*  In  the 
morning  he  lectured  only  to  a  select  class  of  pupils,  called  esoteric j'\  and 
these  lectures  were  called  acroamatic,l  iti  contradistinction  to  being 
written  and  published.  His  afternoon  lectures  were  delivered  to  a  wider 
circle,  and  were  thecefore  called  exoteric.^  His  method  appears  to  have 
been  that  of  a  regular  lecture,  and  not  the  Socratic  one  of  question  and 
answer.  It  was  during  the  thirteen  years  in  which  he  presided  over  the 
Lyceum  that  he  composed  the  greater  part  of  his  works,  and  prosecuted 
his  researches  in  natural  history,  in  which  he  was  most  liberally  assisted 
by  the  munificence  of  Alexander.  The  latter  portion  of  Aristotle's  life 
was  unfortunate.  He  appears  to  have  lost  from  some  unknown  cause  the 
friendship  of  Alexander;  and,  after  the  death  of  that  monarch,  the 
disturbances  which  ensued  in  Greece  proved  unfavorable  to  his  peace  and 
security.  Being  threatened  with  a  prosecution  for  impiety,  he  escaped 
from  Athens  and  retired  to  Chalcis ;  but  he  was  condemned  to  death  in 
his  absence,  and  deprived  of  all  the  riglits  and  honors  wliich  he  previously 
enjoyed.  He  died  at  Chalcis  in  322,  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  age. 
In  person  Aristotle  was  short  and  slender,  with  small  eyes,  and  something 
of  a  lisp.  His  manners  were  characterized  by  briskness  and  vivacity,  and 
he  paid  considerable  attention  to  his  dress  and  outward  appearance. 

Of  all  the  philosophical  systems  of  antiquity,  that  of  Aristotle  was  best 
adapted  to  the  practical  wants  of  mankind.  *  It  was  founded  on  a  close  and 
accurate  observation  of  human  nature  and  of  the  external  world ;  but 
whilst  it  sought  the  practical  and  useful,  it  did  not  neglect  the  beautiful 
and  noble.  His  works  consisted  of  treatises  on  natural,  moral,  and  politi- 
cal philosophy,  history,  rhetoric,  criticism,  &c. ;  indeed,  there  is  scarcely  a 
branch  of  knowledge  which  his  vast  and  comprehensive  genius  did  not 
embrace.  Any  attempt  to  give  an  account  of  these  works  would  far 
exceed  the  limits  of  the  present  work.  His  greatest  claim  to  our  admira- 
tion is  as  a  logician.  He  perfected  and  brought  into  form  those  elements  of 
the  dialectic  art  which  had  been  stnick  out  by  Socrates  and  Plato,  and 
wrought  them  by  his  additions  into  so  complete  a  system,  that  he  may  be 
regarded  as  at  once  the  founder  and  perfecter  of  logic  as  an  art,  which 
even  down  to  our  own  days  has  been  but  very  little  improved. 

§  10.  The  school  of  the  Stoics  was  founded  by  Zeno,  a  native  of  Citium 
in  the  island  of  Cyprus.  The  exact  date  of  Zeno's  birth  is  uncertain ; 
but  he  seems  to  have  gone  to  Athens  about  the  beginning  of  the  third  cen- 
tury (b.  c.  299)  ;  a  visit  which,  according  to  some  accounts,  was  owing  to 
his  having  been  shipwrecked  in  the  neighborhood  of  Peineus.    At  Athens 


♦  From  Wfpmariiv,  to  walk  about.    Others,  however,  perhaps  more  correctly,  derivo  it 
from  the  place  itself  being  called  o  irfptVaTos,  orihejtromenade. 
f  iawrtpiKosj  inner ^  intimate. 
I  aKpoafiOTiKoSi  to  be  hearrd^  i.  e.  communicated  orally,  §  cf ©repucrff,  external 


he  first  attached  himself  to  the  Cynics,  tlien  to  the  Megarics,  and  lastly  to 
the  Academicians ;  but  after  a  long  course  of  study  he  opened  a  school  of 
his  own  in  the  Poecil?  Stoa,  or  painted  porch,  whence  the  name  of  his 
sect.  The  speculative  doctrines  of  Zeno  were  not  marked  by  much 
originality.  He  inculcated  temperance  and  self-denial,  and  his  practice 
was  in  accordance  with  his  precepts.  The  want  of  reach  in  the  Stoic 
tenets,  which  did  not  demand  so  much  refined  and  abstract  thou-ht  as 
those  of  many  other  sects,  as  well  as  the  outward  gravity  and  decorum 
which  they  inculcated,  recommended  their  school  to  a  large  portion  of 
mankind,  especially  among  the  Romans,  by  whom  that  sect°and  the  Epi- 
curean were  the  two  most  universaUy  adopted.  Two  of  the  most  illustri- 
ous  ^vriters  on  the  Stoic  philosophy,  whose  woriss  are  extant,  are  Epicte- 
tus  and  the  Emperor  M.  AureUus. 

Epicurus  was  bom  at  Samos  in  342,  of  poor  but  respectable  Athenian 
parents.     He  followed  at  first  the  profession  of  a  schoohnaster,  and,  after 
spending  some  time  in  travelling,  settled  at  Athens  at  about  the  age  of 
thu-ty.five.     Here  he  purchased  a  garden,  apparently  m  the  heart  of  the 
city,  where  he  established  his  philosophical  school.     He  seems  to  have 
been  the  only  head  of  a  sect   who  had  not  previously  gone   throu^rh 
a  regular  course  of  study,  and  prided  himself  on  being  self-taught.     In 
physics  he  adopted  the  atomic  theory  of  the  Pythagoreans  aud^Ionics ; 
m  morals  that  of  the  Cyrenaic  school,  that  pleasure  is  the  highest  good ;  a 
tenet,  however,  wliich  he  explained  and  dignified  by  showing  that  it  was 
mental  pleasure  that  he  intended.     His  works  have   perished,   but  the 
main  substance,  both  of  his   physical  and   religious   doctrines,   may  be 
derived  from  Lucretius,  whose  poem  Be  Rerum  Natura  is  an  exposition  of 
his  principal  tenets.     The  ideas  of  atheism  and  sensual  degradation  with 
which  the  name  of  Epicurus  has  been  so  frequently  coupled  are  founded 
on  ignorance  of  his  real  teaching.     But  as  he  denied  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  and  the  interference  of  the  gods  in  human  affairs,  —  though  he 
held  their  existence,  —  his  tenets  were  very  liable  to  be  abused  by°those 
who  had  not  sufficient  elevation  of  mmd  to  love  virtue  for  its  own  sake. 

§  11.  AYe  have  thus  traced  the  progress  of  Grecian  literature  from  its 
earliest  dawn  till  it  was  brought  to  perfection  by  the  master-minds  of 
Athens.  After  the  death  of  Alexander,  Grecian  literature  did  not  be- 
come extinct :  there  was  a  vitality  about  it  that  msured  its  subsistence  for 
several  ages,  though  not  in  its  former  splendor.  Alexandria,  now  the 
emporium  of  commerce,  became  also  the  chief  seat  of  learning,  where  it 
was  fostered  by  the  munificence  and  favor  of  the  first  Ptolemies.  It  was 
here  that  literature  became  a  profession,  supported  by  the  foundation  of 
noble  and  extensive  libraries,  and  cultivated  by  a  race  of  grammarians 
and  critics.  These  men  were  of  great  assistance  to  literature  by  the 
critical  care  which  they  bestowed  on  editions  of  the  best  authors,  and  by 


5dS 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVIH. 


' 


the  inventioQ  of  many  aids  to  facilitate  the  labors  of  the  student, 
as  better  systems  of  grammar,  punctuation,  kc.  One  of  the  most  eminent 
of  them  was  Aristophanes  of  Byzantium,  chief  Hbi-Arian  at  Alexandria  in 
the  reijms  of  the  second  and  third  Ptolemies,  and  who  founded  there  a 
school  of  grammar  and  criticism.  It  was  he  and  Iiis  pupil  Aristarchus  who 
were  chiefly  concerned  in  forming .  the  canon  of  the  Greek  classical 
writers ;  and  in  their  selection  of  authors  they  displayed  for  the  most  part 
a  correct  taste  and  a  sound  judgment.  To  Aristophanes  is  ascribed  the 
invention  of  the  Greek  accents.  Aristarchus  is  chiefly  renowned  as  the 
editor  of  the  Homeric  poems  in  the  form  in  which  we  now  possess  them. 
From  their  school  proceeded  many  celebrated  grammarians  and  lexicog- 
raphers. It  must  not,  however,  be  supposed  that  this  was  the  sole  species 
of  literature  which  flourished  at  Alexandria.  Theocritus,  the  most  charm- 
ing pastoral  poet  of  antiquity,  —  of  which  species  of  composition  he  was 
the  inventor,  —  though  a  native  of  Syracuse,  lived  for  some  time  at  Alex- 
andria, where  he  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  Ptolemy  II.  His  contempora- 
ries and  imitators,  Bion  of  Smyrna  and  Moschus  of  Syracuse,  also  wrote 
with  much  grace  and  beauty.  This  school  of  poetry  was  afterwards  culti- 
vated witli  success  by  Virgil,  TibuUus,  and  others  among  the  Romans. 
At  Alexandria  also  flourished  Callimachus,  the  author  of  many  hynms, 
elegies,  and  other  poems,  which  were  much  admired  at  Rome,  and  were 
translated  and  miitated  by  Catullus  and  Propertius.  Amongst  numerous 
other  poets  we  can  only  mention  ApoUonius  Rhodius,  the  author  of  an 
epic  poem  on  the  exploits  of  the  Argonauts ;  and  Ai-atus,  who  composed 
two  poems  on  astronomy  and  natural  phenomena.  Among  the  Alexan- 
drian writers  on  pure  science,  the  mathematician  Euclid  (Eucleides)  stands 
conspicuous,  whose  elements  of  geometry  still  form  the  text-book  of  our 
schools.     He  flourished  during  the  time  of  the  first  Ptolemy  (b.c  323- 

283). 

§  12.  The  list  of  the  Greek  writers  down  to  the  extinction  of  the 
Greek  empire  might  be  indefinitely  enlarged;  but  our  limits  would  only 
pennit  us  to  present  the  reader  with  a  barren  hst  of  names;  and  we 
therefore  content  ourselves  with  selectmg  for  notice  a  few  of  the  most 

eminent. 

The  liistorian  Polybius  (b.  c.  204-122)  has  ah-eady  been  mentioned 
as  taking  a  part  in  the  final  struggle  of  his  country  with  Rome.  His  His- 
tory, though  the  greater  part  of  it  has  unfortunately  perished,  is  one  of  the 
most  valuable  remains  of  antiquity.  His  long  residence  among  the  Ro- 
mans aflbrded  him  an  opportunity  of  studying  then:  annals ;  and  from 
the  period  of  the  second  Punic  war  he  has  been  very  closely  followed  by 

Livy. 

Another  Greek  writer  of  Roman  history  was  Dionysius  of  Halicanias- 
Biis,  who  flourished  in  the  ktter  half  of  the  first  century  b.  c.  He  spent  a 
considerable  part  of  his  life  at  Rome,  and  devoted  liimself  to  the  study  of 


Chap.  XLVinj 


LATER   GREEK   WRITERS. 


559 


the  history  and  antiquities  of  that  city,  on  which  he  wrote  a  book,  a  con- 
siderable part  of  which  is  still  extant.  He  was,  however,  a  better  critic 
than  historian,  and  we  still  possess  several  of  his  treatises  m  that  departr 
ment  of  Hterature. 

Diodorus,  called  from  his  country  Siculus,  or  the  Sicihan,  also  Kved  at 
Rome  m  the  time  of  JuHus  and  Augustus  Caesar.  He  was  the  author  of 
a  universal  history  m  forty  books,  caUed-  The  Historical  Library,  of  which 
fifteen  books  are  still  extant. 

Arrian,  of  Nicomedia  in  Bithynia,  who  lived  m  the  first  centuiy  of  our 
era,  wrote  an  account  of  Alexander's  expedition,  as  well  as  several  works 
on  philosophical  and  other  subjects. 

Appian  of  Alexandria  lived  in  the  reigns  of  Trajan,  Hadrian,  and  An- 
toninus Pius,  and  was  the  author  of  a  Roman  history. 

One  of  the  best  and  most  valuable  Greek  writers  of  this  tune  was  Plu- 
terch,  the  biographer  and  philosopher.     He  was  a  native  of  Chaeronea  in 
Boeotia.     The  exact  date  of  his  birth  is  unknown,  but  it  must  have  beea 
about  the  middle  of  the  first  century  of  our  era.     He  passed  a  consider- 
able time  m  Rome  and  Italy ;  but  it  was  late  in  his  life  before  he  apphed 
himself  to  the  study  of  Roman  literature,  and  he  appears  never  to  have 
completely  mastered  the  language.     The  hiter  years  of  his  life  seem  to 
have  been  spent  at  Cha^ronea,  where  he  discharged  several  magisterial 
offices,  and  filled  a  priesthood.     His  Lives,  if  not  the  most  authoritative, 
are  certamly  one  of  the  most  entertaining  works  ever  written.     They 
have  perhaps  been  more  frequently  transited  than  any  other  book,  and* 
have  been  popular  in  every  age  and  nation.     Besides  liis  Lives,  Plutarch 
was  the  author  of  a  great  number  of  treatises  on  moral  and  other  subjects. 
About  the  same  time  flourished  Josephus,  the  Jewish  historian,  who  was 
born  at  Jerusalem  a.  d.  37.      Though  a  Hebrew,  the  Greek  style  of  Jo- 
sephus is  remarkably  pure. 

Strabo,  the  celebrated  geographer,  was  a  native  of  Amasia  in  Pontus 
and  lived  in  the  reigns  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius.  His  valuable  work  on' 
geography,  which  also  contains  many  imiK)rtant  historical  facts,  still  exists 
pretty  nearly  entire,  though  the  text  is  often  corrupt. 

Pausania^s,  author  of  the  Description  of  Greece,  is  supposed  to  have 
been  a  native  of  Lydia,  and  flourished  in  the  second  century  of  our  era 
His  account  of  Greece  is  of  considerable  value,  for  many  of  the  great 
works  of  Greciaji  art  were  extant  when  he  traveUed  through  the  country 
and  he  appears  to  have  described  them  with  fidehty  as  well  as  minuteness! 
Dion  Cassius,  the  historian,  was  born  at  Nicaia  in  Bithynia,  a.  d.  155. 
His  History-  of  Rome  in  eighty  books  extended  from  the  earhest  times  to 
A.  D.  229.     It  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  veiy  imperfect  state,  but  is  stiU 
a  valuable  authority  for  the  history  of  the  later  repubhc  and  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  empire. 

Lucian,  one  of  the  wittiest  and  most  entertaining  of  ancient  writers,  and 


■i 


I 


560 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVIH. 


who,  from  his  sparkling  style,  his  turn  of  mind,  and  his  disregard  for  au- 
thority, may  be  compared  to  Swift  or  Voltaire,  was  born  at  Smnosata, 
probably  about  a.d.  120.  Of  his  numerous  works,  the  best  known  are 
his  Dialogues  of  the  Bead,  which  have  been  universally  esteemed,  not 
only  for  their  wit,  but  also  for  their  Attic  grace  of  diction. 

We  cannot  close  this  imperfect  list  of  Greek  profane  writers  without 
mentioning  the  name  of  Galen,  the  celebrated  physician.  Galen  was  bom 
at  Pergamus  in  Mysia,  a.  d.  130.  He  completed  his  education  at  Smyr- 
na, Corinth,  and  Alexandria,  after  which  he  undertook  some  extensive 
travels.  He  seems  to  have  visited  Rome  at  least  twice,  and  attended  on 
the  Emperors  M.  Aurehus  and  L.  Verus.  Tlie  writings  of  Galen  formed 
an  epoch  in  medical  science,  and  after  his  time  all  the  previous  medical 
sects  seem  to  have  become  merged  in  his  followers  and  imitators. 

§  13.  But  the  Greek  language  was  not  merely  destined  to  be  the  ve- 
hicle of  those  civilizing  influences  wliich  flow  from  the  imagination  of  the 
Bublimest  poets  and  the  reasonings  of  the  most  profound  philosophers. 
The  still  more  glorious  mission  was  reserved  for  it,  of  conveying  to  man- 
kind through  the  Gospel  that  certain  prospect  of  a  life  to  come,  which 
even  the  wisest  of  the  Grecian  sages  had  beheld  only  as  in  a  glass,  darkly. 
Three  at  least  of  the  four  Gospels  were  written  in  the  Greek  tongue,  as 
well  as  the  greater  portion  of  those  Scriptures  which  compose  the  New 
Testament.  We  have  already  alluded  to  the  facilities  which  the  con- 
quests of  Alexander  afforded  to  the  spreading  of  the  Gospel ;  nor  were 
t  iere  wanting  in  subsequent  ages  men  who  assisted  its  extension  by  their 
writings.  Even  the  works  of  an  author  like  Lucian  were  subservient  to 
this  end,  by  casting  ridicule  on  the  gods  of  paganism,  and  thus  preparing 
the  minds  of  men  for  the  reception  of  a  purer  doctrine.  Among  the 
Greek  Fathers  of  the  Church  were  many  men  of  distinguished  talent ;  as 
Justin  Martyr,  one  of  the  eariiest  of  the  Christian  writers,  Clemens  of 
Alexandria,  Origen,  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  and  many  others ;  especially 
Joannes,  sumamed  Chrysostomus,  or  the  golden-mouthed,  from  the  power 
of  his  eloquence. 

The  Greek  language  and  literature  continued  to  subsist  till  the  taking 
of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks  m  1453.  Even  that  shock  did  not  entire- 
ly destroy  then-  vitahty.  The  many  learned  Greeks  who  then  took  refuge 
in  Italy  were  the  means  of  reviving  the  study  of  their  tongue,  then  almost 
entirely  neglected,  in  the  West,  and  especially  at  Florence,  under  the  au- 
spices of  Cosmo  de*  Medici,  who  appointed  Johannes  Argyropulus,  one  of 
these  refugees,  preceptor  to  his  son  and  nephew.  Maximus  Planudes, 
Manuel  Moschopulus,  Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  Theodore  Gaza,  and  others, 
assisted  in  this  work ;  and  through  these  men  and  their  successors,  and 
particularly  through  the  labors  of  Aldus  Manutius,  the  Venetian  printer, 
who  flourished  in  the  same  century,  the  chief  masterpieces  of  Grecian  lit- 
erature have  been  handed  down  and  made  intelligible  to  us. 


The  Acropolis  of  Athens  in  its  present  State. 

BOOK    VII. 

GREECE   FROM   THE    ROMAN   CONQUEST   TO 

THE   PRESENT   TIME. 


i 


lij 


CHAPTER   XLIX. 

GREECE  UNDER  THE  ROMANS. 

S  1.  Roman  Administration.    ^  2.  Sylla,  Mithridatic  War.    §  3.  Cilician  Pirates.     S  *•  State 
of  Greece.    §  5.  Eflects  of  the  Establishment  of  tlie  Roman  Empire.    §  6.  Hadrian's  Bene 
factions  to  Greece.    Antoninus,  Marcus  Aurelius,  lleroaes  Atticus,  Caracalla.   §  7.  Goth 
ic  Invasion.     §  8.  Language,  Poetry,  Christianity.     \  9.  Decay  of  Pagjinism.     Popular 
Elements  of  Christianity.    §  10.  Roman  View  of  Cln-istianity.     Triumph  of  Christianity. 

« 

§  1.  The  Roman  julministration  of  Greece,  commencing  about  the  middle 
of  the  second  century  d.  c,  was  at  first  wise  and  moderate.  The  public 
burdens,  instcful  of  being  increased,  were  lessened.  The  local  adminis- 
trations and  municipal  institutions  remained  unchanged,  so  far  as  they 
were  comi>atible  with  the  exercise  of  supreme  power  by  the  Romans. 
The  conquerors  felt  the  superiority  of  the  conquered  in  letters  and  art, 
and  though  they  had  no  profound  appreciation  of  tliese  excellent  ornaments 
of  the  life  of  man,  yet  they  at  first  conceded  to  the  authors  and  cultivators 
of  them  a  social  esteem  very  flattering  to  the  vanity  of  the  Hellenic  race. 
In  general,  they  paid  resi)ect  to  the  religious  feelings  and  the  objects  of 
worship,  and  the  plundering  of  temples  and  robbing  cities  of  cherished 

71 


I 


I! 


■  ',         -i 


560 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLVm. 


who,  from  his  sparkling  style,  his  turn  of  mind,  and  his  disregard  for  au- 
thority, may  be  compared  to  Swift  or  Voltaire,  was  born  at  Samosata, 
probably  about  a.d.  120.  Of  his  numerous  works,  the  best  known  are 
his  Dialogues  of  the  Dead,  wiiich  have  been  universally  esteemed,  not 
only  for  their  wit,  but  also  for  their  Attic  grace  of  diction. 

We  cannot  close  this  imperfect  list  of  Greek  profane  writers  without 
mentioning  the  name  of  Galen,  tlie  celebrated  physician.  Galen  was  born 
at  Pergamus  in  Mysia,  a.  d.  130.  He  completed  his  education  at  Smyr- 
na, Corinth,  and  Alexandria,  after  which  he  undertook  some  extensive 
travels.  He  seems  to  have  visited  Rome  at  least  twice,  and  attended  on 
the  Emperors  M.  Aurelius  and  L.  Verus.  The  writings  of  Galen  formed 
an  eix)ch  in  medical  science,  and  after  his  time  all  the  previous  medical 
sects  seem  to  have  become  merged  in  his  follow  ers  and  imitators. 

§  13.  But  the  Greek  language  was  not  merely  destined  to  be  the  ve- 
hicle of  those  civilizing  influences  which  flow  from  tlie  imagination  of  the 
snblunest  poets  and  the  reasonings  of  the  most  profound  philosophers. 
Tlie  still  more  glorious  mission  was  reserved  for  it,  of  conveying  to  man- 
kind through  the  Gospel  that  certain  prospect  of  a  life  to  come,  which 
even  the  wisest  of  the  Grecian  sages  had  beheld  only  as  in  a  glass,  darkly. 
Three  at  least  of  the  four  Gospels  were  written  in  the  Greek  tongue,  as 
well  as  the  greater  portion  of  those  Scriptures  which  compose  the  New 
Testament.  We  have  already  alluded  to  the  facilities  which  the  con- 
quests of  Alexander  afforded  to  the  spreading  of  the  Gospel ;  nor  were 
there  wanting  in  subsequent  ages  men  who  assisted  its  extension  by  their 
writings.  Even  the  works  of  an  author  like  Lucian  were  subservient  to 
this  end,  by  casting  ridicule  on  the  gods  of  paganism,  and  thus  preparing 
the  minds  of  men  for  the  reception  of  a  purer  doctrine.  Among  the 
Greek  Fathers  of  the  Church  were  many  men  of  distinguished  talent ;  as 
Justin  Martyr,  one  of  the  earhest  of  the  Christian  writers,  Clemens  of 
Alexandria,  Origen,  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  and  many  others ;  especially 
Joannes,  surnamed  Chrysostomus,  or  the  golden-mouthed,  from  the  power 
of  his  eloquence. 

The  Greek  language  and  literature  continued  to  subsist  till  the  taking 
of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks  in  1453.  Even  that  shock  did  not  entire- 
ly destroy  their  vitality.  The  many  learned  Greeks  who  then  took  reftige 
in  Italy  were  the  means  of  reviving  the  study  of  their  tongue,  then  almost 
entirely  neglected,  in  the  West,  and  especially  at  Florence,  under  the  au- 
spices of  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  who  appointed  Johannes  Argyropulus,  one  of 
these  refugees,  preceptor  to  his  son  and  nephew.  Maximus  Planudes, 
Manuel  Moschopulus,  Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  Theodore  Gaza,  and  others, 
assisted  in  this  work ;  and  through  these  men  and  their  successors,  and 
particularly  through  the  labors  of  Aldus  Manutius,  the  Venetian  printer, 
who  flourished  in  the  same  century,  the  chief  masterpieces  of  Grecian  lit- 
erature have  been  handed  down  and  made  intelligible  to  us. 


The  Acropolis  of  Athens  in  its  present  State. 

BOOK    VII. 

GREECE   FROM   THE    ROMAN   CONQUEST    TO 

TUE   PRESENT   TIME. 


CHAPTER   XLIX. 

GREECE  UNDER  THE  ROMANS. 

S  1.  Roman  Administration.    §  2.  Sylla,  Mithridatic  War.    §  3.  Cilician  Pirates.     4  4.  State 
of  Greece.     §  5.  Eilects  of  tlie  Establishment  of  the  Hoinan  Empire.    §  C.  Hadrian^  Bene 
foctions  to  Greece.    Antoninus,  Marcus  Aurelius,  lloro.les  Atticus,  Caracallu.   §  7  Goth 
JC  Invasion.      §  8.  Language,  Poetry,  ChristiiiniTy.     ^  9.  I)ec:.v  of  Paganism.     Popular 
Llenients  ot  Chnstianity.    ^  10.  llonuui  View  of  Christianity.     Triumph  of  Christiauity. 

§  1.  TiiK  Roman  aJniinistration  of  Gre(X'e,  coinnienciiig  about  the  middle 
of  the  second  centuiy  i;.  c,  was  at  first  wise  and  moderate.     The  public 
bui-deiis,  iiistead  of  being  increased,  were  lessened.      The  local  adminis- 
trations and  numiclpal  institutions  remained  unchanged,  so  far  as  they 
were  compatible  witli  tlie  exercise  of  supreme  power  by  the  Romans. 
The  con(in.-rors  felt  the  sui>eriority  of  tlie  conquered  in  letters  and  art, 
and  thou-h  tluy  had  no  profound  appreciation  of  tliese  excellent  ornaments 
of  the  life  of  man,  yet  they  at  first  conceded  to  the  authors  and  cultivators 
of  them  a  social  esteem  very  flattering  to  the  vanity  of  the  Hellenic  race. 
In  general  they  paid  respect  to  the  religious  feelings  and  the  objects  of 
worship,  and  the  plundering  of  temples  and  robbing  cities  of  cherished 

71 


^i| 


t     ii 


i 


IN 


562 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLDL 


B.  C.  30.] 


GREEK   LITERATURE   AT   ROME. 


563 


works  of  art  —  which  afterwards  became  one  of  the  most  irritating  forms 
of  proconsular  oppression  —  was  looked  iii>on  with  abhorrence  by  the  hon- 
orable men  at  Eome.  Polybius  uses  the  strongest  language,  when  he 
speaks  of  the  Roman  honesty.  Under  their  circumstances,  as  Mr.  Finlay 
says,  "  Prudence  and  local  interests  would  everywhere  favor  submission 
to  Rome ;  nationtil  vanity  alone  would  whisper  incitements  to  venture  on  a 
struggle  for  independence." 

§  2.  Hie  Mithridatic  war  furnished  the  occasion  on  which  the  national 
vanity,  concurring  with  the  private  inclinations  of  many  leading  men,  in- 
duced the  Greeks  to  make  the  attempt  Sylla  was  charged  with  the 
conduct  of  the  war  against  the  king  of  Pontus ;  and  when  he  appeared 
in  Greece,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  Athens  almost  single-handed 
confronted  him,  —  the  others  having  submitted  with  as  much  lightness  as 
they  had  taken  up  arms.  Sylla  laid  siege  to  the  city,  and  found  it  no 
easy  task,  with  the  whole  force  of  his  army,  and  the  abundant  resources 
with  which  he  was  supplied,  to  reduce  the  fiery  republicans,  under  the 
command  of  Aristion.  At  last,  their  material  means  of  defence  l^einjr  ex- 
hausted,  they  resorted  to  a  motle  of  proceeding  quite  characteristic  of  the 
Athenians,  —  they  sent  out  some  of  their  orators,  to  try  what  eloquence 
could  do  Avith  the  hard-headed  Roman.  Admitted  to  an  audience,  the 
spokesman  began  to  remind  the  general  of  their  past  glory,  and  was  proceed- 
ing to  touch  upon  Marathon,  when  the  surly  soldier  fiercely  growled,  "  I 
was  sent  here  to  punish  rebels,  not  to  study  history."  And  he  did  punish 
them.  He  broke  down  the  wall  between  the  Peii-anis  and  the  Sacred 
Gates,  and  poured  in  his  soldiers  to  plunder  and  slay.  With  drawn  swords 
they  swept  through  the  streets.  The  ground  ran  witli  blood,  which  poured 
its  horrid  tide  into  the  ancient  burying-place  of  the  Cerameicus.  Great 
numbers  of  the  citizens  were  slain :  their  property  was  plundered  l)y  the 
soldiers.  The  groves  of  the  Academy  and  the  Lyceum  were  cut  down ;  and 
columns  were  carried  away  from  the  temple  of  Olympian  Zeus,  to  ornament 
the  city  of  Rome.  The  town  of  Peineus  was  utterly  destroyed,  being  treated 
with  more  severity  than  Athens  itself.  From  this  frightful  moment  the 
decline  of  the  population  of  Greece  commenced.  "  Both  parties,"  says 
the  able  historian  already  quoted,  "during  the  Mithridatic  war,  inflicted 
severe  injuries  on  Greece,  plundered  the  country,  and  destroyed  property 
most  wantonly,  while  many  of  the  losses  were  never  repaired.  The 
foundations  of  national  prosperity  were  undermined :  and  it  hencefonvard 
became  impossible  to  save,  from  the  annual  consumption  of  the  inhabitants, 
the  sums  necessary  to  replace  the  accumulated  capital  of  ages,  which 
this  short  war  had  annihilated.  In  some  cases  the  wealth  of  the  com- 
munities became  insufficient  to  keep  the  existing  public  works  in  repair.'* 

§  3.  Scarcely  had  the  storm  of  Roman  war  passed  by,  when  the  Cilician 
pirates,  finding  the  coasts  of  Greece  pecuharly  favorable  for  their  maraud- 
ing incursions,  and  tempted  by  the  wealth  accumulated  in  the  cities  and 


temples,  commenced  their  depredations  on  so  gigantic  a  scale,  that  the  Ro- 
mans  felt  obliged  to  employ  all  their  militaiy  force  for  their  suppression. 
Ihe  exploits  of  Pompey  the  Great,  who  was  clothed  with  autocratic 
power  to  put  down  this  gigantic  evil,  fill  the  brightest  chapter  in  the  history 
of  that  celebrated  but  too  unfortunate  commander.  He  captured  ninety 
brazen-decked  ships,  and  took  twenty  thousand  prisoners,  with  whom  he 
repeopled  the  ancient  town  of  Soli,  which  henceforth  wa^  called  Pompei- 
opo  IS.  The  civil  wars,  in  which  the  Roman  Republic  expired,  had  the 
fields  of  Greece  for  their  theatre.  Under  the  tramp  of  contending  armies, 
her  fertile  plains  were  desolated,  and  civU  blood,  in  a  cause  not  her  own, 
again  and  agam  moistened  her  soil. 

§  4.  But  at  length  the  civil  wars  have  come  to  an  end,  and  the  Empire 
mtroduces,  for  the  first  time  in  the  melancholy  histoiy  of  man,  a  state  of 
universal  peace.    Greece  still  maintains  her  pre-eminence  in  literature  and 
art;  and  her  schools  aro  frequented  by  the  sons  of  the  Roman  aristocracy 
The  elder  poetry  serves  as  models  to  the  literary  genius  of  the  August^ 
age.     Horace  copies  Alcaius,  and  admires  Sappho.    Virgil  copies  Theocri- 
tus in  his  Eclogues,  and  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  in  his  iEneid.     The  histo- 
rians foi-m  themselves  on  Attic  prototypes ;  and  the  philosophers  of  Rome 
divide  themselves  among  the  Grecian  sects,  while  in  Athens  the  Plato- 
nists,  the  Stoics,  the  Peripatetics,  and  the  Epicureans  still  haunt  the  scenes 
with  which  the  names  of  their  masters  were  inseparably  associated.      The 
ancient  spirit,  which  animated  the  breasts  of  the  Greeks  in  the  republican 
days,  and  wliich  broke  forth  like  an  expiring  gleam  in  Philopoemen  and 
Polybius,  had  either  vanished  utterly  from  the  hearts  of  the  people,  or 
had  been  smothered  and  oppressed  into  silence,  by  the  evils  of  the  times 
The  country  was,  however,  still  covered  with  splendid  temples,  and  crowded 
with  the  works  of  art,  — the  productions  of  the  best  ages;  — nor  had  the 
practice  of  art  been  entirely  lost.     But  the  ravages  of  war  had  left  the 
most  important  cities  in  such  a  state,  that,  even  in  the  time  of  Cicero,  they 
suggested  melancholy  reflections  to  the  most  thoughtful  minds.    Says  Sul- 
picius,  in  his  letter  of  consolation  to  the  great  orator,  "  When  I  returned 
from  Asia,  and  was  sailing  from  uEgina  towards  Megara,  I  bec^an  to  gaze 
upon  the  regions  around  me.     Behind  me  lay  ^gina ;  beforo  nfe,  Me-ara  • 
on  my  right,  Peira^us;  on  my  left,  Corinth;  cities  which  once  were  most 
flourislimg,  but  now  overwhelmed,  and  in  ruins."      Such  was  the  ffen 
eral  aspect  of  that  illustrious  region  even  then ;  but  the  gi-eat  temples 
whose  ruins  still  astonish  the  traveller  by  their  magnificence  and  melan' 
choly  beauty,  had  suffl-red  nothing  from  time  and  comparatively  little  from 
the  hand  of  man.     They  were  regarded,  even  by  those  who  had  no  con- 
ception of  the  genius  required  for  their  construction,  with  a  kind  of  awe 
and  reverence. 

§  5.  The  establishment  of  the  Empire  made  but  little  change  in  the 
administration  of  Greece.    Augustus  indeed  showed  no  great  ''solicitude 


564 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  XLIX 


A.  D.  267.J 


GOTHIC   INVASION. 


565 


except  to  maintain  the  country  in  subjection  by  his  military  colonies,  — 
especially  those  of  Patrae  and  Nicopolis,  —  a  policy  fii*st  intnxlueed  by 
Julius  Cuesar.  He  even  deprived  Athens  of  the  privileges  she  had  enjoyed 
under  the  Republic,  and  broke  down  the  remaining  power  of  Sparta,  by 
declaring  the  independence  of  her  subject  towns.  Some  of  his  successors 
treated  the  country  with  favor,  and  endeavored  by  a  clement  use  of  power 
to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  its  decline.  Even  Nero  was  proud  to  dis- 
play the  extent  of  his  musical  abilities  in  the  theatres,  which  had  resounded 
with  the  compositions  of  the  Greeks.  He  hstened  eagerly  to  their  flat- 
teries, as  they  accompanied  him  from  the  city,  received  with  comj)laceney 
the  eighteen  hundred  laurel  crowns  with  which  they  decorated  him,  and 
when  at  last  — in  an  excess  of  adulation  which  it  is  wonderful  he  did  not 
suspect  of  satire  —  they  styled  him  the  Saviour  of  the  Human  Race,  the 
musical  monster  repaid  the  compliment  by  declaring  them  free  from  tribute. 
The  noble  Trajan  allowed  them  to  retain  their  former  local  privileges, 
and  did  much  to  improve  their  condition  by  his  wise  and  just  administration. 
§  6.  Hadrian  was  a  passionate  lover  of  Greek  art  and  literature.  Athens 
especially  received  the  amplest  benefits  from  his  taste  and  wealth.  He 
finished  the  temple  of  Olympian  Zeus  ;  established  a  public  library ;  built 
a  pantheon  and  gymnasium  ;  rebuilt  the  temple  of  Ai)ollo  at  Megara ;  im- 
proved the  old  roads  of  Greece,  and  built  new  ones,  and  especially  made 
the  difficult  highway  into  Peloponnesus,  by  the  Scironian  Rocks,  passable 
for  wheeled  carriages.  A  part  of  it  is  still  to  be  seen,  running  along  these 
dangerous  and  lofty  precipices,  with  the  ruined  masses  of  the  immense  sub- 
struction which  su[>ported  it.  Antoninus  and  ^Marcus  Aurelius  showed 
gootl-will  to  Greece ;  the  latter  rebuilt  the  temple  at  Eleusis,  and  improved 
the  Atlienian  schools,  raising  the  salaries  of  the  teachers,  and  in  various  ways 
contributing  to  make  Athens,  as  it  had  been  before,  the  most  illustrious 
seat  of  learning  in  the  world.  It  was  in  the  reign  of  this  Empei-or,  in  the 
second  century  of  our  era,  that  one  of  the  greatest  benefactors  of  Athens, 
and  all  Greece,  lived,  —  Herodes  Atticus,  distinguished  alike  by  his  wealth, 
learning,  and  eloquence.  Bom  at  ^larathon,  within  sight  of  the  spot  where 
the  Persian  hosts  were  defeated  ;  educated  at  Athens  by  the  best  teachers 
his  father's  wealth  could  procure,  he  became,  on  going  to  Rome,  which  he 
did  in  early  life,  the  rhetorictd  teacher  of  Marcus  Aurelius  himself.  An- 
toninus Pius  bestowed  on  him  the  dignity  of  the  consulship ;  but  he  pre- 
ferred the  career  of  a  teacher  at  Athens,  to  the  higher  political  dignities 
which  imperiid  favor  placed  within  his  reach  ;  and  he  was  followed  thither 
by  young  men  of  the  most  eminent  Roman  families,  from  the  emperors 
down.  Later  he  withdrew  from  Athens  to  Cephissia,  a  town  about  eight 
miles  distant,  where  he  built  a  magnificent  villa,  adorned  with  porticos, 
walks,  groves,  and  fountains,  traces  of  which  still  remain.  At  Athens  he 
built  the  Stadium,  lined  with  Pentelic  marble,  whose  enormous  dimensions, 
south  of  the  Eissus,  testify  to  the  magnificence  and  liberality  of  this  prmcely 


citizen ;  and  the  theatre  of  Regilla,  — so  named  in  honor  of  his  wife  —at 
the  southwest  angle  of  the  Acropolis,  the  walls,  arches,  and  seats  of  which 
are  to  a  great  extent  still  remaining,  though  the  interior  is  encumbered 
with  the  accumulated  rubbish  of  sixteen  centuries ;  at  Corinth  he  built  a  the 
atre,  at  Olympia  an  aqueduct,  at  Delphi  a  racecourse,  and  at  Thermop- 
ylae a  hospital.     Peloponnesus,  Euboea,  Boeotia,  and  Epeirus  experienced 
his  bounty ;  and  even  Italy  was  not  forgotten  in  the  lavish  distribution  of 
hiswealth      He  died  in  A.  D.  180.     The  grateful  citizens  of  Athens  would 
not  allow  his  body  to  be  buried  at  Marathon,  as  he  had  desired,  but  insisted 
on  bestowmg  upon  his  remains  every  honor  in  their  power  to  devise      His 
praises  were  commemorated  in  a  funeral  discourse  by  his  friend  and  pupil 
Adrianus,  of  whose  genius  Herodes  had  expressed  himself  in  the  strongest 
terms  of  admiration.     Of  the  numerous  literary  works  left  by  this  illus- 
trious citizen,  whose  character  and  genius  gild  the  declining  days  of  Athen. 
nothing  has  been  preserved;   but  few  have  left  so  many  traces  of  their 
public  spirit  and  libemlity  in  the  land  of  their  birth.     The  frantic  Cara 
caUa  early  in  the  third  century,  pursued  by  the  avenging  demons  of  those 
he  had  murdered,  yet  did  one  good  deed  in  clothing  the  free  inhabitants  of 
the  provinces  with  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship:  "but  the  moral  sup- 
ports,   says  Finlay,  "  of  the  old  framework  of  society  were  destroyed 
before  the  edict  of  Caracalla  had  emancipated  Greece ;  and  when  tran- 
quillity arrived,  they  were  only  capable  of  enjoying  the  felicity  of  haVin<. 
been  forgotten  by  the  tyrants."  ° 

§  7.  About  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  the  Gothic  hordes  be-an  to 
appear  on  the  northern  frontiers  of  Greece.  A  few  years  later  they  crossed 
the  Hellespont  and  ^gean,  and  descended  upon  the  coasts  of  Attica.  Dis- 
embarking at  the  Peirjeus,  they  marched  upon  Athens,  which  was  bravely 
but  unsuccessfully  defended  by  Dexippus,*  who  added  the  abilities  of  a 


I 


*  I  an.  sorry  we  have  so  few  traces  of  this  scholar  warrior.  He  did  not  let  the  Goths 
escape  w,.h  .mpun-ty ;  but,  rallying  his  follower  in  a  gmve  near  the  citv,  addre  sed  th™ 
in  an  animating  harangue,  of  which  the  following  sentences  are  all  that  is'nreserved! 
-.™  iTTf'  ■'' n  '""  """""■■  "^  '^""'''atants,  governs  the  issue  of  war.  Our  force  is  still 
considerable.  Onr  ,nny  numbers  two  thous..„a  warriors ;  our  position  is  concealed  From 
th.s  spot  we  must  attack  the  enemy  when  they  disperse  over  tie  country.  So  w^H  victory 
msp.re  us  w.th  new  vigor,  and  fill  our  invaders  with  terror.  If  we  meet  them  in  om-Ifllf 
remember  that  courage  mounts  with  danger.  Victory  comes  unJkedtr  n  the  hou'^ofS 
and  m  battle  for  all  that  is  dearest,  when  the  soldier  is  animated  with  the  hope  of  re™ 

the  mercy  of  the  foe?    I  am  resolved  to  share  your  fate,  to  fight  boldiv  for  all  ,ve  most 

never  be  dishonored.    It  becomes  us  to  rememberthe  decdsofourfathers;  to  shine  forth  an 

nZn""  °d  fT"' ""'  'r'^J"  ""'  ""■"  "^""^  ■'  -0  «o  -cun,  for  ouielves  amoTt^ 
present  and  future  generations,  the  imperishable  renown  of  having  shown  bv  our  actions  that 
he  courage  of  the  Athenians  remains  unbroken,  even  in  adve^itv.    We  march  obattta 
to  redeem  our  chddren  and  all  we  hold  most  dear.    May  the  g«i,  be  our  sup^^" 

I„.w  WH  "^Tl      '  '""'f'  '"  "  "^"'P""^  '"'  <'"'l'»*i»«"'.  "-d  demanded  to  be  led  to 
to.taut  battle.    We  have  no  clear  account  of  what  followed;  but  it  appears,  that,  after  th. 


i 


A 


4 


\l 


566 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  aLDl. 


genend  to  the  accomplishments  of  the  scholar  and  philosopher.  Athens 
was  subjected  to  the  plunder  of  the  savages.  It  is  related  by  Zonaras, 
"that  one  of  the  Gothic  chiefs,  finding  a  party  of  his  soldiers  on  the 
point  of  burning  the  libraries  of  Athens,  having  collected  the  books  in  a 
pile,  told  them  to  leave  those  things  to  the  effeminate  Greeks ;  for  the 
hand  accustomed  to  the  smoothness  of  the  papyrus  would  but  feebly  grasp 
the  brand  of  the  warrior."  Happy  influence  of  letters,  whicli,  had  it  uni- 
versally prevailed,  would  have  saved  the  earth  from  becoming  the  dreadful 
slaughter-house  it  has  been  in  every  age,  and  seems  likely  to  be  again 
in  ours. 

§  8.  The  language  of  Greece,  no  longer  existing  under  the  forms  of 
numerous  dialects,  all  in  their  several  countries,  and  in  special  depart- 
ments of  literature,  of  equal  classical  authority,  had  become,  under  the 
designation  of  the  later  Attic,  or  Hellenistic,  the  medium  of  political  com- 
munication and  hterary  composition  throughout  the  Eastern  World.  In- 
tellectual activity  in  Egypt,  where  the  institutions  of  the  Ptolemies  were 
respected  by  the  Boman  Emperors,  assumed  a  motley  aspect  among  the 
philosophic  and  Oriental  systems  and  jargons,  which  concentrated,  in  an 
astonishing  medley,  in  that  land  of  pyramids  and  hieroglyphics.  Of  the 
poetical  names  which  shine  witli  mild  lustre  here,  we  have  Callimachus, 
the  author  of  hymns,  and  Theocritus,  the  pastoral  poet,  whose  naive  Sicil- 
ian Doric  still  charms  the  student  more  than  the  stately  imitations  of  Vir- 
gil ;  Apollonius,  the  Rhodian ;  Lycophron,  chiefly  famous  for  his  unintel- 
ligibility,  whose  sixty  tragedies  have  not  come  down  to  us.  Christianity 
was  early  preached,  and  churches  established,  not  only  among  the  Greeks 
of  Asia  Minor,  but  on  the  continent  of  Greece,  as  appears  both  by  the 
early  history  of  the  religion,  and  by  the  apostolic  documents  themselves. 
The  most  memorable  passage  in  apostohc  history  is  beyond  all  compari- 
son the  appearance  of  St.  Paul  at  Athens,  and  the  discourse  he  delivered 
to  the  philosophers,  who  courteously  invited  him  up  the  Hill  of  IMars,  — 
the  most  sacred  and  venerable  spot,  from  the  mythical  times,  down  to 
the  latest  days  of  Attic  splendor,  and  in  our  own  times.  The  Greeks, 
though  some  of  them  found  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles  foolishness,  were 
in  many  respects  morally  and  intellectually  susceptible  to  its  influences. 
Some  of  the  elder  thinkers  had  reasoned  out  the  great  peculiar  doctrines 
of  Christianity.  Plato,  looking  upon  the  sorrowful  and  fallen  condition  of 
man,  had  felt  the  want  of  a.  divine  being  to  raise  him  up  and  restore  him 
to  the  lost  dignity  of  his  nature.  Socrates,  his  master,  had  reflected  upon 
the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  the  joys  of  a  better  life  to  come,  until 
these  sublime  truths  assumed  a  clearness  and  consistency  which  nerved 

barbarians  had  sated  themselves  with  the  plunder  of  the  city,  they  found  some  difSculty 
in  escaping  to  their  ships,  or  hurrjnng  to  the  North.  Those  who  went  by  land  rushed 
tumultuously  through  Boeotia,  Acamania,  Thessaly,  and  Epeims,  spreading  terror  and 
destniction  wherever  they  appeared. 


Chap.  XLIX] 


CHRISTIANITY   IN    GREECE. 


567 


him  to  meet  the  felon's  death  an  unjust  sentence  had  doomed  him  to  suffer ; 
and  just  as  he  was  about  to  drink  the  fatal  hemlock,  he  declared  the  memo- 
rable Christian  doctrine,  that  it  was  better  to  forgive  injuries  than  to  aven^re 
them.  The  tenderness  and  humanity  of  the  Christian  faith  found  an  echo 
in  the  Grecian  heart;  and  a  sentiment  deeper  than  curiosity — thouo-h 
that  mingled  largely  in  the  emotions  of  the  hour  —  secured  to  the  great 
Apostle  the  respectful  attention  of  the  most  cultivated  audience  he  ever 
addressed.  Philosophy  had  strengthened  the  great  minds  of  Greece,  and 
the  most  accomplished  intellects  of  Rome,  but  still  had  left  an  aching  void 
m  the  heart  No  doubt,  when  death  parted  families,  bereaving  the  parent 
of  the  hope  and  the  charm  of  life,  or  leaving  tender  children  orphans  in  a 
desolate  world,  the  sunshine  of  nature  lighted  the  universe  in  vain  for  their 
sorrowing  spirits,  and  the  theories  of  philosophy  fell  far  short  of  that 
blessed  assurance  which  alone  can  soothe  the  agony  of  the  dark  hour. 
In  this  period,  also,  the  behef  in  the  ancient  divinities  must  have  died  out 
m  nearly  every  thinking  mind.  The  glory  of  the  nation  had  suffered 
an  echpse,  from  which  the  gods  of  Olympus  had  been  powerless  to  save. 
Private  life  had  been  overwhelmed  with  disaster  and  woe ;  and  philosophy 
could  only  help  the  sterner  natures  to  bear  the  general  lot  with  composure. 
The  tenderness  of  the  sepulchral  inscriptions,  in  the  anthologies,  or  those 
briefer  ejaculations  of  sorrowing  affliction  from  the  dymg  to  the  living  and 
the  hving  to  the  dying,  which  still  speak  to  us  so  touchingly  fix)m  the 
crumbling  marbles  of  ancient  Hellenic  tombs,  tell  us  by  what  is  not  said, 
still  more  eloquently  than  by  what  is  expressed,  how  ready  was  the  heart 
of  Hellas  for  the  consolations  of  the  Christian  faith. 

§  9.  The  temples  remained  in  their  magnificence ;  ceremonies  and  pro- 
cessions represented  the  ancient  pomps  of  popular  worship ;  but,  in  many 
cases,  the  wealth  belonging  to  them  was  monopolized  by  private  persons, 
or  diverted  from  its  religious  use  by  the  corporations   charged  with  their 
management,  and  Christianity  gained  a  victory  —  though  not  without  a 
long  struggle  against  the  conservative  element  of  Paganism  —  over  the 
indilference  of  the  people  to  their  ancient  rites.    It  has  been  well  remarked, 
that  the  early  converts  to  the  Christian  Church  were  from  the  middlino- 
and  the  literary  classes.     Besides  the  pecuhar  consolations  afforded  by 
Christianity  to  the  afflicted,  of  all  ranks  and  conditions,  there  were  popular 
elements  in  its  early  forms  which  could  not  fail  to  commend  it  to  the 
regards  of  common  men.     It  borrowed  the  designition  ecclesia  from  the 
old  popular  assembly,  and  lihirgy^  from  the  services  required  by  law  of 
the  richer  citizens  for  the  popular  festivities.     It  taught  the  equaUty  of 
all  men  in  the  sight  of  God ;  the  brotherhood  of  all  the  races  of  man  ;  and 
this  doctrine  could  not  fail  to  be  affectionately  welcomed  by  a  downtrodden 
people.     Their  assemblies  were  organized  upon  democratic  principles,  at 
least  in  Greece,  and  retained  a  semblance  of  the  free  assemblies  of  for- 
mer time  ? ;  and  the  daily  business  of  communities  was  transacted  under 


s 


A^ 


'v(. 


nr 


\i 


I 


5€8 


mSTOBT   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  XUX. 


A.  D.  330] 


INAUGUllATION    OF    CONSTANTINOPLE. 


5G9 


these  i>opiilar  forms,  no  less  than  spiritual  affairs.  "  From  the  mo- 
ment a  people,"  says  Mr.  Finlay,  "in  the  state  of  intellectual  ci^ilization 
ia  which  the  Greeks  were,  could  listen  to  the  preachers,  it  was  certain  they 
would  adopt  the  religion.  They  might  alter,  modify,  or  corrupt  it,  but  it 
was  impossible  they  should  reject  it.  The  existence  of  an  assembly,  in 
which  the  dearest  interests  of  all  human  beings  were  expounded  and  dis- 
cussed, in  the  language  of  truth,  and  with  the  most  eaniest  expressions  of 
persuasion,  must  have  lent  an  irresistible  clmmi  to  the  investigation  of  the 
new  doctrine  among  a  people  |>ossessing  the  institutions  and  feelings  of  the 
Greeks.  Sincerity,  truth,  and  a  desire  to  persuade  others,  will  soon  create 
eloquence,  where  numbers  are  gathered  together.  Christianity  revived 
oratory,  and  with  oratory  it  awtikened  many  of  the  characteristics  which 
had  slept  for  ages.  The  discussions  of  Christianity  gave  also  new  vigor 
to  the  communal  and  municipal  institutions,  as  it  improved  the  intellectual 
qualities  of  the  people." 

:  §  10.  But  it  was  imjwssible  for  such  organizations  to  exist,  without  gradu- 
ally rising  to  an  important  influence  in  the  state  ;  and  it  was  impossible 
for  the  maxims  of  Christianity  to  gain  an  extensive  prevalence,  without 
coming  in  collision  with  the  maxims  of  the  Roman  government.  The 
responsibility  of  nilers  and  ruled  to  a  common  and  impartial  tribunal 
could  not  be  veiy  tasteful  to  the  rapacious  masters  of  the  Roman  Empire ; 
and  the  doctrine  of  etiuality  and  brotherhood  was  a  strange  lesson  for  those 
whose  policy  and  anns  had  enslaved  the  worid.  A  bond  which  united  the 
Christians  of  all  countries  in  the  strictest  relations  of  friendship  and  affec- 
tion, could  not  but  be  viewed  with  suspicion  by  those  who  regarded  the 
citizenship  of  Rome  as  the  most  binding  and  exalted  relation  possible 
among  men.  And  the  Roman,  in  his  nature,  was  less  susceptible  to  relig- 
ious influences  than  the  Greek ;  he  looked  upon  Christianity  with  refer- 
ence to  its  supposed  political  bearings,  and  persecuted  it  accordingly. 
But,  in  spite  of  all  obstacles,  in  defiance  of  all  persecutions,  Christianity 
identified  itself  with  the  habits,  thoughts,  sentiments,  hopes,  and  nation- 
ality of  the  Hellenic  race.  It  was  bound  up  with  the  language,  in  which 
the  Apostles  and  eariiest  Fathers  preached  and  taught  and  wrote.  It 
held  them  together,  and  saved  them  from  absorjition  into  the  vast  body 
of  the  lioman  Empire,  and  from  annihilation  by  the  hordes  of  barbarians 
who  swept  the  country  hke  a  whirlwmd,  and  settled  upon  it  like  de- 
vouring locusts.  It  ascended  the  tlirone  with  Constantme,  and  for  eleven 
centuries  shared  in'the  highest  dignities  of  the  Eastern  Empire. 


Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Sophia. 

CHAPTER    L. 

FROM    THE    ACCESSION    OP    CONSTANTINE    TO    THE    IMMIGRATION    OF 

THE   SLAVONIANS   INTO    GREECE. 

§  1.  Building  of  Constantinople.  §  2.  Effect  of  transferring  the  Seat  of  Government  to  By- 
zantium. §  3.  Local  Governments.  §  4.  The  Emperor  Julian.  §  5.  Separation  of  the 
Eastern  and  Western  Empires.  The  Goths.  New  Meaning  of  the  Name  Hellenes.  Attila 
and  the  Huns.    §  6.  Reign  of  Justinian.    §  7.  Slavonians. 

§  1.  Constantine  removed  the  seat  of  empire  from  Rome  to  Constanti- 
nople, and  inaugurated  the  latter  city,  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony,  in 
the  year  a.  d.  330.    For  thirty-four  years  the  newly  founded  capital  was  the 
single  seat  of  government  in  the  Roman  world,  down  to  the  reign  of  Jovian. 
For  one  hundred  and  one  years  the  Empire  was  double-headed,  the  East- 
ern Empire  having  its  seat  of  government  at  Constantinople,  and  the 
Western  at  Rome,  until  Romulus  Augustulus  closed  his  inglorious  reign, 
and  with  it  the  Western  Roman  Empire,  in  the  year  476.     Fi-om  this  time 
the  Roman  Empire  was  the  Eastern  Empire,  living  on,  under  the  Roman 
organization  and  Roman  law,  and  claiming  to  be  Roman,  in  all  essential 
respects,  under  a  succession  of  twenty-eight  Emperors,  until  the  accession 
of  Leo   III.,  commonly  called  the  Isaurian,  who  ascended  the  throne 
in  the  year  717,  and  reigned  twenty-four  years.     With  the  reign  of  this 
reforming  Emperor,  the  old  Roman  spirit  of  the  administration  was  ex- 

72 


I 


t 


i 


J  ii 


!:• 


,!^" 


II 


I 


HISTORY    OF   GREECE. 


[CiiAP.  XLIX. 


these  popular  forms,  no  less  tlian  spiriliiiil  affiiirs.  "  From  tlie  mo- 
ment a  people,"  snys  Mr.  Finlay,  «i!i  tlie  state  of  intellectual  civilization 
in  wliieli  the  Greeks  were,  eould  listen  to  the  preaehei-s,  it  was  certain  tliey 
would  adopt  tlie  religion.  They  miglit  alter,  modify,  or  eornii>t  it,  hut  it 
was  imi>ossible  tliey  should  reject  it.  Tlie  existence  of  an  asscinhly,  in 
which  the  dearest  interests  of  all  liuman  lieings  were  expounded  ;nid  dis- 
cussed, in  tlie  lanimage  of  truth,  and  witli  the  raoJ*t  earnest  expressions  of 
persuasion,  mu-t  have  lent  an  irresistil>le  charm  to  the  investigation  of  the 
new  doctrine  nnion«r  a  peoph'  possessing  the  institutions  and  tcclings  of  the 
Greeks.  Sincerity,  tiiilli,  and  a  desire  to  persuade  others,  Avill  soon  create 
eloquence.  avIkmc  nunihers  are  gathered  togi'ther.  Christianity  revived 
oratory,  and  with  oratory  it  awakened  many  of  the  characteristics  which 
had  slept  for  ages.  The  discussions  of  Christianity  gave  also  ih  w  vigor 
to  the  communal  and  municipal  institutions,  as  it  improved  the  intellectual 
qualities  of  the  people." 

§  10.  But  it  was  impossible  for  such  organizations  to  exist,  without  gradu- 
ally rising  to  an  important  influence  in  the  state  ;  and  it  was  impossible 
for  the  maxims  of  Christianity  to  gain  an  extensive  prevalence,  without 
coming  in  collision  with  tlie  maxims  of  the  Roman  government.  The 
responsibility  of  rulers  tmd  ruled  to  a  common  and  imi)artial  tribunal 
could  not  be  very  tasteful  to  the  rapacious  masters  of  the  Koman  Empire ; 
and  the  doctrine  of  equjdity  and  brotherhoml  was  a  strange  lesson  for  those 
whose  policy  and  arms  had  enslaved  the  world.  A  bond  which  united  the 
Christians  of  all  countries  in  the  strictest  relations  of  friendship  and  affec- 
tion, eould  not  but  be  viewed  with  suspicion  by  those  who  regarded  the 
citizenship  of  Home  as  the  most  binding  and  exalted  relation  possible 
among  men.  Ami  the  Koman,  in  his  nature,  was  less  susceptild*'  to  relig- 
ious influ'^nces  than  tlie  Greek ;  he  looked  upon  Christianity  with  refer- 
ence to  its  sup|>osed  political  Inarings,  and  persecuted  it  accordingly. 
But,  in  spite  of  all  olistacles,  in  defiance  of  all  i»ersecutions,  Christianity 
identified  itself  with  the  liabits,  thoughts,  sentiments,  hopes,  and  nation- 
ality of  the  Hellenic  race.  It  was  bound  up  with  the  language,  in  which 
tlie  Apostles  and  earliest  Fathers  preached  and  taught  and  wrote.  It 
held  them  together,  and  saved  them  from  absorption  into  the  vast  body 
of  tlie  Komiui  Empire,  and  from  annihilation  by  the  hordes  of  barbarians 
who  swei;:  the  country  like  a  whirlwind,  and  settled  upon  it  like  de- 
vourin"-  locusts.  It  ascended  the  throne  with  Constantine,  and  for  eleven 
centories  ahMed  ii  the  Mgheot  4igiuties  of  the  Eastern  Empire. 


A.  D.  330] 


INAUGUUATION    OF    CONSTANTINOPLE. 


0G9 


Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Sophia. 

CHAPTER    L. 


I 


FROM    THE     ACCESSION    OF    CONSTANTINE    TO    THE    niMIGRATION    OF 

THE    SLAVONIANS   INTO    GREECE. 

$  1.  Building  of  Constantinople.  §  2.  Effect  of  transferring  the  Seat  of  Government  to  By- 
zantium. ^  3.  Local  Govermnents.  §  4.  The  Kini)eror  Julian.  ^  5.  Separation  of  the 
Eastern  and  Western  Empires.  The  Gotiis.  Xew  Moaning  of  the  Name  Hellenes.  Attila 
and  the  Huns.    §  6.  Reign  of  Justinian.    §  7.  Slavoiiiaus. 

§  1.  Constantino  removed  the  seat  of  empire  from  Rome  to  Constanti- 
nople, and  inangurated  tlie  latter  city,  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony,  in 
the  year  a.  d.  330.    For  thirty-four  years  the  newly  founded  capital  was  the 
single  seat  of  government  in  the  Roman  world,  down  to  the  reign  of  Jovian. 
For  one  hundred  and  one  years  the  Eni|)ire  was  double-headed,  the  East- 
ern Em{)ire  having  its  seat  of  government  at  Constantinople,  and  the 
Western  at  Rome,  until  Romulus  Augustulus  closed  his  inglorious  reign, 
and  with  it  tlie  Western  Roman  Empire,  in  the  year  47().     From  this  time 
the  Roman  Empire  was  the  i:astern  Empire,  living  on,  under  the  Roman 
organization  and  Roman  law,  and  claiming  to  be  Roman,  in  all  essential 
respects,  under  a  succession  of  twenty-eight  Emperors,  until  the  accession 
of  Leo   III.,  connnonly  called  the  Isaurian,  who  ascended  the  throne 
in  the  year  717,  and  reigned  twenty-four  years.     With  the  reign  of  this 
reforming  Emperor,  the  old  Roman  spirit  of  the  admmistration  was  ex- 

72 


(«■ 


wo 


HISTORY   OF   GBBECE. 


[Chap.  L. 


tinguished,  and  the  proper  Byzantine  penod  commences,  ^rom  the  clo»e 
of  this  Emperor's  reign,  in  741,  to  the  conquest  of  Constantmopte  by  the 
Western  princes,  or  the  termination  of  the  re.gn  of  Alexms  D«''^' >" 
1204,  forty-three  rulers,  including  three  Empresses,  Irene,  Zoc,  and  i  neo- 
dora,  held  the  reins  of  government  for  a  period  of  four  hundred  and  s.^y- 
three  years.  The  Latin  Emperors,  five  in  number,  he  d  the  throne  of  Con- 
stantinople fifty-seven  yea.,  only,  when,  in  1261  the  hne  of  Greek  En^ 
perors  was  restored,  in  the  person  of  Michael  Palicoogus  Vm.     A 

Accession  of  nine  Emperor,  filled  *^P«"«^  f »''»  »°  ^•'^. '^':'" .tSl 
Btantine  XUI.  the  last  of  the  Paloaolog.,  who  closed  h.s  ■"^g"  ^"^  »>" j* 
^th  the  downM  of  the  By^tine  Empire,  m  14o3,  when  Mohammed 
IL,  entering  the  dty  of  Constantinople  over  the  body  «>f  «;'!  ^'"iJ; 
tered  Emperor,  planted  the  crescent  on  the  dome  of  St.  Soplua.  tor 
the  long  period  of  more  than  eleven  hundred  years  Constantmople  had 
been  the  great  Christian  capital  of  the  East.  .  . 

The  ancient  city  of  Byzantium  was  founded  by  Meganan  colon.^ts,  in 
the  seventh  century  before  Christ.    It  was  built  on  a  promontory,  fac.ng 
the  waters  of  the  Bosporus  and  the  shores  of  Asia:  and  certa'nly  no  c.ty 
in  the  world  can  surpass  it  in  the  beauty  of  its  position,  its  fac.ht.es  foi 
commerce,  or  the  picturesqueness  of  the  scenery  that  sum,unds  ,t      It  ,» 
washed  on  the  east  by  the  Bosporus,  on  the  north  by  the  Golden  Horn, 
which  derived  this  name  from  the  rich  traffic  the  fisheries  supphed,  at  a 
very  early  period,  and  retams  it  to  the  present  day.    The  harbor  is  seven 
miks  in  length,  and  the  water,  scarcely  affected  by  tides,  is  deep  enough  to 
float  vessels  of  the  krgest  size.    It  was  and  is  the  key  to  the  Euxme  and 
the^gean  Seas,  and  its  possession  was  an  object  of  eager  nvalsh.p  among 
Z  mit  poweri-^l  nations  of  antiquity.    Philip  of  Macedonia,  no  less  than 
Nichotes^  Bussia,  made  every  eifort  to  bring  f^"\'"\Y'Zl^ 
was  prevented  only  by  the  energetic  resistance  of  Demosthenes,  for  ^^h,cl 
the  people  of  Byzantium  decreed,  in  honor  of  the  Athemans,  a  —  and 
a  gTlden  crown.    In  the  wars  of  the  Romans,  Byzantium  suffered  her 
faU  share  of  disasters,  in  sieges,  slaughters,  the  demolition  of  her  walU, 
and  chmiges  in  her  political  institutions. 

When  Cons&ntine  determined  to  place  his  new  cap.tal  here,  he  greatly 
enlarged  the  boundaries,  and,  to  make  it  in  all  resi>ects  another  Rome, 
took  to  the  seven  hills,  which  rise  one  above  the  other,  and  are  covered  by 
the  city.  From  his  time  it  has  borne  the  name  of  Constantinopolis  —  Con- 
stantinople -  in  the  languages  of  Europe,  Constanyi  in  the  Arabic,  and 
Stamboul  in  the  Turkish,  which  is  formed  from  the  Greek  words  u,  t,- 
irfXo.  into  or  in  the  city.  The  line  of  walls  across  the  peninsula  was 
marked  by  the  Emperor,  marching  at  the  head  of  a  procession :  a  splendid 
exhibition  of  chariot  games  was  given  in  the  hippodrome,  after  which  the 
Emperor  was  drawn  in  a  magnificent  car  through  the  city,  beanng  a  golden 
.tatue  of  Fortune  in  his  hand,  surromided  by  his  guards  arrayed  in 


f 


A.  D.  361.] 


THE   EMPEROR  JULIAN. 


571 


festa  robes,  and  carrying  lighted  torches.     The  ceremonies  of  inaucnira- 
tion  lasted  forty  days.     The  walls  were  not  completed  untU  the  rei°n  of 
Constantius;  they  were  overthrown  by  an  earthquake  at  the  beginning 
of  the  fifth  century;  and  the  dilapidated  walls  which  still  exist,  runnin° 
trom  the  Sea  of  Marmora  to  the  harbor,  are  the  remains  of  the  double  Une° 
reconstri,cted  in  a.  d.  447  with  rectangular  flanking  towers  at  short  inter' 
vals.     The  circuit  of  the  city  was  about  thirteen  miles. 
^  §  2.  One  effect  of  the  transference  of  the  seat  of  government  to  Byzan- 
^um  was  to  bring  the  Greeks  into  a  more  direct  communication  with  the 
Roman  administration.     It  was  the  ami  of  the  first  Roman  Emperors  — 
those  of  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  centuries  — to  establish  the  Latin  Ian- 
guage,  the  Roman  law,  and  Roman  institutions  generally,  on  a  more  per- 
manent footing  than  they  had  yet  gained  in  the  East.    The  influence  of  the 
court  had  some  effect.     Those  who  were  connected  with  it,  or  dependent 
on  Its  favors,  prided  themselves  in  adopting  the  style,  manners,  and  di<r. 
mties  of  Roman  oflicers :  they  called  themselves  Romans,  and  their  counti^ 
Rome,  and  even  the  spoken  Greek  language  was  subsequently  known,  and 
IS  known  down  to  the  present  day,  as  the  Romaic.     In  the  writin-s  of 
those  tmies  we  find  a  strange  jumble  of  Latin  with  the  Greek,  especially 
in  the  legal  documents.     But  this  effect  did  not  extend  amon-  the  Greeks 
generally.     The  strong  nationality  of  the  race  easily  withstood  this  tide 
of  foreign  manners,  and  while  the  dignitaries  of  the  empire,  and  some  of 
the  leading  ecclesiastics,  were  indulging  in  the  pomp  and  ceremonies  of 
the  Roman  court  at  Constantinople,  the  body  of  the  Greek  people,  and 
the  liumbler  clergy,  remained  fiiithful  to  the  Hellenic  ideas,  and  to  the 
simple  form  of  the  religion  they  had  received  from  the  Apostles  and  their 
immediate  successors.     In  fact,  their  aim  was  to  make  Constantinople  a 
Greek  and  not  a  Latin  city.     The  Roman  spirit  of  the  administration 
was  gradually  destroyed,  though  the  capital  shared  little  in  the  national 
feeling,  and,  giving  itself  up  to  the  enjoyments  of  the  largesses,  and  the 
pmes  of  the  circus,  granted  her  by  the  favor  of  the  Emperors,  remained 
msensible  to  the  sufferings  of  the  provinces  and  the  decline  of  the  Empire 
§  3.  In  Greece,  the  local  governments  were  still  allowed  to  exist  but  the 
public  burdens  were  rigorously  enforced  by  the  imperial  government:  so 
that  the  refonns  inaugurated  by  Constantine  were  of  no  substantial  benefit 
to  the  Greeks  as  a  nation.     A  system  of  monopoly,  -  since  imitated  by 
that  overpraised  barbarian,  the  Pacha  of  Egypt,  -  in  which  the  Emperor 
and  members  of  the  imperial  household  largely  shared,  interfered  with  the 
natural  course  of  commerce,  and  tended  powerfully  to  impoverish  the 
provinces,  and  to  weaken  the  barriers  which  the  Empire  had  maintained 
against  the  inroads  of  the  barbarians. 

§  4.  The  remarkable  career  of  the  Emperor  Julian,  who  ascended  the 
throne  a.  d.  3G1,  twenty-four  years  after  the  death  of  Constantine  de- 
serves a  brief  notice,  with  reference  to  its  bearings  on  the  condition  and 
fortunes  of  the  Greeks.     In  his  childhood  and  youth,  thonHi  .- -i-  -«  ^ 


•      tl 


^'1 


^:. 


i» 


M 


572 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[CUAP.  L 


A.  D.  364.] 


CHRISTIANS    AND    HELLENES. 


5"^ 


r6 


jealous  eyes  of  Constantius,  and  deprived  of  liberty,  he  was  nevertheless 
carefully  educated,  both  in  the  dogmas  of  the  established  church  and  in 
Greek  and  Roman  literature.     Athens  was  still  the  centre  of  Greek  cul- 
ture, and  here,  after  with  difficulty  obtahiing  the  Emperor's  consent,  Julian 
was  permitted  to  retire  from  the  Asiatic  cities,  and  for  a  time  to  lead  the 
life  of  a  scholar  and  private  man.     His  acciuirements  and  elegant  tastes 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  most  eminent  masters,  and  lie  passed  his 
time  in  a  circle  of  young  men  of  congenial  tastes,  among  whom  was  Greg- 
ory of  Nazianzus,   who  was  afterwards   known  as  the  Christian  orator 
and  bitter  enemy  of  the  apostate  Emperor,  and  the  fiery  antagonist  of  the 
Arians.    In  a  short  time  he  was  disturbed  from  these  peaceful  pursuits, 
and  placed  in  a  military  command,  in  the  western  and  northern  provinces 
of  the  Empire.     He  describes  his  feelings  on  quittmg  Athens  in  his  letter 
to  the  Athenians :  "  What  fountains  of  tears  did  I  shed,  what  lamentations 
did  I  utter,  stretching  my  hands  up  towards  the  Acropolis,  when  I  ni- 
voked  and  supplicated  Athena  to  save  her  servant,  and  not  to  abandon 
him."     His  brilliant  successes  awoke  again  the  jealousies  of  the  Emperor 
Constantius,  who  recalled  the  best  portion  of  his  troops,  under  pretence  of 
needing  them  for  the  defence  of  the  East.    The  troops  refused  to  obey,  and, 
breaking  into  the  lodgings  of  their  beloved  commander,  forced  him  to  ac- 
cept the  imperial  crown.     Before  he  can.e  mto  actual  conflict  with  the 
amies  of  the  East,  the  Emperor  died,  and  now,  without  opposition,  Julian 
mounted  the  throne,  in  A.  D.  361.    Up  to  this  moment  he  had  disguised  his 
apostasy  from  the  religion  in  which  he  had  been  educated,  though  it  had 
already  been  suspected  by  his  brother  Gallus,  by  Gregory,  and  perhaps 
hy  Others.    The  jioHcy  of  Constantine,  the  cruelty  of  Constantius,  the 
persecuting  spirit  already  displaying  itself  between  the  Orthodox  and 
Arians,  backed  by  the  arguments  of  the  Athenian  philosophers,  with  whom 
he  had  chiefly  associated,  had  completely  alienated  him  from  the  Christian 
faith.    He  however  published  an  edict  of  toleration,  professing  to  secure 
to  both  Christians  and  Pagans  the  rights  of  conscience :  but  he  gratified 
his  private  mchnations  by  preferring  Pagans  to  Christians  in  civil  and  mil- 
itary offices,  and  forbidding  the  Christians  to  teach  rhetoric  and  grnmraar 
in  the  schools.    He  was  initiated  mto  the  mysteries  of  Eleusis  ;  did  much 
towards  restoring  Athens,  Argos,  and  Corinth  to  their  ancient  splendor  ; 
re-established  the  Istlimiim  games ;  and  in  many  other  ways  manifested  his 
passionate  attachment  to  the  land  of  Greece,  her  literature,  her  institutions, 
and  her  arts.     But  the  dream  of  restoring  to  her  declining  gods  the  an- 
cient reverence  was  that  of  an  enthusiast,  but  an  imperial  enthusiast;  of 
a  pedant  in  paganism,  though  a  very  able  and  perhaps  honest  one.    The 
work  he  wrote  against  the  Christian  dogmas,  though  it  excited  a  prodigious 
controversy  in  its  day,  is  known  only  by  tradition,  and  by  extracts  pre- 
served in  Cyril,  who  repUed  to  it,  — the  copies  of  the  work  being  de- 
stroyed by  Theodosius  H.     The  impression  his   name  makes   in  later 
times  is  due  chiefly  to  the  odious  epithet  of  Apostate,  by  which  he  is 


generally  designated.  In  reality  he  was  a  philosopher  of  great  modera- 
tion ;  a  sovereign  whose  reign  was  distinguished  above  most  of  his  succes- 
sors for  devotion  to  the  happiness  of  the  people.  Those  of  his  writin«rs 
which  are  not  on  controversial  subjects  display  uncommon  literaiy  care 
for  the  age,  and  some  of  diem  are  of  great  historical  importance.  Two 
or  three  of  them,  his  Caesars,  or  the  Banquet,  and  The  Misopogon,  or 
Beard-hater,  exhibit  a  considerable  turn  for  satire.  But  his  dehberate 
preference  of  Paganism  over  Christianity,  in  consequence  of  the  quarrels 
and  scandalous  conduct  of  some  of  the  professors  of  the  latter,  and  the  su- 
perior urbanity  and  literary  accomplishments  of  some  of  the  adherents  to 
the  former,  instead  of  forming  his  opinion  upon  the  moral  and  religious 
ideas  which  lie  at  the  respective  foundations  of  the  two,  will  justly  and  for 
ever  deprive  him  of  the  praise  of  being  a  profound  thinker. 

§  5.  The  Eastern  and  Western  Empires  were  separated  in  a.  d.  384,  by 
Valentinian  and  Valens.     In  the  north  and  east,  the  storm  of  barbarian 
invasion  was  ominously  gathering  against  the  Empire.     The  Goths  were 
permitted  by  Valens  to  pass  the  Danube,  when  the  fiercer  Huns,  advancing 
from  the  confines  of  China,  compelled  them  to  seek  the  protection  of  the 
Emperor.     This  movement  quartered  a  million  of  warriors  within  the  do- 
main of  Rome,  between  whom  and  the  Empire  a  desperate  war  speedily 
broke  out.     But  the  separation  of  the  East  from  the  West  bound  up  the 
interests  of  the  sovereigns  more  intimately  with  the  fortunes  of  their  Greek 
subjects.    The  Greek  language  began  to  supplant  the  Latin  at  the  court, 
and  the  feeling  of  Greek  nationality  penetrated  even  to  the  imperial  fam- 
ily ;  and  new  vigor  seemed  about  to  be  infused  into  the  eastern  portion  of 
the  Empire.    The  municipal  and  ecclesiastical  organizations  of  the  Greeks 
gained  still  greater  influence  in  the  general  government ;  and  the  Christian 
religion  gradually  directed  the  attention  of  the  educated  to  theological  ques- 
tions, almost  exclusively.     There  still  remained  in  the  schools,  however,  a 
number  of  [)hilosophical  adherents  to  declining  paganism ;  many  of  them,  like 
Julian  and  Libanius,  not  only  distinguished  by  their  literary  accomplish- 
ments, but  by  the  general  purity  of  their  lives.     The  name  of  IfeUenes  was 
gradually  limited  to  the  Pagan  Greeks  of  Europe.    Christians  and  Hellenes 
became  distinctive  terms  in  Greece  itself,  which  still  retained  the  name 
of  Hellas.     At  the  present  day  this  application  of  the  term  is  not  unknown 
in  some  parts  of  Greece.     The  influence  of  the  lawyers  on  the  general  ad- 
ministration of  justice  began  to  exercise  a  very  important  control,  not  only 
over  the  judicial  tribunals,  but  as  a  check  to  the  injustice  of  proconsuls,  and 
even  to  the  despotism  of  the  Emperors  themselves ;  but  it  is  a  singular 
fact,  and  one  which  diminished  the  beneficial  influence  of  this  body  among 
the  Greeks,  that  though  the  Greek  language  was  the  language  of  the 
Eastern  Church,  yet  the  Latin  was  the  language  of  legal  business  in  the 
East,  until  the  time  of  Justinian,  that  is,  till  after  the  sixth  century  ;  —  a 
circumstance  that  enabled  the  clergy,  by  their  more  intimate  connection  ^vith 
the  people,  to  extend  their  sphere  of  activity  beyond  the  range  of  ecclesias- 


^1 


n 


574 


HISTORY   OP   GREECE. 


[Chap.  L. 


tical,  to  the  civil  affairs.  All  this  apparent  progress  was  arrested,  or  at 
least  interrupted,  by  the  troubles  with  the  Goths.  The  Huns  pressed 
forward,  subjecting  district  after  district,  and  province  after  province.  In 
the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century,  at  the  head  of  an  immense  troop  of  fol- 
lowers, Attila  advanced  upon  Europe,  and,  almost  without  the  show  of 
resistance,  invaded,  occupied,  and  desolated  all  the  regions  from  the  Eux- 
ine  to  the  Adriatic  Sea.  Greece  suffered  the  extremities  of  spoliation 
under  these  swarming  hordes,  with  all  its  atrocities  and  horrors.  The 
Emperor  was  terrified  into  purchasing  peace  by  the  payment  of  an 
annual  tribute  of  two  thousand  pounds  of  gold,  and  ceding  an  extensive  ter- 
ritory of  fifteen  days*  journey  in  breadth,  and  extending  in  length  from 
Nyssae  to  Belgrade.  For  the  next  seven  years  Attila  was  the  terror  of 
the  East  and  West.  His  exploits  were  the  theme  of  popular  songs  among 
the  barbarians,  and  tradition  added  fable  to  the  facts  of  history.  Under 
the  name  of  Etzel  he  reappears  in  the  earhest  legends  of  Germany,  and 
is  one  of  the  leading  personages  in  that  grand  old  jxjem,  the  Nibelungen- 
lied.  "  He  was  interred,"  says  Sir  James  Emerson  Tennent, "  after  the  an- 
cient manner  of  the  fathers  of  his  nation,  the  Huns  cutting  off  their  hair, 
and  gashing  their  faces  with  hideous  wounds,  to  bewail  their  chieftain,  not 
with  effeminate  tears,  but  with  the  blood  of  warriors.  His  body,  placed 
beneath  a  silken  pavilion,  was  exhibited  in  the  midst  of  the  plain,  whilst 
the  horsemen  of  his  tribe  rode  around  it,  and  celebrated  his  exploits  in 
funeral  hymns.  In  the  darkness  of  midnight  the  remains  of  Attila  were 
inclosed  in  a  golden,  and  again  in  a  silver  coffin,  to  mark  that  the  Romans 
and  the  Greeks  had  been  his  tributaries ;  and  all  was  enveloped  in  an  iron 
chest,  to  indicate  the  untamed  ferocity  of  his  dominion.  The  trappings  of 
his  war-horse,  and  his  royal  insignia,  were  committed  to  the  same  sepul- 
chre with  himself;  and  the  slaves  who  hollowed  out  his  tomb  were  slain 
when  the  work  was  finished,  in  order  that  no  mortal  might  disclose  the 
last  resting-place  of  the  warrior  of  the  Huns." 

§  6.  The  long  reign  of  Justinian,  from  527  to  565,  —  thirty-nine  years,  — 
was  in  some  respects  a  brilliant  one ;  but,  to  use  the  language  of  another, 
"  it  was  merely  a  glowing  episode  in  a  tale  of  ruin,  —  a  meteor  in  a  mid- 
night sky,  which  flashes  brightly  for  an  instant,  and,  vanishing,  leaves  no 
halo  of  its  transient  brilliancy  behind."  Yet  he  was  indefatigably  occupied 
with  reforms,  intended  to  strengthen  the  Empire.  He  embellished  the 
capital  with  costly  edifices,  rebuilt  the  cathedral  church  of  St.  Sophia, 
repaired  the  walls  and  towers  of  Constantinople,  the  strongholds  in  the  North 
of  Greece,  the  fortifications  of  Athens  and  Peineus,  and  protected  the 
Peloponnesus  by  fortresses  at  Corinth  and  on  the  Isthmus.  He  paid 
more  than  a  million  of  dollars  towards  rebuilding  and  embellishing  Antioch, 
after  it  had  been  overthrown  by  an  earthquake.  He  abolished  the  consul- 
ship which  had  been  in  existence  more  than  a  thousand  years,  and  in  his 
reign  the  schools  of  Athens  and  Alexandria,  in  which  doctrines  antago- 
nistic to  Christianity  were  still  taught,  were  closed.     He  was  brilliantly 


A.  D.  717.] 


THE   SLAVONIANS. 


575 


successful  m  his  wars,  through  his  generals,  and  this  with  his  contempo- 
raries gave  him  still  greater  glory  than  his  works  of  peace :  but  posterity 
acknowledge  him  chiefly  for  his  agency  in  compiling  the  Institutes,  Di<rest, 
imd  Pandects,  -  the  Corpus  Juris  Civilis,  -  which  has  so  lai-ely  influenced 
the  admmistration  of  justice  down  to  the  present  day. 

§  7.  The  Western  Empire  ended  with  the  inglorious  reign  of  Romulus 
Augustulus,  in  A.  D.  476 ;  but  the  Eastern  Empire,  under  Roman  influ- 
ences,  contmued  for  a  period  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after 
Justmian,  to  the  accession  of  Leo  the  Isaurian,  in  a.  d.  717,  when,  in  the 
opmion  of  Mr.  Finlay,  the  proper  Byzantine  Period  commences.     In  this 
century  and  a  half  seventeen  Emperors  sat  upon  the  throne;  but  the  most 
important  events,  so  far  a^  the  Greeks  were  concerned,  were  the  settlements 
of  Slavonians,  and  other  foreign  or  barbarous  races,  over  the  greater  part 
of  Greece.     The  diminution  of  the  Hellenic  people  had  gone  on,  partly 
owmg  to  the  general  decay  of  the  Empire,  and  partly  to  other  and  local 
causes,  chiefly,  among  the  latter,  by  the  accumulation  of  immense  landed 
estates  in  the  hands  of  individuals.     The  neglect  of  roads  led  to  the  aban-  ' 
donment  of  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  on  large  tracts  of  country,  and  its 
conversion  into  pasture  land ;  and,  as  the  revenues  to  be  derived  from  a 
country  in  this  condition  were  insignificant,  the  government  at  Constanti- 
nople became  indifferent  to  its  defence.     The  provinces  of  Greece  were 
thus  exposed  to  the  inroads  of  Slavonian  settlers,  which  commenced  early 
in  the  sixth  century.     The  progress  of  these  settlements  is  obscurely  inti- 
mated in  the  Byzantine  historians ;  but  the  fact  that  they  occupied  the 
greater  part  of  Macedonia,  and  in  such  numbers  that  Justinian  IL.  at  the 
end  of  the  seventh  century,  was  able  to  remove  into  Asia,  and  settle  on 
the  shores  of  the  Bosporus,  a  colony  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
souls,  shows  in  what  numbers  they  came.     They  became  almost  tlie  sole 
possessors  of  the  territories  once  occupied  by  the  Illyrians  and  Thracians. 
They  advanced  southward,  occupying  the  waste  lands ;  but  as  they  pen- 
etrated into  the  heart  of  Greece,  they  met  with  more  obstruction  from 
a  dense  population,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  still  remaining 
walled  towns.     In  the  early  part  of  the  eighth  century,  nearly  the  whole 
of  the  Peloponnesus  was  occui)ied  by  the  Slavonians,  and  it  wa^  then  re- 
garded by  pilgrims  from  Western  Europe  as  the  Slavonian  land ;  and  the 
complete  colonization  of  the  whole  country  of  Greece  and  the  Pelopon- 
nesus is  dated  by  the   Emperor  Constantino  Porphyrpgenitus  from  the 
time  of  the  great  pestilence  that  depopulated  the  East,  in  a.  d.  746,  which 
is  a  little  later  than  the  commencement  of  the  Byzantine  period.     Such 
are  the  principal  facts  known  in  history  with  regard  to  this  extraordinaiy 
series  of  events,  by  which  an  old  population  was  almost  entirely  displaced, 
in  the  course  of  two  centuries,  by  swarms  of  another  race,  coming  into  the 
country  partly  as  warriors  and  enemies,  partly  as  agricuhurists,  herdsmen, 
and  shepherds,  to  occupy  the  lands  left  vacant  by  the  greatly  diminished 
numbers  of  the  Greeks.     These  bodies  seem  to  have  been  set  in  motion 


i 


! 


576 


mSTOKY   OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  L. 


I 


hj  wars  along  the  line  of  the  northern  provinces ;  and  when  they  were 
once  established,  they  lived  in  a  rude  and  wild  independence.  They  took 
possession  of  the  valleys  chiefly,  and  the  interior  of  the  provinces,  and 
they  left  traces  of  their  possession  in  the  still  remaining  Slavonic  names 
which  are  scattered  all  over  the  surface  of  Greece.  The  Greeks  them- 
selves still  held  the  sea-coasts  and  the  large  towns,  the  old  Greek  names 
of  which  were  for  the  most  part  still  retained.  From  time  to  time,  the 
old  and  the  new  inhabitants  came  into  collision,  and  wars  raged  here 
and  there.  Twice,  at  least,  the  aid  of  the  Emperor  was  supplicated,  liu*ge 
armies  were  sent  from  Constantinople,  and  the  Slavonians  were  partially 
conquered  and  compelled  to  pay  tribute  to  the  imperial  government.  But 
the  singularity  of  this  chapter  m  Greek  history  consists  in  the  fact,  that 
this  great  body  of  intrusive  settlers  gradually  disappeared  from  the  soil  of 
Greece  as  mysteriously  as  they  came.  Some  had,  of  coui*se,  mingled  with 
the  Greeks,  were  converted  to  Christianity,  and  in  the  course  of  time,  by  the 
blending  of  families,  became  Ilellenized  in  language,  manners,  and  blood, 
and  to  all  intents  and  puiposes  Greeks,  just  as  the  descendants  of  a 
foreign  settler  in  England,  mingling  his  blood  with  the  native  race,  lose  the 
originiil  nationality  of  tlieir  ancestors  and  become  Englishmen.  Professor 
Fallmereyer  indeed,  in  his  learned  and  entertaining  work,  written  in  Ger- 
man, —  the  History  of  tlie  Peninsula  of  the  Morea,  —  maintains  tluvt  the 
Hellenic  population  was  entirely  exterminated,  and  that  the  peoi)le  who 
call  themselves  Greeks  at  the  present  day  are  nothing  but  descendants  of 
these  Slavonian  hordes.  His  book  has  called  forth  several  replies; 
and  his  unfounded  assumptions  and  numerous  misrepresentations  of  his- 
torical facts  have  been  ably  exposed  by  Zinkeisen,  in  his  excellent  History 
of  Greece.  But  in  truth,  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  enter  largely  into 
historical  research,  to  show  the  fallacy  of  Fallmereyer's  opinion.  The 
Slavonians  are  light-haired,  blonde-complexioned,  and  blue-eyed ;  the 
Greeks  have  dark  hair,  brown  complexions,  and  sparkling  black  eyes. 
The  Slavonians  are  broad-faced,  stout,  and  somewhat  clumsy ;  the  Greeks 
are  lithe,  slender,  nimble,  graceful.  The  same  features  that  we  admire  in 
the  ancient  statues,  nature  still  reproduces  everywhere  in  Greece.  The  in- 
tellectual qualities  of  the  races  are  strikingly  different.  The  Greek  is  lively, 
quick  to  understand,  adroit,  eloquent,  curious,  eager  for  novelty ;  the  Sla- 
vonian slow,  indifferent,  not  easily  moved  to  take  an  interest  in  anything 
that  does  not  inmiediately  concern  himself,  and,  what  is  more,  the  trav- 
eller in  Greece  falls  in,  here  and  there,  with  descendants  of  the  Slavo- 
nians and  other  foreign  settlers,  —  sometimes  occupying  an  entire  village 
by  themselves.  Even  in  Athens,  there  is  a  quarter  inhabited  almost  exclu- 
sively by  Albanians ;  and  not  ten  miles  from  Athens  there  is  a  village 
where  Greek  is  not  undei-stood.  Now  it  is  impossible  for  the  most  cfireless 
observer  to  mistake  these  people  for  one  another,  cither  in  their  looks  or 
theu"  speech,  or  in  their  mental  characteristics. 


A.  D.  1081.J 


CONQUESTS  OP  THE  NORMANS. 


577 


.« 


Constantinople,  or  Stamboul. 


CHAPTER  LI. 


PARTITION   OF  THE   EMPIRE. 


§  1.  Conquests  of  the  Normans.  §  2.  Cmsades.  Prankish  Domination  in  Greece.  §  3.  Dukes 
of  Athens.  §  4.  Origin  and  Progress  of  the  Turks-  §  5.  Mohammed  II.  Preparations 
for  the  Capture  of  Constantinople.  §  6.  Capture  of  Constantinople.  §  7.  Conquest  of 
the  ilorea.  §  8.  Conquest  of  Trebizond.  §  9.  Byzantine  Writers,  their  General  Char- 
acteristics. §  10.  Zosimus,  Procopius,  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus,  Nicephorus  Bry- 
ennius,  Anna  Comnena,  Laouicos  Chalcocondyles. 

§  1.  From  the  period  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  the  condition  of 
Greece  remained  without  undergoing  any  important  change,  until  the  con- 
quests of  the  Normans  in  the  eleventh  century.  In  1081  Robert  Guiscard 
passed  over  from  Brindisi  to  Corfou  with  a  powerful  fleet.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  island  making  no  resistance,  he  then  landed  in  Epeirus;  but  in  conse- 
quence of  the  death  of  the  chieftain  the  expedition  had  no  permanent  con- 
sequence on  the  condition  of  the  country.  Another  invasion  of  Greece 
was  made  by  Bohemund,  called  the  Duke  of  Antioch :  it  was  repelled  by 
the  Emperor  Alexis,  and  Bohemund  forced  to  acknowledge  himself  liege- 
man of  the  Byzantine  Emperor.  A  third  invasion  ^y'L  conducted  by 
Roger,  the  powerful  and  wealthy  king  of  Sicily.  He  appeared  off  Corf^ 
in  1146  with  a  fleet  of  seventy  sail,  and,  having  easily  mastered  the  island, 
proceeded  to  the  mainland,  marched  through  Epeirus  and  Attica,  and  plun- 

73 


*:!■:. 


576 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  L. 


S'lii 
1 1 


»  . 

Jl"! 


I 


by  wars  along  the  line  of  the  nortliem  provinces ;  and  when  they  were 
once  e^stiibiislied,  thc*y  lived  in  a  rude  and  wild  independence.  They  took 
possession  of  the  valleys  chietly,  and  the  interior  of  the  provinces,  and 
they  left  traces  of  their  jHjssession  in  the  still  remainin;j:  Slavonic  names 
which  are  scattered  all  over  the  surface  of  Greece.  The  Greeks  them- 
selves still  held  the  sea-coasts  and  the  large  towns,  the  old  Greek  names 
of  which  were  lor  the  most  part  still  retained.  From  time  to  time,  the 
old  and  the  new  iidudiittuits  came  into  collision,  and  wars  ra^ed  here 
and  there.  Twice,  at  least,  the  aid  of  the  Enii)eror  was  supplicated,  large 
armies  were  sent  from  Constantinople,  and  the  Shivonians  wen.'  partially 
eontpU'iLd  and  compelled  to  ymy  tribute  to  the  im|»eriid  governnicnt.  IJut 
the  singularity  of  this  chapter  in  Greek  history  consists  in  the  fact,  that 
tln>  great  Ixnly  of  intrusive  settlers  gradually  disappeared  from  the  soil  of 
Greece  as  mysteriously  as  they  came.  Some  had,  of  course,  mingled  with 
the  Greeks,  were  converted  to  Christianity,  and  in  the  course  of  time,  by  the 
blending  of  families,  became  Ilellenized  in  language,  maimers,  and  l)lood, 
and  to  all  intents  and  purposes  Greeks,  just  as  the  descen«lants  of  a 
foreign  settler  in  England,  mingling  his  blowl  with  the  native  race,  lose  the 
ori'fiiial  luitionalitv  of  tlieir  ancestors  and  become  Englishmen.  Trotosor 
Falhiiercyer  indeed,  in  liis  learned  and  entertaining  work,  written  in  Ger- 
man,—  the  History  of  the  Peninsuhi  of  tlie  Morea,  —  maintains  that  the 
Hellenic  population  was  entirely  exterminated,  and  that  the  jieople  who 
cull  thenuelves  Greeks  at  the  i)resent  day  are  nothing  but  descendants  of 
these  Slavonian  hordes.  His  book  has  calhd  il)rth  several  replies; 
and  his  unibunded  a»innptions  and  numerous  misre|)re>entjUions  of  his- 
torical facts  have  been  ably  exposed  l)y  Zinkeisen,  in  his  exct'llent  Ilistoiy 
of  Greece.  But  in  truth,  it  is  cpiite  unnecessary  to  enter  largely  into 
historical  research,  to  show  the  fallacy  of  Falhnereyer's  opinion.  The 
Slavonians  are  light-haired,  blonde-complexioned,  anil  bluc-eyi-d ;  the 
Greeks  liave  dark  hair,  brown  comi>lexions,  and  sparkling  Idaek  vyvs. 
The  Slavonians  are  broad-faced,  stout,  and  somewhat  clumsy;  the  (i reeks 
are  lithe,  slender,  nind>le,  gracetul.  The  same  features  that  we  admire  in 
the  ancient  statues,  nature  still  reproduces  everywhere  in  Greece.  The  in- 
tellectual qualities  of  the  races  are  strikingly  different.  The  Cireek  is  liA  ely, 
quick  to  understand,  adroit,  eloquent,  curiinis,  eager  for  novelty ;  the  Sla- 
vonian slow,  inditferent,  not  easily  moved  to  take  an  interest  in  anything 
that  does  not  immediately  concern  liimself,  and,  what  is  more,  th<3  trav- 
eller in  Greece  falls  in,  here  an<l  there,  with  descendants  of  the  Slavo- 
nians and  other  iiireign  settlers,  —  sometimes  occu|)ying  an  entire  village 
by  themselves.  Even  in  Athens,  there  is  a  quarter  hdiabited  almost  exclu- 
sively by  Albanians;  and  not  ten  miles  from  Athens  there  is  a  village 
where  Greek  is  not  understood.  Now-  it  is  impossible  for  the  most  careless 
observer  to  mistake  these  people  for  one  another,  cither  in  their  looks  or 
their  speech,  m  in  their  mental  characteristics. 


^1 


A.  D.  lOSl.J 


CONQUESTS  OF  THE  NORMANS. 


577 


Constantinople,  or  Stamboiil. 


CHAPTER  LI. 


PARTITION    OF   THE   EMPIRE. 


§  1.  Conquo^ts  of  the  Xomians.    §  2.  Crusades.    Friinki.sli  Domination  in  Greece.   §  3.  Dukes 
of  Athens.    ^  4.  Ori-in  and  Progress  of  the  Turks.     §  5.  Jlohammed  II.     ]»ropanitions 
f..r  the  Capture  of  Constantinople.    §  6.  Capture  of  Constantinople.     §  7.  Conquest  of 
e  Morea.    §  8.  Conquest  of  Trebizond.     §  9.  P.yzantine  Writers,  their  General  Char- 


for 
the 


""     y  "•  — "i"-'^"'   i.^.^.^uim.     ^  V.  i.yzaniine   >v  rirers,  tUeir  Ueneral  Char 

actenstics.      §  10.  Zosiinu?,  Procopius,  Constantino  Porphyrogenitus,  Xicephorus  Bry 
ennius,  Anna  Comnena,  Laonicos  Chalcocondyles. 

§  1.  From  the  period  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  the  condition  of 
Greece  remained  without  undergoing  any  imjiortant  change,  until  the  con- 
quests of  tlie  Normans  in  the  eleventh  century.  In  1081  Robert  Guiscard 
passed  over  from  Brindisi  to  Corfou  with  a  powerful  fleet.  The  iidiabitants 
of  the  islnnd  making  no  resistance,  he  tlien  landed  in  Epeirus;  but  in  conse- 
quence of  the  deatli  of  tlie  chieftain  the  expedition  had  no  permanent  con- 
sequence on  the  condition  of  the  country.  Another  invasion  of  Greece 
was  made  by  liohemuncl,  called  the  Duke  of  Antioch:  it  was  repelled  by 
the  Emi)eror  Alexis,  and  llohemund  forced  to  acknowledge  himself  liege- 
man of  the  Byzantine  Emperor.  A  third  invasion  was  conducted  by 
Roger,  tlie  powerful  and  wealtliy  king  of  Sicily.  He  appeared  off  Coifoii 
in  1140  witli  a  fleet  of  seventy  sail,  and,  having  easily  mastered  the  island, 
proceeded  to  the  mainland,  marched  through  Epeirus  and  Attica,  and  plun- 

73 


\i 


m 


578 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LI. 


i 


III 


<i 


M 


dered  Thebes,  Athens,  and  Corinth.  Thebes  was  then  a  rich  manufac- 
turing town,  especially  remarkable  for  the  silk  trade.  The  city  was  com- 
pletely plundered, — gold,  silver,  jewels,  bales  of  silk,  carried  off  to  the  fleet, 
and  the  most  skilftil  of  the  silk-workers  borne  off  as  slaves  to  Sicily,  there 
to  exercise  their  industry  for  the  benefit  of  their  new  masters.  Corinth 
was  sacked  with  equal  cruelty.  Tliese  spoliations  were  a  fatal  blow  to 
the  prosperity  of  Greece,  which  had  been  silently  advancing  for  the  last 
two  centuries ;  but  little  occurred  to  disturb  the  country  during  the  cen- 
tury that  followed,  until  the  Crusades  broke  tut  and  precipitated  the 
chivalry  of  Europe  upon  the  coasts  of  Asia.  The  Califs  interfered  but 
little  with  the  Christian  pilgrims  visiting  the  sacred  places  in  the  Holy 
Land,  but  when  the  Seljouk  Turks,  having  secured  the  dominion  over  the 
Saracens,  became  masters  of  Jerusalem,  the  pilgrims  were  exposed  to 
unheard-of  cruelties,  which  exasperated  the  Christian  world. 

§  2.  The  religious  enthusiasm  of  Western  Europe,  harmonizing  with 
the  spirit  of  chivalry,  created  a  storm  of  unparalleled  violence,  and  swept 
the  combined  hosts  of  the  Christian  powers  from  Europe  to  the  East,  re- 
solved to  rescue  the  Holy  Sepulchre  from  the  polluting  hands  of  the  Infidel. 
Here  commenced  the  question  about  the  Holy  Places,  which  originally 
armed  the  great  nations  of  Christendom  against  the  followers  of  Mahomet ; 
and  which  now,  blending  with  political  int«irests  of  the  same  great  nations, 
has  armed  them  in  defence  of  the  Turk  against  the  encroachments  of  the 
Czar.  Tlie  first  three  Crusades,  though  very  important  in  their  effects 
upon  the  ByzaiitilRJ  Empire,  did  not  directly  act  ujion  the  condition  of 
Greece  I  but  the  fourth  Crusade,  which  took  place  in  A.  D.  1203,  had  the 
most  important  consequences.  The  arrival  of  the  armies  of  the  West  was, 
in  the  higliest  degree,  unwelcome  to  the  Emperors  of  the  East :  but  they 
could  not  well  save  themselves  from  the  necessity  of  extending  a  reluctant 
hospitality  to  the  intruders.  The  Greek  assumed  to  be  far  in  advance  of  the 
rest  of  the  world  in  refinement,  and  felt  contempt  for  the  rudeness  and 
barbarism  of  the  Latin ;  and  the  Latin  looked  upon  the  Greek  as  of  a  de- 
graded caste,  and  a  heretic.  In  June,  a.  d.  1 203,  the  Venetian  fleet,  with  the 
army  of  Crusaders  on  board,  appeared  at  Constantinople,  having  engaged 
to  restore  the  son  of  the  dethroned  Emperor  to  his  hereditary  rights. 
They  were  commanded  by  Henry  Dandolo,  the  blind  old  warrior  of  Yen- 
ice,  who  had  private  wrongs  to  avenge,  no  less  than  public  engagements 
to  execute.  After  two  days  of  desperate  fighting,  the  city  was  taken,  and 
Alexius  IV.  crowned  Emperor.  A  second  destructive  conflagration  soon 
after  laid  a  great  part  of  the  city  in  ashes.  This  was  caused  by  a  wilful 
act  of  inceniiarism,  committed  in  a  drunken  frolic  I  some  Flemish  sol- 
diers, and  Constantinople  never  entirely  recoverr-'  from  this  calamity. 
The  fupy  of  the  people  was  excited  beyond  all  brinids,  and  fifteen  thousand 
of  the  Latins,  who  resided  within  the  walls  ol  the  city,  were  forced  to  quit 
the  capital  and  seek  safety  in  Galata,  beyond  the  Golden  Horn.     The 


/ 


A.  D.  1205.] 


DUKEDOM   OF   ATHENS. 


579 


Venetians  and  Crusaders  again  laid  siege  to  Constantinople,  on  tlie  12th 
of  April,  1204;  and  another  quarter  of  the  city  perished  by  a  third  con- 
flagration. «  These  three  fires,"  it  is  said,  "  which  the  Franks  had  li^^hted 
in  Constantinople,  destroyed  more  houses  than  were  contained  in  the  three 
largest  cities  in  France."  Thus  the  capital  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Latin  princes,  and  the  Empire  itself,  under  the  name  of 
Romania,  reorganized,  under  a  series  of  Western  Emperors,  continued 
until  A.  Dj2£l^ — or  fifty-seven  years.  Greece,  too,  was  completely 
remodelled.  The  Crusaders  entered  Greece,  and  divided  its  provinces. 
Boniface,  Marquis  of  ^^gerratTISecame  sovereign  of  Salonica:  Epeirus 
stilTcontinued,  under  the  title,  at  first,  of  a  despotat,  to  be  governed  by  a 
Byzantine  family.  Afterwards  it  was  changed  into  an  empire,  and  then 
changed  back  again  to  a  despotat :  and  it  lasted  until  A.  d.  1469.  Achaia 
and  the  Morea  became  a  principality  under  William  de  Champlitte  and  his 
successor,  Geoffrey  Villehardouin,  and  continued  to  A.  d.  1387.*  The 
Dukedom  of  the  Archipelago,  or  Naxos,  lasted  from  a.  d.  1207  to  A.  d. 
1566 ;  —  a  greater  prolongation  of  the  Frankish  power  than  occurred  else- 
where in  the  East. 

§  3.  But  by  far  the  most  interesting  of  these  Frank  establishments  in 
Greece  was  the  Dukedom  of  Athens,  which  began  in  a.  d.  1205,  with 
the  reign  of  Otho  de  la  Roche,  and  continued  under  his  family  until  a.  d. 
1308,  —  five  dukes.  The  house  of  Brienne  succeeded  at  this  time,  in  the 
person  of  Walter  de  Brienne,  who,  being  threatened  by  his  enemies,  called 
in  the  assistance  of  the  Grand  Catalan  Company,  —  a  troop  of  marauders 
whose  adventures  in  the  East  fill  a  very  remarkable  episode  in  this  chapter 
of  history.  But  when  he  attempted  to  dismiss  them  they  defied  him,  and, 
marching  into  the  plains  of  Boeotia,  took  up  a  position  on  the  banks  of  the 
Cephissus,  near  the  ancient  Orchomenos.  The  Duke  of  Athens,  with  a 
numerous  cavalry,  pursued  them.  The  Catalan  leaders  had  conducted  the 
waters  of  the  Cephissus  into  the  fields  covered  with  corn,  just  in  front  of 
their  own  lines,  making  the  ground  soft  and  muddy,  while  the  verdure 
concealed  every  appearance  of  irrigation.  The  Duke  dashed  in  with  his 
cavalry ;  but,  getting  inextricably  involved  in  the  yielding  earth,  the  vrhole 
band  of  cavalry,  with  the  exception  of  two,  were  slain.  The  Catalans 
pushed  their  conquests  vigorously,  capturing  both  Thebes  and  Athens. 


*  The  Historj-  of  the  Conquest  of  Morea  is  contained  in  a  curious  metrical  chronicle,  writ- 
ten in  the  fourteenth  or  fifteenth  century.  It  was  published  in  its  complete  form  by  Buchon, 
with  other  documents  relating  to  the  same  period,  in  1845.  It  consists  of  7,892  verses,  with  a 
Prologue  of  1,302,  in  the  metre  technically  called  versus politkus,— accented  but  not  rhymed. 
It  is  valuable  in  an  historical  point  of  view,  and  very  curious  as  an  illustration  of  the  state 
of  the  language.  It  is  called  Bi^Xioi/  frjs  Kouy/ccWas  tov  Mcopaiwy,  -_  The  Book  of  the 
Conquest  of  the  Morea.    The  Prologue  begins :  — 

"  I  will  a  tale  to  thee  rel^.earse,  a  tale  of  import  mighty; 
And  if  attention  you  do  lend,  I  hope  the  tale  will  please  you. 
'T  is  how  the  Frank  by  anus  did  gain  the  realm  of  fair  Morea." 


I 

i; 


k 


*1 


580 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LL 


T 


1*1 1 


,i 


} 


At  Thebes  they  bumed  the  magnificent  palace  of  St.  Omar,  whose  splen- 
dor had  been  the  theme  of  minstrels  in  that  age.  At  Athens  ihey  laid 
waste  the  olive  groves  of  the  Academy  and  Colonos.  They  divided  the 
fiefs  of  the  nobles  who  had  fallen,  and  the  officers  took  in  marriage  the 
surviving  widows  and  heiresses :  and  in  the  language  of  Muntaner,  the 
quaint  old  Spanish  chronicler,  who  was  an  eyewitness  of  what  he  de- 
scribes, "  many  stout  Catalan  warriors  received  as  wives  noble  ladies,  for 
whom,  the  day  before  their  victory,  they  would  have  counted  it  an  honor 
to  be  allowed  to  hold  their  washing  basin." 

These  events  were  followed  by  the  establishment  of  a  duke  from  the 
Sicilian  branch  of  the  house  of  Aragon,  on  a  request  conveyed  by  a- 
deputation  of  the  Catalans  to  Frederick  II.  From  that  time  the  duchy  of 
Athens  and  Neopatras  became  an  appanage  to  the  house  of  Aragon.  It 
remained  in  this  line  until  A.  d.  1386,  about  sixty  years.  From  this  line 
of  princes  the  power  passed  to  the  Florentine  house  of  Aceiauoli,  who 
had  risen  by  commercial  success  to  great  influence,^botli  in  Italy  and  in 
the  East.  Six  dukes  of  this  family  ruled  over  Athens,  fi*om  A.  d.  1386  to 
A.  D.  1456,  when  Attica,  with  the  rest  of  Greece,  fell  under  the  yoke  of 
the  Turks,  and  the  transient  reflex  of  ancient  prosperity  she  had  enjoyed 
under  these  Western. rul^'^^ank  in  the  long  night  of  slavery.  During  the 
"period  of  tlie  Dukes  of  Athens,  Muntaner  declares,  the  Frank  chivalry 
of  Greece  was  second  to  none  in  Europe ;  the  Duke  of  Athens  was  one  of 
the  greatest  princes  of  the  Empire  of  Romania,  and  among  tlie  noblest  of 
those  sovereigns  who  did  not  bear  the  kingly  title.  Athens  was  the  re- 
sort of  the  gayest  knights  in  those  ages ;  and  chivalrous  games  and  cere- 
monies were  often  rehearsed  among  the  classic  ruins  which  still  abounded 
in  that  city.  The  service  of  the  Roman  Church  was  |ierformed  in  the  Par- 
_thenon,  then  consecrated  to  the  BlessedVirgin ;  and  on  one  occasion,  the 
pages  of  the  delightful  old  chronicler  attest,  a  visitor  to  the  ducal  palace 
received  the  honor  of  knighthood  in  the  temple  of  Athena.  Among  the 
classic  sculptures  still  found,  though  in  mutilated  beauty,  on  the  Acroi)olis, 
there  are  some  rude  fragments  executed  in  the  time  of  the  Franks.  But 
these  Latin  princes  never  identified  themselves  with  the  native  population. 
They  preserved  their  language,  as  they  did  their  manners,  unchanged; 
and  Muntaner  says,  "  The  French  was  spoken  as  well  at  Athens  as  at 
Paris."  The  feudal  system  they  introduced  was  not  in  harmony  with 
the  spirit  of  the  people.  They  lived  a  ruling  caste  among  a  subject 
race;  and  the  vices  of  the  system  made  them  an  easy  prey  to  the 
fiery  zeal  and  hardihood  of  a  fresh  nation  of  conqueroi's.  Tliey,  too, 
like  the  invaders  who  preceded  them,  entirely  disappeared  from  the 
fiice  of  .Hellas,  with  their  language,  their  mannerly  Jheir  jousts  and 
tournaments,  their  stately  revels,  andThelFdevotion  to  the  fair.  They 
left  a  few  ramM-MMlesThwe-mid-^  on  the  hill-tops  of  Greece, 

contrasting  strangely   with   the   classic  ruins   of  Hellenic  times.     The 


A.  D.  1451.] 


THE   TURKS. 


mi 


stately  palace  of  St,  Omar,  at  Thebes,  where  Muntaner  visited  his 
master,  Don  Fernando  of  Majorca,  who  was  then  a  prisoner  in  its  grand 
old  halls,  is  all  gone  except  a  ruined  tower,  which  hostile  forces  and  the 
convulsions  of  nature  have  been  alike  unable  to  shatter.  Here  and  there, 
injhe  decaying  monasteries  of  Greece^afew  musty  recordl^SSelFexist- 
encejna^_be^exp^^  by  the  curious  traveller.  The  Dukes  of  Athens, 
wholield  tlieiTknightlyTeTehr  in  their  palace  by  the  Propylcea,  or  pre- 
sided over  tournaments  in  the  plain  of  Athens,  are  now  to  be  traced  only 
in  an  arched  subterranean  chamber,  an  old  tower,  and  two  stone  coffins 
in  the  crumbling  monastery  of  Daphne,  which  occupies  the  site  of  an  an- 
cient temple  of  Apollo,  thrown  carelessly  into  a  dark  room  filled  with 
rubbish,  and  only  known  by  the  nearly  obliterated  fleur-de-lis  carved  on 
the  side.* 

§  4.  The  Turks  are  first  mentioned  in  history  in  the  sixth  century. 
They  are  a  Tatar  race,  from  the  great  Steppes  of  Northern  Asia,  at  the 
foot  of  the  Altai  Mountains.  In  the  eighth  century  they  blended  with 
the  Saracens  in  Persia,  and  reigned  over  Palestine,  Syria,  and  Egj^-j^t  in 
the  tenth.  In  the  eleventh  century,  another  tribe,  called  the  Seljouk  Turks, 
subdued  the  greater  part  of  Western  Asia,  and  established  the  powerful 
empire  with  which  the  Crusaders  waged  war  for  the  possession  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre.  The  Ottoman  Empire,  built  upon  the  ruins  of  the  tran- 
sient powers  established  by  their  predecessors,  and  now  representing  the 
Saracens,  Arabs,  and  Turks,  was  founded  in  the  thirteenth  centuiy,  by 
Osman,  who  extended  the  bounds  of  his  territories  to  the  shores  of  the 
Black  Sea.  This  was  a  century  and  a  half  before  the  capture  of  Con- 
stantinople. In  A.  D.  1360,  Adrianople  was  taken  by  Amurath  L,  and 
became  for  a  time  the  seat  of  the  Turkish  Empire  in  Europe.  The 
successors  of  this  prince  were  involved  in  wars  with  the  Venetians,  Hun- 
garians, and  Poles,  in  which  at  times  the  destinies  of  European  civiliza- 
tion hung  trembling  in  the  balance. 

§  5.  Moliammed  II.  was  born  at  Adrianople  in  A.  d.  1430,  and  succeed- 
ed Amurath  II.  in  1451.  He  was  a  man  of  uncommon  ability  and  acquire- 
ments for  his  race  and  his  age.    He  understood  five  languages.    The  Greek 


*  The  fame  of  the  brilliant  court  of  Athens  resounded  through  the  West  of  Europe,  and^ 
many  a  chapter  in  old  romance  is  filled  with  gorgeous  pictures  of  its  splendors.  One  of  the 
heroines  of  Boccaccio's  Decameron,  in  the  course  of  her  adventurous  life,  is  found  at  Athens 
inspiring  the  Duke  by  her  charms.  Dante  was  a  contemporary  of  Guy  II.  and  Walter 
de  Brienne;  and  in  his  Divine  Comedy  applies  to  Theseus,  king  of  ancient' Athens,  the  title 
so  familiar  to  him,  borne  by  the  princely  rulers  in  his  own  day.  Theseus  is,  like  Otho  or 
Walter,  il  Duca  (tAtene,  —  the  Duke  of  Athens.  Chaucer  too  —  the  bright  herald  of  Eng- 
lish poetry  —  had  often  heard  of  the  Dukes  of  Athens,  and  he,  like  Dante,  gives  that 
title  to  Theseus.  And  finally,  in  the  age  of  Elizabeth,  when  Italian  poetry  was  much  stud- 
ied by  scholars  and  courtiers,  Shakespeare,  in  the  delightful  scenes  of  the  Midsummer 
Night's  Dream,  introduces  the  illustrious  Theseus,  the  conqueror  and  the  lover  of  Hippolyta, 
the  warrior  Queen  of  the  Amazons,  as  the  Duke  of  Athens. 


lA 


U'1 


r^' 


hi 


582 


HISTOKX  OF  GREECE. 


[CUAP.  LI 


? 


f: 


historian,  Phrantzes,  who  had  seen  him  at  the  court  of  Amurath,  describes 
him  as  energetic  and  able,  and  fond  of  the  society  of  learned  men,  him- 
self not  ignorant  of  science,  and  addicted  to  astrology ;  but  he  was  cruel 
to  the  last  degree,  pitiless,  and  licentious.  No  consideration,  human  or 
divine,  stood  between  hun  and  the  gratification  of  his  desires.  But  his 
acts  and  his  conquests  come  within  the  scope  of  our  subject  no  further 
than  they  affected  the  fortunes  of  the  Greeks,  and  on  this  topic  a  few  words 
only  must  sufiice.  The  conquest  of  Constantinople  was  the  first  object 
on  which  his  thoughts  were  fixed,  at  the  opening  of  his  reign ;  the  resolu- 
tion with  which  he  had  formed  this  purpose  expressed  itself  in  the  stem 
reply  to  the  ambassadors  of  the  Emperor,  offering  him  tribute  if  he  would 
renounce  the  project  of  building  a  fort  on  the  European  shore  of  the  Bos- 
porus, which,  at  the  distance  of  only  five  miles  from  the  capital,  would  give 
him  the  command  of  the  Black  Sea.  He  ordered  the  envoys  to  retire, 
and  threatened  to  flay  alive  any  who  should  dare  to  bring  him  a  similar 
message  again.  The  fort  was  finished  in  three  months,  and  garrisoned 
with  four  hundred  Janizaries ;  a  tribute  was  exacted  of  all  vessels  that 
passed ;  and  war  was  formally  declared  by  the  Sultan.  Constantine  made 
the  best  preparations  in  liis  power  for  defence  ;  but  he  could  only  muster 
six  hundred  Greek  troops.  Disheartened  by  the  feebleness  and  want  of 
spirit  manifested  by  his  own  subjects,  the  Emperor  made  overtures  to  the 
Pope  for  a  reunion  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Churches,  in  the  hope  of 
drawing  to  his  standard  a  portion  of  the  warlike  troops  and  officers  then  so 
numerous  in  Italy.  A  cardinal  was  accordingly  despatched  to  Constanti- 
nople, and  on  the  12th  of  December,  A.  d.  1452,  the  Emperor  Constantine 
celebrated  his  union  with  the  Catholic  Church  m  the  cathedrtU  of  St.  Sophia. 
A  few  troops  came  from  Italy,  and  Justiniani,  an  ItaUan  oflicer,  arrived 
from  Genoa,  with  two  galleys  and  three  hundred  chosen  men :  he  was 
appointed  general  of  the  guard.  But  with  all  the  reinforcements  thus 
received,  the  number  was  insignificant,  compared  with  the  extent  of  the 
walla  to  be  defended,  and  the  overpowering  host  the  Sultan  was  concen- 
trating around  the  devoted  city.  The  hatred  of  the  Greeks  for  the 
Latin  Christians  was  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  thorough  co-operation. 
Dissensions  broke  out  between  the  Grand  Duke  Notaras  and  the  Italian 
commander.  "I  beseech  you,  my  brethren,"  said  the  Emperor,  "beat 
peace ;  the  war  from  abroad  is  enough ;  for  God's  mercy,  do  not  fight  witli 
one  another."  Instead  of  rallying  round  their  Emperor  unanimously,  the 
bigots  spent  their  time  in  denouncing  his  apostasy,  and  insultuig  him  as  he 
passed  through  the  streets.*  The  means  of  defence  —  the  machines,  ar- 
tillery, and  powder  (for  artillery  and  gunpowder  had  already  begun  to  be 


*  Gennadios,  who  was  afterwards  Patriarch  under  the  Sultan,  carried  this  insane  spirit 
of  intolerance  so  far,  that  he  declared  he  would  rather  see  the  turban  of  the  Turk  ruling 
k  the  heart  of  the  city,  than  the  mitre  of  the  La*;in.    (Ducas,  Hist.  B^-zant.,  c.  37,  p.  264.) 


A.  D.  1453.] 


SIEGE    OF   CONSTANTINOPLE. 


5S3 


used)  — were  scantily  provided.     The  land  wall,  for  five  miles  exposed  at 
eveiy  point  to  attack,  had  to  be  manned.    The  wall  towards  the  port  and 
the  Propontis  was  some  nine  miles,  and  the  whole  garrison  amounted  to 
only  nine  thousand  men.     The  fleet  consisted  of  twenty-three  vessels,  of 
all  kinds.     The  entry  of  the  port  was  closed  by  a  strong  chain,  the  end 
of  which  was  secured  in  a  fort  of  wliich  the  Greeks  held  possession,  m 
Galata.     The  first  division  of  the  Ottoman  army  left  Adrianople  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1453.     In  April  the  Sultan  established  his  lines,  from  the  head  of 
the  ix)rt  to  the  shore  of  the  Propontis,  and  erected  his  batteries,  fourteen 
in  all,  against  the  principal  gates,  —  especially  against  Chasias  and  St. 
Romanos,  —  the  latter  of  which  is  now  called  Top  Kapou,  Cannon  Gate, 
in  commemoration  of  the  siege.     A  Dacian  artilleryman  had  cast  a  mon- 
ster cannon  expressly  for  this  assault,  two  and  a  half  feet  in  diameter  at 
the  mouth,  for  the  purpose  of  firing  granite  balls.     This  tremendous  piece 
was  mounted  opposite  the  St.  Romanos  Gate,  where  the  chief  assault  was 
to  be  made.     The  army  is  said  to  have  amounted  to  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  men,  of  all  arms,  and  the  fleet  to  four  hundred  and  twenty  vessels, 
of  all  sizes.     These  numbers  are  probably  an   exaggeration ;  but  the 
overwhelming  superiority  of  the  Turkish  forces,  and  the  fiery  energy  of 
the  youthful  Sultan,  left  no  hope  of  a  successful  resistance.     Yet  some 
disasters  checked  the  ardor  of  the  besiegers.      Four  corn-ships,  bound 
for  Constantinople,  destroyed  the  Turkish  galleys  that  intercepted  them, 
and  passed  triumphantly  into  the  harbor,  over  the  chain,  which  was  lowered 
for  their  passage.     The  great  gun  burst,  without  doing  any  damage,  except 
killing  its  inventor  and  many  Turks ;  and  a  wooden  tower  they  had  brought 
up  against  the  wall  was  burnt  down  in  a  night  sortie  by  Justmiani.     But 
these  incidents  only  stimulated  the  activity  of  the  Sultan.      He  resolved 
to  bring  his  fleet,  which  still  lay  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Bosporus,  into 
direct  communication  with  his  armies ;  but  the  harbor  was  closed,  and  well 
defended.     He  accordingly  conceived  and  executed,  with  incredible  energy, 
the  plan  of  transporting  his  galleys  by  land  over  the  height  of  Pera,  and 
launching  them  in  the  Golden  Horn  under  protection  of  his  own  batteries. 
A  road  was  formed,  laid  with  planks  and  rails,  and  covered  with  tallow, 
up  which  the  vessels  were  dragged,  by  the  aid  of  windlasses  and  numer- 
ous yokes  of  oxen,  one  after  the  other,  and  let  down  the  opposite  slope, 
just  above  the  present  arsenal.     The  removal  of  a  division  of  the  Ottoman 
fleet  thus  took  place  in  a  single  night,  and  at  daylight  the  Greeks  looked  out 
with  amazement  upon  seventy  hostile  ships,  riding  at  anchor  under  the 
batteries.     Having  accomplished  this  signal  achievement,  the  Sultan  next 
threw  a  bridge  across  the  harbor,  defended  by  artillery,  to  estabUsh  an 
easy  communication  between  the  besieging  force  and  the  naval  camp  up 
the  Bosporus.     Mohammed  now  summoned  the  Emperor  to  surrender, 
offering  him  an  appanage  as  a  vassal  of  the  Porte ;  but  Constantine,  who 
had  calmly  resolved  not  to  survive  the  fall  of  the  city,  indignantly  rejected 


>' 


I 


dM 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LI. 


the  ingiiliftg  offer.  On  the  night  before  the  assauh,  the  Emperor  rode  round 
to  all  the  posts,  encouraging  the  troops  by  his  cheerful  demeanor ;  then, 
resorting  to  the  churdi  of  St.  Sophia,  he  partook,  with  his  companions,  of 
the  holy  saci-anient,  according  to  the  Latin  foms.  He  returned  to  tlie 
imperial  palace,  and,  asking  pardon  of  all  the  members  of  his  household 
for  every  offence  he  might  ever  have  given  them,  withdrew,  amidst  their 
sighs  and  prayei-s  and  tears,  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  away,  with  the 
solemn  certainty  that  he  should  never  meet  them  again  in  this  world. 

§  6.  Before  the  dawn  of  day,  May  29,  A.  d.  1453,  preparations  were  made 
for  the  assault,  the  troops  rapidly  taking  their  positions  before  the  portions 
of  the  wall  they  were  to  attack,  and  the  galleys,  witli  towc.^  and  scaling 
platforms,  moving  up  against  the  fortifications  of  the  fort,  protected  by 
the  artillery  on  the  bridge.  The  principal  attack  was  directed  to  the  gate 
of  St.  Romanos,  where  a  passage  had  already  been  effected  into  the  city. 
For  more  than  two  hours  the  defence  was  maintained  at  every  point,  and 
in  the  harbor  victory  seemed  for  a  time  to  incline  to  the  besieged ;  but  at 
length,  the  small  number  of  the  defenders  being  diminished  by  death,  ex- 
hausted by  fatigue,  unrelieved  by  rest,  their  commander  wounded,  and 
the  Emperor  left  almost  unsupported,  a  chosen  band,  led  on  by  a  gi- 
gantic warrior,  Hassan  of  Ulubad,  gained  the  summit  of  the  dilapidated 
tower  which  flanked  the  passage.  Theophilus  Palajologos,  when  he  saw 
the  Emperor  fighting,  and  the  city  on  the  i>oint  of  foiling,  cried  out,  with 
a  loud  voice,  and  with  tears,  " GcXo)  eavtlu  fiaWov  ?/  C^i/,"  —  "I  wish  to  die 
rather  than  to  live,"  —  and  rushing  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  and  hew- 
ing  many  down  with  his  sword,  was  at  length  overpowered  and  slain.  The 
Emperor,  left  almost  alone,  was  slain  by  the  Turks,  who,  in  the  dim 
tmligh't  of  the  morning,  failed  to  recognize  him.  Hassan,  and  many  of  his 
followers,  fell ;  but  fresh  columns  coming  up,  a  corps  of  Janizaries  i-ushed 
into  Constantinople  over  the  lifeless  body  of  the  unrecognized  Emperor. 
Other  columns  entered  at  other  points,  and  the  despairing  people  —  sena- 
tors, priests,  monks,  nuns,  husbands,  wives,  and  children  —  sought  safety 
in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia.  A  prophecy  had  been  circulated,  that  here 
the  Turks  would  be  an-ested  by  an  angel  from  heaven,  with  a  drawn  sword  ; 
and  here  the  miserable  multitude  crowded,  in  the  expectation  of  super- 
natural help.  The  conquerors  followed,  sword  in  hand,  slaughtering  those 
they  encountered  in  the  streets.  They  broke  down  the  doors  of  the  church 
with  axes,  and,  rushing  in,  committed  every  act  of  atrocity  that  a  frantic 
thirst  for  blood  and  the  inflamed  passions  of  demons  could  suggest 
"Who,"  says  Ducas,  "shall  describe  the  calamity?  The  lamentations  of 
children,  the  tears  and  cries  of  mothers  and  fathers,  who  shall  describe  ? 
Men  dragged  away  by  the  hair  of  the  head;  the  servant  bound  with  her 
mistress,  the  master  with  his  slave ;  maidens,  whom  the  sun  had  never 
looked  upon,  dragged  away,  and  beaten  if  they  resisted."  The  unhappy 
victims  were  divided  as  slaves  among  the  soldiers,  without  regard  to  blood 


A.  D.  1453.] 


CAPTURE    OF    CONSTANTINOPLE. 


58S 


\(\ 


or  rank,  and  hurried  off  to  the  camp ;  and  the  mighty  cathedral,  so  long  the 
glory  of  the  Christian  world,  soon  presented  only  traces  of  the  most  frightful 
orgies.'  The  other  quarters  of  the  city  were  plundered  by  other  divisions 
of  the  army,  and  similar  scenes  enacted.  "  Those  who  yielded  at  once  " 
says  Plinmtzes,  an  eyewitness,  "  'were  made  slaves ;  those  that  resisted, 
slain.  In  some  places  the  earth  was  hidden  by  the  dead.  A  stran'^e 
spectacle  was  there ;  —  loud  laments,  and  measureless  violence  in  seizino* 
noble  ladies ;  maidens,  and  nuns  consecrated  to  God,  pitilessly  dragged  by 
the  hair  from  the  churches  by  the  Turks ;  the  cries  of  children,  —  who 
shall  describe  the  horrors  that  were  seen  and  heard  ?  "  The  rich  ware- 
houses along  the  port  were  speedily  pillaged  of  their  accumulated  mer- 
chandise. About  noon  the  Sultan  made  his  triumphal  entiy  by  the  <^te 
of  St.  Romanos,  passing  by  the  body  of  the  Emperor,  which  lay  concealed 
among  the  slain.  Entering  the  church,  he  ordered  a  moolah  to  ascend 
the  bema,  and  announce  to  the  Moslems  that  St.  Sophia  was  now  a 
mosque  consecrated  to  the  prayers  of  the  true  believers.  He  directed  the 
body  of  the  Emperor  to  be  sought,  his  head  to  be  exposed  to  the  people,  and 
afterwards  to  be  sent  as  a  trophy,  to  be  seen  by  the  Greeks,  in  the  principal 
cities  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  For  three  days  the  city  was  given  up  to 
the  indescribable  horrors  of  pillage  and  the  license  of  the  Mussulman  sol- 
diery. Forty  thousand  perished  during  the  sack  of  the  city,  and  fifty 
thousand  were  reduced  to  slaves.  Youth,  strength,  beauty,  and  rank 
only  insured  their  possessors  the  sad  lot  of  servitude,  adding  often 
the  harsher  doom  of  an  enforced  conversion  to  the  Moslem  faith. 
Many  families  were  utterly  destroyed.  The  Grand  Duke  Notaras,  one 
of  the  most  distinguished  persons  in  the  Empire,  refused  to  comply  with 
the  demand  of  the  Sultan,  that  his  youngest  son  should  be  sent  to  become 
a  page  in  the  palace,  well  knowing  the  fate  which  would  await  him  there. 
The  Sultan  ordered  him  and  all  his  sons  to  instant  execution.     The  scene 

of  the  execution,  as  described  by  Ducas  and  Phrantzes,  is  most  pathetic, 

the  father  encouraging  his  sons  by  Christian  exhortations  to  meet  death 
bravely,  and  then,  retiring  to  a  chapel  for  a  moment's  prayer,  calmly 
submitting  to  the  headsman,  with  the  bodies  of  his  murdered  children  ly- 
ing before  him.  Of  other  fiimihes,  the  men  were  put  to  death,  the  male 
children  placed  in  the  schools  of  the  Janizaries,  and  the  females  shut  up 
in  the  harems  of  the  Sultan  and  his  courtiers.  Even  Mohammed,  when 
he  arrived  at  the  imperial  palace,  was  struck  by  the  melancholy  aspect 
of  the  place,  and  so  awful  an  illustration  of  the  mutability  of  human 
affairs.  Even  he  —  stained  with  blood — recalled  a  couplet  of  the  Persian 
poetFirdusi:  — 

"  The  spider's  curtain  hangs  bef'ore  the  portal  of  Caesar's  palace, 
The  owl  fills  with  his  nocturnal  wail  the  watch-tower  of  Afrasiab." 

§  7.  The  princes  of  the  Morea,  learning  the  capture  of  Constanti- 
nople, sent  their  submission  to  the  Sultan,  which  was  received,  on  condition 

74 


sm 


PISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  LI. 


of  a  yearly  tribute  of  twelve  tliousand  gold  ducats.     But  disturbances  and 
revolts  called  for  the  presence  of  the  Sultan,  and  by  a  vigorous  campaign, 
in  A.  B.  1458,  he  reduced  the  rebels  to  submission.    Again,  in  A.  d.  1460, 
he  passed  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  to  suppress  new  tumults ;  and  by  a  se- 
ries of  the  most  atrocious  massacres,  not  only  of  men  taken  with  arms  in 
their  hands,  but  of  unarmed  men,  women,  and  children, — more  than  six 
tliousand  having  been  put  to  death,  and  ten  thousand  tnxnsported  to  Con- 
stantinople,—  finally  overthrew  the  power  of  the  Byzantine  rulers  ;  and 
after  a  few  more  desperate  struggles  by  the  local  organizations,  where 
similar  scenes  of  slaughter  were  enacted,  the  subjection  of  Morea,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  places  held  by  the  Venetians,  was  completed,  —  its  re- 
sources exhausted,  —  its  spirit  broken,  —  so  that  the  annual  payment  of 
children  the  Christians  were  compelled  to  send  to  Constantmople  failed 
to  awaken  either  patriotism  or  despair  among  the  Greeks.     And  now 
nearly  the  whole  of  Greece,  from  north  to  south,  was  subjected  to  the 
sceptre  of  the  Moslems,  almost  without  further  resistance. 

§  8,  A  singular  chapter,  or  appendix,  of  Byzantine  life  and  history, 
is  presented  by  the  empire  of  Trebizond.    Along  the  shores  of  the  Black 
Sea  many  cities  were  early  settled  by  colonists  from  Greece.     From  the 
mouth  of  the  Halys  to  the  Caucasus  extends  a  magnificent  country,  of  rich 
plains,  wooded  hills,  forests,  and  rapid,  fertilizing  streams.    On  a  table- 
shaped  rock,  on  the  southeast  shore  of  the  Euxine,  the  Greeks  established 
a  citadel,  which  from  its  form  they  called  TVapcsow*,  —  now  changed  into 
Trebizond,  —  as  early  as  the  eighth  century  before  Christ.    In  the  Roman 
times  it  became  an  important  centre  of  commercial  relations  between 
Persia  and  Europe,  enjoying  the  privileges  of  a  free  city.    It  shared  the 
fortunes  of  the  Byzantine  Empire,  and  in  the  Iconoclastic  period  became 
the  capital  of  the  Theme  of  Chaldia,  and  the  centre  of  the  diplomatic  re- 
lations between  the  imperial  government  and  the  princes  of  Armenia ; 
and  when  the  wars  between  the  Saracens  and  Christians  broke  out,  the 
Duke  of  Chaldia,  who  was  charged  with  the  business  relating  to  them, 
made  Trebizond  his  principal  residence.     From  time  to  time,  the  rulers 
of  this  theme  attempted  to  make  themselves  independent  of  the  imperial 
government.    But  it  was  not  until  the  Crusaders  captured  Constantmople, 
Zd  divided  the  greater  part  of  the  provinces  of  the  Empire  among  their 
princes,  that  Trebizond  became  a  separate  government,  under  the  rule  of 
a  descendant  of  the   Comneni.    This  family,  who  gave  a  dynasty  to 
Byzantium,  first  appeared  prominently  towards  the  end  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, and  from  that  time,  for  four  hundred  years,  took  a  conspicuous,  though 
not  always  an  honorable,  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  world.    Alexius  Comne- 
nos,  a  young  prince,  nephew  of  the  Emperor  Isaac  Comnenos,  escaped  to 
Colchis,  during  the  siege  of  Constantinople,  with  his  brother  David ;  and 
there  succeeded  m  raising  an  army,  with  which  he  entered  Trebizond  just 
at  the  moment  of  the  fall  of  the  capital.    Assuming  the  title  of  Megas 


A.  D.  14G1.] 


CONQUEST   OP   TREBIZOND. 


587 


Comnenos,   or  Grand  Comnenos,   to    distinguish   himself  from  the    nu- 
merous  descendants   of  other  branches  of  the  family,   he  was  readily 
acknowledged  Emperor,  and  at  the  age  of  twenty-two  was  crowned  at 
Trebizond.*     His  career  of  conquest  at  first  was  rapid  and  brilliant.     At 
length,  the  young  Emperor,  coming  into  collision  with  the  Seljouk  Turks 
who  were  spreading  desolation  along  their  path,  was  obliged  to  acknowl- 
edge himself  a  vassal  of  the  Seljouk  empire,  and  to  pay  an  annual  tribute 
to  the  Sultan  Azeddin.    From  1222  to  1280  Trebizond  continued  tributary 
to  the  Seljouk  Sultans,  but  on  the  accession  of  John  II.  her  independence 
was  completely  restored.     The  history  of  Trebizond,  from  this  time  for- 
ward, under  twelve  Emperors,  and  three  Empresses,  is  crowded  with  the 
detads  of  external  and  civil  wars,  which  have  no  important  beai-in-  upon 
the  general  condition  of  the  worid.      The  Orthodox  Eastern  Church  was 
here  supported,  under  the  protection  of  St.  Eugenios,  who  was  so  -reat  a 
favorite,  that  one  son  out  of  every  family  bore  his  name.    A  document 
relatmg  to  a  lawsuit  was  found  by  Fallmereyer,  in  which  three  of  the 
litigating  parties  were  named  Eugenios.     In  the  conquering  career  of  the 
Turks,  its  doom  was  postponed  until  Constantinople  had  faUen,  and  the 
Morea  had  yielded  to  the  arms  of  Mohammed  II.     In  1461,  the  Sultan 
advanced  with  his  fleets  and  armies,  resolved  on  the  subjugation  of  Trebi- 
zond.    He  met  with  little  opposition  from  David,  the  last  Emperor  of  the 
Comnenian  line,  who  made  terms  with  the  invader,  surrendered  the  city 
and  withdrew  with  his  family  and  his  treasures  to  his  European  appana-e! 
The  wealthy  inhabitants  were  compeUed   to  emigrate  to  Constantinople 
and  their  estates  and  palaces  conferred  on  Ottoman  officers ;  the  remainder 
of  the  population  of  both  sexes  were  set  apart  as  slaves  of  the  Sultan  and 
the  army.      The  sons  of  the  noblest  families,  remarkable  for  personal 
beauty,  were  placed  as  pages  in  the  imperial  seraglio,  and  others  were 
em-olled  in  the  corps  of  Janizaries,  or  distributed  among  the  soldiers  as 
slaves.     Ancient  churches  and  monasteries,  with  curious  paintino^s  in  the 
Byzantme  style,  —  pictures  of  saints  and  portraits  of  emperors,  — stiU 
attest  its  foi-mer  arts  and  piety ;  but  they  are  fast  disappearmg,  by  decay 
and  neglect,  and,  unless  the  lovers  of  art  soon  take  measures  fo^'r  their  pro- 
tection, will  utterly  disappear,  as  Christian  art  has  long  since  perished  at 
Constantinople.    At  the  present  day,  not  a  single  descendant  of  an  ancient 


*  This  chapter  of  history  has  not  been  fully  known  until  the  last  few  years  Docu- 
ments have  come  to  light,  since  Gibbon's  time,  which  have  cleared  up  a  subject  he  had  not 
the  means  of  illustrating;  in  particular,  a  manuscript  work,  by  Michael  Panaretos,  a  monk 
of  Trebizond,  who  held  an  office  about  the  person  of  the  last  Emperor,  and  which  contains 
a  list,  nearly  complete,  of  the  Grand  Comnenoi,  with  some  of  the  principal  events  of  their 
reigns.  This  very  curious  document  was  found  by  Professor  Fallmerever  amono-  the  books 
of  Cardinal  Bessarion  preserved  at  Venice,  and  was  published,  in  1832,  by  Professor  Tafel  of 
Frankfort.  It  is  also  very  curious  as  an  illustration  of  the  state  of  the  language.  It  is  the 
basis  of  the  History  of  Trebizond  by  Fallmereyer,  and  of  the  very  elegant  chapters  on  the 
fam  3  subject  in  Mr.  Finlay's  Jiledioeval  Greece. 


0 

f 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LI 


Trapezuntian  family  is  known  to  sumve.     The  dethroned  Emperor  was 
permitted  to  Uve  in  peace  a  few  years ;  but  about  a.  d.  1470  he  fell  under 
the  jealous  suspicions  of  the  Sultan,  was  arrested,  with  all  his  family,  and 
carried  to  Constantinople.     He  was  ordered  to  embrace  the  faith  of  Islam, 
under  pain  of  death  ;  but  he  rejected  the  condition  with  firmness.     The 
Eraperar,  his  seven  sons,  and  his  nephew  Alexius,  were  put  to  death,  and 
their  lifeless  bodies  cast  out,  unburied,  beyond  the  walls.    They  would 
have  been  consumed  by  the  dogs,  «  accustomed,"  says  an  eloquent  writer, 
« during  the  reign  of  Mohammed  IL,  to  feed  on  Christian  flesh,"  but 
for  the"  pious  cai-e  of  the  Empress  Helen,  who,  clad  in   humble  garb, 
repaired  to  the  spot  where  they  lay,  watched  over  their  bodies  during  the 
day,  and  in  the  darkness  of  night,  assisted  by  a  few  compassionate  friends, 
silently  committed  them  to  the  earth.     Her  daughter  was  torn  from  her 
arms,  and  worse  than  buried  in  a  Turkish  harem.    Widowed,  childless,  or 
more  unhappy  still,  the  fallen  Emijress,  having  suffered  the  saddest  changes 
of  public  fortune  and  the  most  harrowing  and  heart-breaking  of  private 
calamities, — like  some  doomed  heroine  of  the  tragic  families  of  antiquity,  — 
passed  the  short  remainder  of  her  life  in  mournmg  and  prayer,  and  then 
found  a  welcome  refuge  in  the  grave. 

§  a.  The  series  of  Byzantine  historians  extends  from  the  fourth  nearly  to 
the  sixteenth  century,  if  we  include  the  few  who  wrote  after  the  capture  of 
Constantinople.     These  writers  contain  the  immense  mass  of  materials  of 
which  Gibbon  made  so  admirable  use  in  his  unequalled  History  of  the 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire.     The  most  convenient  edition 
is  the  octavo  reprint,  projected  and  in  part  superintended  by  Niebuhr. 
•These  writers  are  quite  apart  from  the  usual  range  of  classical  studies, 
and  are  generally  neglected.    But  some  of  these  works  are  written  by 
men  of  literary  accomplishments,  honorable  characters,  and  large  expe- 
rience in  affairs.     None  of  them  equal  the  Attic  historians  in  the  high 
qualities  of  natural  and  lucid  style.     But  some  are  clear,  accurate,  in- 
structive,  and   interesting.      Others,   in   striving  to  acquire  a  factitious 
elegance,  become  pompous  and  inflated.     Some  aim  at  the  antique  man- 
ner°  and  become  affected ;  others,  writing  in  the  language  of  their  times, 
fall  into  the  corrupt  forms  of  the  vulgar  Byzantine  Greek ;  and  others, 
finally,  are  marked  by  all  the  peculiarities  of  idiom  and  construction  which 
belong  to  the  spoken  Greek  of  the  present  day.     In  passages  of  the  best, 
there  is  often  vivid  description  and  stirring  eloquence ;  in  the  worst,  uni- 

foiin  tediousness. 

§  10.  Zosimus  wrote  on  the  decline  and  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  in 
a  style  clear  and  concise ;  but  being  a  Pagan,  he  is  described  by  Photius 
as  one  "  impious  in  religion,  and  howling  against  the  pious."  Procopius 
lived  in  the  sixth  century,  and  is  conspicuous  for  having  been  the  secretary 
of  Belisarius,  whom  he  accompanied  in  his  wars.  In  hterary  ability  he 
was,  perhaps,  the  best  of  aU  the  Byzantine  historians,  and  his  style  is  a 


A.D.  1137.J 


BYZANTINE   HISTORIANS. 


589 


nearer  approach  than  any  of  them  to  the  classic  models.     He  wrote  the 
history  of  the  wars  with  tlie  Persians,  Vandals,  and  Goths,  besides  other 
works,  particularly  a  scandalous  chronicle  of  the  court.    Agathias,  a  lawyer 
and  scholar  of  the  same  century,  besides  love  poems,  whicli  are  lost,  wrote 
a  continuation  of  the  history  of  Procopius,   in  a  somewhat  bombastic 
style.     In  the  next  two  centuries  there  is  but  little  of  any  interest.      It 
was  an  evil  time  for  literature.     In  the  ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh  centu- 
ries there  was  more  literary  activity,  if  not  a  revival  of  letters.      In  the 
tenth   century  reigned  the  learned  and   excellent  Emperor  Constantine 
Porphyrogenitus,  who,  besides  being  a  connoisseur  in  art,  wrote  many  un- 
portant  works  on  history  and  administration,  and  labored  assiduously  to 
encourage  literature,  and  to  improve  the  education  of  the  times.      The 
greatest  name,  in  the  eleventh  century,  is  that  of  Michael  Psellos,  who 
was  the  prodigy  of  his  age.     The  Emperor  gave  him  the  title  of  Prince 
of  Philosojihers.     His  works  were  on  the  most  extniordinary  variety  of 
subjects,  theological,  philosophical,  mathematical,  legal,   and  one  on  the 
operation  of  Demons.     Many  of  them  still  remain   unpublished.     The 
style  is  said  to  be  persi)icuous  and  elegant,  and  worthy  of  a  better  age. 
To  the  twelfth  century  belong  Anna  Comnena,  and  iier  husband,  Nice- 
phorus  Bryennius.     This  illustrious  family  presents  a  pleasing  picture  of 
happiness  and  literary  accomplishments.     Bryennius  was  a  G^i-eek  noble- 
man, of  a  family  distinguished  for  its  antiquity  and  the  many  high  places 
which  had  been   held  by  members  of  it.     He  became  the  confidential 
friend  and  adviser  of  the  Emperor  Alexis  Comnenos  immediately  ujwn 
his  accession  to  the   throne.     As  a  mark  of  his  respect  the  Emperor 
created  a  new  title,  Panhypersebastos,  All-superlatively'amjust  and,  what 
was  still  more  to  the  purpose,  bestowed  on  him  the  hand  of  his  beauti- 
ful  daughter,   Anna   Comnena,   who   was   equally   remarkable   for  the 
graces   of  her   person   and   her   intellectual   accomplishments.      Bryen- 
nius took  a  leading  part  in  the  wars  of  the  age,  and  was  one  of  the 
most  skilful  diplomatists  at  the  imperial  court.     His  various  talents  and 
his  affiible  manners  made  him  so  great  a  fiivorite,  that  his  ambitious 
wife  endeavored,  but  without  success,  to  persuade  her  father  to  name 
him  his  successor;  and  the  only  serious  fault  chargeable  upon  his  life 
is,  that  he  listened  to  her   suggestion,  and    endeavored  to  deprive  his 
young  brother-in-law  of  the  crown,  on  the  death  of  Alexis.    Failing  in  this, 
his  estates  were  confiscated,  and  he,  with  his  wife,  wa^  banished  to  (Enoe,' 
on  the  Black  Sea,  where  they  lived  in  retirement  several  years.     He  was, 
however,  restored  to  favor,  and  died,  soon  after  1137,  at  Constantinople! 
The  peculiar  interest  of  the  period  in  which  he  lived  arises  from  the  cir- 
cumstance that  the  Crusaders  at  this  time  brought  the  Western  and  Eastern 
powers  into  contact  and  collision ;  and  it  was  by  his  prudent  counsels  that 
the  Emperor  was  chiefly  guided  in  the  first  differences  between  himself 
and  the  crusading  princes.     Bryennius  wrote  a  history,  in  four  books,  of 


090 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LI 


tlie  events  of  whieli  he  liad  been  a  contemporary  and  in  great  part  an  eye- 
witness. He  left  it  incomplete,  covering  a  period  of  a  little  more  than 
twenty  years,  from  about  A.  b.  1057  to  1078,  —  intending  to  bring  it  down 
to  the  reign  of  Alexis,  but  being  interrupted  by  death.  "This  mighty 
task,"  says  he  to  his  mother-in-law,  the  Empress,  "  O  thou,  my  wisest  in- 
tellect and  inspiration,  thou  hast  laid  upon  me ;  thou  hast  commanded  me  to 
write  the  deeds  of  Alexis  the  Great,  who  having  foUen  on  troublous  times, 
and  assuming  the  power  when  the  affairs  of  the  Empire  were  fallen  to 

the  earth,  raised  them  up  and  reinstated  them  in  then-  greatest  glory 

I  dare  not  assume  to  write  this  history,  nor  to  compose  a  eulogy  on  him ; 
for  this,  scarcely  would  the  power  of  Thucydides  and  the  eloquence  of 
Demosthenes  suffice.  I  presume  only  to  funiish  the  means  to  those  who 
desire  to  celebrate  his  deeds ;  and  therefore  let  this  work  be  called  the 
materials  of  history."  Notwithstanding  the  modest  estimate  he  ventures  to 
entertain  of  liis  own  ability,  his  work  is  written  in  a  very  manly  style, 
and  shows  the  experience  of  a  man  versed  in  affairs,  and  the  calm  and 
cool  judgment  of  the  philosophic  statesman. 

Anna  Comnena  was  considerably  younger  than  her  husband,  being 
bom  in  1083.  She  was  celebrated  as  the  handsomest  woman  in  the  high- 
est society  of  Constantinople ;  and  her  accomplishments  in  literature  were 
equally  the  admiration  of  the  scholars,  philosophers,  and  poets  by  whom 
she  was  surrounded.  Tlie  domestic  happiness  she  enjoyed  is  certainly  a 
remarkable  and  bright  spot  in  the  general  degeneracy  of  the  age.  Her 
married  life  lasted  more  than  forty  years,  and  the  only  interruption  to  its 
felicity  was  its  close  by  the  death  of  her  husband.  Her  palace  was  the 
resort  of  the  Uterary  men  and  of  the  most  brilliant  society  in  the  twelfth 
century,  —  the  centre  of  the  arts  and  sciences  of  Constantinople  for  many 
years.  She  sur\'ived  her  husband,  and  worthily  employed  the  remainder 
of  her  days  in  finishing  the  task  he  left  incomplete  at  his  death.  It  is  the 
life  of  her  father  Alexis,  —  under  the  name  of  the  Alexiad  ;  and  though 
abounding  in  rhetorical  fauhs,  it  is  one  of  deep  interest.  She  writes 
with  the  partiality  of  a  daughter  for  her  father,  and  with  a  good  deal  of 
ambitious  vanity,  —  presenting  in  this  respect  a  strong  contrast  to  the 
simple  and  honest  style  of  her  husband,  for  whom  she  cherished  the 
most  unbounded  affection  as  long  as  she  lived.  She  describes  him 
*'  as  a  man  surpassing  in  personal  beauty,  fineness  of  understanding,  and 
eloquence  of  speech,  all  that  lived  in  his  time ;  he  was  a  wonder  to 
look  at  and  listen  to,  and  in  all  respects  a  most  distinguished  person." 
She  then  recounts  the  circumstances  under  which  he  began  his  history, 
and  its  interruption  by  his  death,  — "  a  misfortune  to  the  subject,"  she 
adds,  "and  the  loss  of  much  pleasure  to  the  readers."  "What  har- 
mony and  what  grace  were  in  his  words,  those  know  best  who  were  most 
familiar  with  his  writings."  She  attributes  his  death  to  his  unceasing  la- 
bors, and  his  exposure  during  the  long  campaigns  he  served  in.      As  she 


A  D.  1446.] 


BYZANTIJ^E   HISTORIANS. 


591 


writes  these  things,  her  soul,  she  says,  is  weary  with  sorrow,  and  her  eyes 
fill  with  tears,  recalling  to  memory  the  graces  of  his  person,  and  the  gifts 
of  his  mind,  worthy  of  a  higher  than  royal  dignity.  Her  affliction  would 
move  the  hardest  heart  to  sympathy.  But  she  wipes  her  tears,  and  com- 
mences her  task. 

The  work  is  certainly  a  remarkable  illustration  of  the  literary  cul- 
ture of  the  twelfth  century,  and  proves  that  the  women  of  the  highest 
classes  were  carefully  trained  in  literary  discipline.  The  narrative  is 
generally  clear,  though  at  times  ambitious  and  turgid ;  and  the  period 
embraced  by  the  work  is  of  the  highest  interest,  —  especially  the  latter 
part,  the  period  of  the  Crusades.  It  has  something  of  the  spirit  ot 
hero-worsliip  and  self- worship ;  and  when  she  enlarges  on  her  own  ac- 
complishments, one  is  tempted  to  smile.  But,  remembering  that  she 
was  an  emperor's  daughter,  and  surrounded  through  a  long  life  by  the 
adulations  of  a  luxurious  court,  —  that  she  was  beautiful  bey'^nd  her  con- 
temporaries, and  that  amidst  the  dangerous  influences  of  the  times  she 
kept  the  purity  of  her  character  untainted,  exhibited  a  lofty  example 
of  domestic  virtue,  and  cherished  with  undiminished  ardor  the  common 
affections  of  daily  life,  which  grace  the  highest  station,  wliile  they  lend  a 
sanctity  to  the  lowliest,  — we  may  admit  that  her  vanity  is  pardonable  and 
her  pedantry  not  without  excuse.* 

We  will  mention  only  one  more  of  these  writers,  Laonicos  Chalcocon- 
dylas,  who  belongs  to  the  fifteenth  century.  Very  few  incidents  of  his  life 
have  been  preserved,  except  that  he  was  a  native  of  Athens,  and  employed 
by  tlie  Emperor  John  Pala3ologus  VII.  as  ambassador  to  Amurath  or 
Murad  II.  in  1446,  that  he  probably  hved  till  towards  the  end  of  the 
century,  and  consequently  witnessed  the  downfall  of  Constantinople,  the 
conquest  of  Greece,  and  periiaps  the  overthrow  of  Trebizond,  by  the 
Turks.  He  seems  to  have  remained  in  Constantinople,  or  returned  after 
the  Sultan  had  introduced  some  degree  of  order  in  the  affairs  of  the  capital, 


*  A  few  sentences  will  show  the  style  into  which  she  rose,  when  she  aimed  at  being  par- 
ticularly fine.    It  is  fair  to  say  that  the  whole  book  is  by  no  means  in  this  vein. 

"  Time,  rolling  on,  irresistibly  and  for  ever,  wliirls  and  sweeps  away  all  existing  things, 
and  sinks  them  in  the  depths  of  oblivion,  —  where  lie  both  those  of  little  worth  and  those 
which  are  great  and  worthy  of  remembrance,  —  or,  as  the  tragedy  hath  it,  brings  to  light 
the  hidden  things,  and  hides  those  that  are  conspicuous.  But  the  word  of  history  is  the 
strongest  dike  against  the  stream  of  time,  and  checks  its  mightv  current,  binding  up  and 
holding  together  what  is  therein,  that  it  may  not  glide  down  'into  the  depths  ol"  Lethe. 
Knowingthis,  — I,  Anna,  daughter  of  the  imperial  Alexis  and  Eirene,  child  and  nursling 
of  the  purple,  — not  unskilled  in  letters,  but  accomplished  in  the  Greek  to  the  highest  per- 
fection,—not  unpractised  in  rhetoric,  but  having  carefully  read  the  treatises  of° Aristotle 
and  the  Dialogues  of  Plato,  —  and  having  strengthened  my  intellect  by  the  quaternion  of  the 
sciences,  —  (for  it  is  my  duty,  and  not  a  matter  of  self-gratification,  to  set  forth  those  qualifi- 
cations which  either  nature  or  the  study  of  the  sciences  has  given  me,  or  God  has  bestowed 
on  me  from  above,  or  occasion  has  contributed,)  —  I,  Anna,  desire,  in  this  my  composition, 
to  narrate  the  deeds  of  my  father,  undeserving  to  be  betraj'ed  to  forgetfulness,  or  swept 
away  by  the  stream  of  time  into  the  ocean  of  oblivion." 


592 


HISTORY   OF   6BEECE. 


[Chap.  LI. 


and  formed  one  of  the  small  circle  of  literary  men  who  stfll  kept  up  the 
spirit  of  ancient  scholai-ship.     He  wrote  a  work,  in  ten  books,  on  the  his- 
tory of  the  Turks,  from  their  origin  down  to  the  conquests  of  Mohammed 
II.,   and    the    best   judges   have    pmnounced   it  eminently   worthy   of 
credit.     He  was  a  wise  and  sound  judge  of  affairs ;  a  scholar  of  great  and 
various  learning;  and  his  work  is  one  of  the  best  sources  for  the  history 
of  the  decline  of  the  Greek  Empire.     His  style  is  not  perfectly  simple,  but 
affects  too  much  the  classical  phraseology  of  antiquity.     We  feel  the  labor 
of  the  writer  a  little  too  much  ;  but  it  is  i)erspicuous,  and  in  many  places 
exceedingly  interesting  and  animated.     He  introduces  here  and  there  cu- 
rious episodes  upon  the  condition  and  character  of  the  Western  nations, 
sometinies  correct,  and  always  worthy  of  attention,  as  coming  from  an 
Athenian  writer  of  the  fifteenth  century.     Germany,  Fnmce,  and  England 
are  described  with  some  detail.* 

In  an  historical  point  of  view,  the  most  striking  part  of  this  very  inter- 
esting work  is  the  minute,  graphic,  and  vivid  description,  in  the  eighth 
book,  of  the  capture  and  sack  of  Constantinople.  It  is  more  affecting  Than 
the  stately  picture  Gibbon  has  given  of  that  great  event ;  because  it  is 
written  with  the  sense  of  the  reality  which  so  tremendous  a  tragedy 
mast  have  left  in  the  mind  of  a  contemporary,  and  that  profound  sym- 
pathy with  its  horroi-s  and  sufferings,  which  a  countryman,  a  patriot, 
and  a  victim  cannot  but  feel,  whenever  he  calls  up  the  image  of  so  dire  a 
catastrophe ;  and  when  he  says,  at  the  conclusion,  «  Such  were  the  events 
that  befell  the  Greeks  of  Byzantium,  —  and  this  disaster  appears  to  me  to 
surpass  in  woe  all  that  have  ever  happened  in  the  worid,"  —  he  cimies 
the  reader  along  with  him,  and  we  close  the  book  with  the  feeling  of  pity 
and  terror  which  the  tragic  downfall  of  a  nation  ought  always  to  hispire. 


*  After  describing  the  geographical  position  and  political  arrangements  of  the  British 
Isles,  he  says  :  "  The  king  could  not  easily  take  away  his  principality  from  any  of  the  great 
lords,  nor  would  they  submit  to  him,  contrary  to  their  own  usage's.     The  kinc^doni  has 
suffered  many  calamities  from  civil  wars,  &c.    The  island  does  not  produce  wine,  nor  many 
fruits;  but  It  bears  com  and  bariey  and  honey.     They  have  the  most  beautiful  wool  in  the 
worid,  so  that  they  weave  immense  quantities  of  cloth.    Thev  speak  a  lan«niage  that  re- 
sembles no  other;  neither  German,  nor  French,  nor  that  of  any  of  the  surrounding  nations. 
Ihey  have  a  custom  throughout  the  island,  that,  when  a  visitor  enters  the  house  of  a  friend 
the  wife  receives  him  with  a  kiss,  as  a  prelimmary  to  the  hospitalities  of  the  house.    The 
City  of  London  is  the  most  powerful  and  prosperous  of  all  the  cities  in  these  i«;land«   and 
mferior  to  none  in  the  West;  and  in  the  martial  valor  of  its  inhabitants,  it  is  superior  to  all 
who  hve  towards  the  setting  sun."    He  gives  many  other  particulars,  but  these  are  the 
most  characteristic.    He  evidently  did  not  understand  the  English  language,  and  probably 
was  mistaken  in  some  of  the  customs  of  the  country  ;  but  his  notices  of  the  industry-  an'd 
martial  virtues  of  the  English  people  show  that  he  had  well  observed  the  quaUties  that 
have  made  them  the  foremost  power  in  the  world. 


A.  D.  14.53.]       EFFECT    OF   THE   FALL    OF    CONSTANTINOPLE. 


ms 


Side  View  of  the  Theseum. 


CHAPTER  Ln. 


GREECE  UNDER  THE  TURKS. 

§  L  Effect  of  the  Fall  of  Constantinople  on  Western  Europe.  §  2.  Efforts  to  combine  the 
Christian  Powers  against  the  Turks.  §  3.  Greek  Literature  in  the  West  before  the  Fall 
of  Constantinople.  §  4.  Difl'usion  of  Greek  Literature  after  tlie  Fall  of  Constantino- 
ple. §  6.  Wars  of  the  Venetians  with  the  Turks.  Battle  of  Lepanto.  Expedition  of 
Morosini.  ^  6.  Efforts  of  the  Turks  to  recover  the  Peloponnesus.  Peace  of  Passaro- 
witz.  §  7.  Turkish  Organization  of  Greece.  Extortions  of  the  Pachas.  Taxes  Ha- 
ratch.  Land  Tax.  Other  Burdens.  Condition  of  the  Rayahs.  §  8.  The  TraiSo/xaVw/xa, 
or  Levy  of  Children  for  the  Janizaries.  History  of  the  Janizaries.  $  9.  General  Con- 
dition of  Greece.  Greek  Islands.  §  10.  Presei-vation  of  the  Greek  Nationality  during 
the  Period  of  Turkish  Domination.  Armatoloi,  Klephtai.  Character  of  the  Klepht^ 
Klephtic  Ballads.    §  11.  Prepanitions  for  the  Revolution.    Rhegas.    Coraiis. 

§  1.  The  fall  of  Constantinople  sent  a  shock  throughout  the  Christian 
nations  of  Western  Europe.  The  capture  of  Constantinople  by  the  Cru- 
saders had  destroyed  the  most  precious  memorials  of  ancient  art  and 
wealth  in  the  city ;  had  exhausted  its  resources,  and  broken  down  its  mar- 
tial energies ;  had  divided  the  Empire  into  fragments  for  the  benefit  of 
their  own  princes,  driving  out  the  native  rulers.  And  when,  sixty  years 
later,  they  were  themselves  driven  back  from  a  conquest  they  had 
wrongfully  held,  the  Emperors  of  Constantinople  reassumed  an  empire 
shorn  of  its  power  and  splendor,  not  only  by  Saracens  and  Turks,  but 

75 


F.I 

^  'I 


592 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LI. 


and  formetl  one  of  the  srnsill  circle  of  literary  men  who  sttll  kept  up  tlie 
spirit  of  ancient  :«eholarsliip.     He  wrote  a  work,  in  ten  books,  on  the  liis- 
tory  of  the  Turks,  from  their  origin  down  to  the  conquests  of  Mohannned 
II.,  and    the    best   judges   luive    pronounced    it   eminently   wortliy   of 
credit.     He  was  a  wisi.'  and  sound  judge  of  affairs ;  a  scholar  of  great  and 
various  leaniing;  and  his  work  is  one  of  the  best  sources  for  the  history 
of  the  di'dine  of  the  Greek  Empire.     His  style  is  not  peifectly  simple,  but 
affects  too  much  the  cla»i(al  phraseol(>gy  of  antiquity.     We  feel  the  labor 
of  tlie  writer  a  little  too  nmch ;  but  it  is  persi)icuous,  and  ui  many  phices 
exceitliugly  interesting  and  aninwited.     He  introduces  here  and  there  cu- 
rious ei>is(Hles  u]K)n  the  condition  and  character  of  the  Western  nations, 
sometimes  correct,  juid  always  worthy  of  attention,  as  coming  frt.m  an 
Ailif  nian  writer  of  the  iifteenth  century.     Genuany,  France,  and  England 
are  di-scribed  with  some  detail* 

In  an  historical  point  of  view,  the  most  striking  part  of  this  very  inter- 
esting work  is  the  minute,  graphic,  and  vivid  description,  in  tlie   eighth 
book,  of  the  capture  and  sack  of  Cunstantinople.    It  is  more  affecting  than 
the  stately  picture  GM)on  has  given  of  that  great  event ;  because  it  is 
written  with  the  sense  of  the    reality  which  so  tremen<lous  a  tragedy 
nmst  luiA  e  left  in  the  mind  of  a  contemporary,  and  that  prolound  sym- 
pathy with  its  hurrors  and   sufferings,   whicli  a  countryman,  a  patriot, 
and  a  victim  <-annot  but  feel,  whenever  he  calls  up  the  image  of  so  dh'e  a 
catastrophe ;  and  when  he  says,  at  the  conchision,  -  JSucli  were  the  events 
that  betell  the  Greeks  of  Byzantium,  — and  this  disaster  api)ears  to  me  to 
Burpavs  in  woe  all  that  have  ever  happened  in  the  woHd."  —  he  carries 
the  reader  along  with  him,  an<l  we  close  the  Ixwk  with  the  leeling  of  pity 
and  terror  which  the  tragic  downfall  of  a  nation  ought  always  to  hispire. 


*  After  describing  the  geographical   position  and  political  arran-cinent.<  of  the  Dritii^h 
Isles,  lip  says  :  "The  kingcouM  not  easily  take  away  his  principality  fruni  anvof  tlio  i-reat 
lords,  nor  would  they  submit  to  him,  contrary  to  their  own  usagJs.     Tiie  kin<nloni  has 
suflered  many  calamities  from  civil  wars,  .^c.     The  islaT.d  does  not  pn.duci"  wine,  nor  maiiy 
truits;  but  It  bears  corn  and  barky  and  honey.     Thcv  have  the  most  l)eautirul  wo., I  in  tlie 
world,  so  that  they  weave  immense  quantitii-s  ..f  cl.th.     Tliev  speak  a  lan.nuin-o  th-.t  re- 
sembles no  other;  neither  CJennnn,  nor  French,  nor  tliat  of  nnV  uf  the  surronn.lin.r  nation^; 
They  have  a  custom  tliroughout  theislan<l,  that,  when  a  visitor  enters  tlie  house  of  a  friend, 
the  wite  receives  him  with  a  kiss,  as  a  preliminary  to  the  hospitalities  of  tlie  house.     The 
city  of  London  )>  the  most  i>owerful  and  prosi.erous  of  all  the  cities  in  these  i^land<    and 
inferior  to  none  in  tlie  West :  and  in  the  martial  valor  of  its  inhabitants,  it  is  superior  to  all 
who  hve  towards  the  setting  sun."     He  gives  many  other  particulars,  but  these  are  the 
most  characteristic.    He  evidently  did  not  understand  the  English  langua-e,  and  i.n.bablv 
was  mistaken  in  some  of  tlie  customs  of  the  country  ;  but  his  notices  of  tlie  industry  and 
martial  virtue?  of  the  Englisli  people  show  that  he  had  well  observed  the  quaUties  that 
have  made  them  the  foremost  power  in  the  world. 


A.  D.  1453.]       EFFECT    OF    THE    FALL    OF    CONSTANTINOPLE. 


593 


Side  View  of  the  Theseum. 


CHAPTER  LIL 


GREECE   UNDER   TIIE   TURKS. 


f  1.  Effect  of  the  Fall  of  Constantinople  on  Western  Europe.  §  2.  Eflbrts  to  combine  the 
Christian  Powers  against  the  Turks.  §  3.  Greek  Literature  in  tlie  West  before  the  Fall 
of  Constantinople.  §  4.  Diffusion  of  Greek  Literature  after  the  Fall  of  Constantino- 
ple. §  5.  Wars  of  the  Venetians  with  the  Turks.  Battle  of  Lepanto.  Expedition  of 
Morosini.  §  6.  Eflbrts  of  the  Turks  to  recover  the  Peloponnesus.  Peace  of  Passaro- 
witz.  §7.  Turkish  Organization  of  Greece.  Extortions  of  the  i»achas.  Taxes  Ha- 
ratch.  Land  Tax.  Otlier  P>urdens.  Condition  of  the  Rayahs.  §  8.  The  7rai5o/xaVa)/ia, 
or  Levy  of  Clnldren  for  the  Janizaries.  History  of  the  Janizaries.  $  9.  General  Con- 
dition of  (Jrocce.  Greek  Islands.  §  10.  Preservation  of  the  Greek  Nationality  durin<r 
the  Period  of  Turkish  Domination.  Armatoloi,  Klephtai.  Character  of  the  Klephts'' 
Ivlephtic  Ballads.     §  11.  Preparations  for  the  Revolution.    Rhegas.    Coraes. 

§  1.  The  fall  of  Constantinople  sent  a  shock  throughout  the  Christian 
nations  of  Western  Europe.  The  capture  of  Constantinople  by  the  Cru- 
saders had  destroyed  the  most  precious  memorials  of  ancient  art  and 
wealth  in  the  city ;  had  exhausted  its  resources,  and  broken  down  its  mar- 
tial energies ;  had  divided  the  Em|)ire  into  fragments  for  the  lienefit  of 
their  own  princes,  driving  out  the  native  i-ulers.  And  when,  sixty  years 
later,  they  were  themselves  driven  back  from  a  conquest  tliey  had 
wrongfully  held,  the  Empei-ors  of  Constantino])le  reassumed  an  empire 
shorn  of  its  power  and  splendor,  not  only  by  Saracens  and  Turks  but 

75 


004 


HISTORY  OF  GBEECE. 


[Chap.  LII. 


more  fatally  still  by  Christians  of  another  brancli  of  one  common  faith  5 
so  that,  when  the  final  struggle  came,  the  only  wonder  was,  that  a  cap- 
ital, over  which  conflagration  and  plunder  had  so  often  swept,  resisted  so 
long  and  with  so  much  spirit  the  conquering  energies  of  a  people  in  the 
full  impulse  of  their  march  towards  extended  empire. 

§  2.  The  Pope  endeavored  in  vain  to  combine  the  nations  of  Europe 
for  the  expulsion  of  the  Turk ;  war  was  actually  declared  in  the  Diet  at 
Frankfort,  in  1454;  but  that  was  all.  Pius  II.  convened  a  Congress  at 
Mantua,  in  1459  ;  and  the  princes  of  Europe  agreed  to  furnish  large 
means  for  the  crusade,  which  the  Pope  was  to  lead  in  person  ;  but  when 
the  head  of  the  Church  arrived  at  Ancona  to  embark,  he  found  every 
promise  and  engagement  had  been  violated,  and  none  were  there  except  a 
rabble  rout  of  vagabonds,  clamoring  for  service  and  for  pay.  The  danger 
proved  less  than  had  been  anticipated.  Mohammed  II.  met  with  a  galhmt 
resistance  from  the  Hungarians,  and  was  repulsed  by  the  Knights  of  St. 
John  from  the  island  of  Rhodes.  In  the  mountains  of  Epeirus,  the  heroic 
chieftain  whose  exploits  are  sung  by  liis  contemporaries  under  the  name 
of  Scanderbeg  kept  him  at  bay  for  twenty  years.  The  successors  of  Mo- 
hammed were  inferior  to  him  in  martial  vigor,  and  thus  tlie  tide  of  Ottoman 
conquests  was,  at  least  temporarily,  stayed,  and  the  alanns  of  Europe 
Bomewimt  quieted. 

§  3.  From  the  downfall  of  the  Western  Roman  Empire,  and  especially 
after  the  alienation  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  Churches,  the  influence  of 
Greek  literature  liad  been  decaying,  until  nearly  all  knowledge  of  it  had 
died  out  in  the  West.  Only  here  and  there  a  name  is  retained,  among 
the  few  who  kept  alive  a  love  of  letters  in  Europe,  as  having  some  tinc- 
ture of  Grecian  learning.  In  the  East,  libraries  of  manuscripts  had  been 
formed,  by  the  labors  of  centuries,  not  only  connected  with  the  schools  of 
public  instruction,  but  in  the  monasteries.  The  ancient  diissics  had  been 
multiplied,  in  parchment  copies,  carefully  and  handsomely  transciibed,  by 
the  inmates  of  these  establishments ;  but  doubtless  many  of  these  perished 
in  the  successive  plunderings  of  the  capital,  and  the  final  loss  of  many 
of  the  most  precious  treasures  of  ancient  genius  is  to  be  traced  to  the 
barbarous  conduct  of  the  Crusaders,  whose  very  name  Anna  Comnena 
thought  it  an  insult  to  the  Greek  language  to  record,  and  to  the  Ottomans, 
whose  agency  was  scarcely  more  destructive.  But  before  tliese  pil- 
laging enterprises  took  place,  now  and  then  an  individual  found  liis  Avay 
from  the  schools  of  Constantinople,  with  a  supply  of  Grecian  literature, 
and,  establishing  himself  in  the  West,  communicated  his  treasures  to  a 
narrow  circle  of  pupils  and  friends.  As  early  as  the  seventh  century, 
the  Pope  sent  to  England  a  Greek  ecclesiastic  bom  at  Tarsus,  Avho 
became  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and,  having  carried  with  him  a 
quantity  of  manuscripts,  introduced  some  knowledge  of  Greek  into  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Church.    The  Venerable  Bede  and  Alcuin  arc  bright  names 


Jk.  D.  1423.] 


GREEK   LITERATURE   IN   ITALY. 


595 


among  the  earliest  restorers  of  learning;  and  Erigena,  and  other  Irish 
ecclesiastics,  even  knew  something  of  the  philosophy  of  Plato  and  Aris- 
totle. In  1240,  John  Basing,  Archdeacon  of  St.  Albans,  brought  a  num- 
ber of  Greek  books  from  Athens  ;  and  Roger  Bacon  was  not  ignorant  of 
the  Greek  language.  v-* 

But  tliese  studies  were  more  assiduously  cultivated  in  Italy,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  than  in  any  other  country  out  of  the  Byzantine  Em- 
pire, in  tlie  Middle  Ages.     Particularly,  from  the  eleventh  century,  many 
individuals  are  known  in  literary  history  for  their  knowledge  of  Greek, — 
not  very  extensive,  to  be  sure,  but  still  worth  something.     Among  tliese, 
for  instance,  Papias  is  classified,  on  the  strength  of  a  quotation  of  five  lines 
from  Hesiod.     But  the  revival  of  Greek  studies  in  Italy  properly  dates 
from  the  time  of  Petrarch  and  Boccaccio,  in  the  fourteenth  century.    Italy 
was  visited  by  many  ecclesiastical  Greeks,  who  adhered  to  the  Pope  of 
Rome,  in  the  quarrel  between  the  two  Churches ;  and  there  are  to  this  day, 
both  in  Ancona  and  Rome,  Greek  churches,  with  a  Greek  litur"-v,  ac- 
knowledging  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Pope.     Several  learned  Cala- 
brians,  about  this  time,  after  having  long  resided  in  Greece,  had  much  to 
do  with  the  introduction  of  the  Greek  language  among  the  scholars  and 
poets  of  Italy.     Barlaam,  sent  as  ambassador  by  the  Emperor  to  Italy, 
endeavored  to  teach  Petrarch  Greek ;  but  whether  he  was  too  much  ab- 
sorbed by  his  fantastic  passion  for  Laura,  and  by  the  composition  of  his 
amorous  sonnets,  it  is  certain,  from  his  own  confession,  that  the  tuneful  poet 
never  got  far  enough  to  read  Homer  in  the  original,  —  which  he  pathetical- 
ly laments.     Boccaccio  had  better  success  with  Leontios  Pilatos,  for  whom 
he  procured  the  appointment  of  public  teacher  at  Florence,  although  he  de- 
scribes him  as  long-haired,  hirsute-bearded,  and  very  dirty.     About  the 
end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  a  man  of  high  rank 
and  distinguished  in  the  diplomacy  of  the  Byzantine  Empire,  was  induced 
to  emigrate  to  Italy,  and  taught  the  Greek  language  and  literature  in  sever- 
al of  the  principal  cities.    Among  his  scholars  were  the  most  eminent  Ital- 
ian men  of  letters.     In  1423,  two  hundred  and  thirty-eight  manuscripts, 
including  Plato,  Diodorus,  Pindar,  Callimachus,  and  others,  were  brought 
from  Greece  to  Italy,  by  a  Sicilian  named  Aurispa.     Filelfo,  a  scholar  well 
known  in  literary  history  in  the  same  age,  not  only  brought  home  from 
Greece  a  large  number  of  manuscripts,  but  became  Professor  of  Greek 
and  Latin  at  Florence,  exciting,  as  he  himself  says,  the  wonder  and  admi- 
ration of  the  whole  city.     "All  love  me,"  continues  the  self-complacent 
Professor,  "  all  honor  me,  and  exalt  me  to  the  skies  with  their  praises. 
When  I  walk  through  the  city,  not  only  the  first  citizens,  but  the  noblest 
ladies,  yield  me  the  pass,  to  show  in  what  high  honor  they  hold  me.     I 
have  daily  more  than  four  hundred  hearers ;  and  these  for  the  most  part 
distinguished  persons,  and  of  senatorial  rank." 

As  the  dangers  that  threatened  the  overthrow  of  the  Greek  Empire 


•,'l 

K 

,iii 


'^ 


5d6 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LU. 


A.  D.  1478.] 


VENETIAN    WAR. 


597 


drew  nearer,  emigration  to  Italy  became  more  frequent.     Theodore  Gaza, 
well  known  in  Greek  philosophy,  fled  from  Thessalonica  in  1430,  when 
that  city  was  taken  by  the  Turks.     Bessarion  of  Trebizond  was  made  a 
cardinal  in  1439,  and  twice  came  near  being  elected  Pope ;  and  having 
been  employed  in  many  high  functions,  received  from  the  Pope,   who 
affected  to  consider  himself  sole  head  of  the  Church,  the  titular  dignity  of 
Patriai-ch  of  Constantinople.     He  was  a  great  promoter  of  Greek  liter- 
ature, and  wherever  he  lived,  his  house  was  the  resort  of  all  those  who 
cultivated  the  sciences  and  the  arts.     In  1468,  he  presented  his  magnifi- 
cent library  to  the  republic  of  Venice,  and  the  famous  Aldine  editions  of 
the  classics  are  founded  chiefly  on  the  manuscripts  it  contained.     Here 
too,  the  manuscript  of  Panaretus  was  found  by  Professor  Fallmereyer. 
George  of  Trebizond  taught  Greek  at  Vicenza,  Venice,  and  Rome.    Johan- 
nes Argyropoulos,  a  native  of  Constantinople,  arrived  in  Italy  in  1434,  and 
was  called  by  the  Medici  to  Florence  in  1456.     He  went  to  Paris  to  so 
licit  the  assistance  of  the  king  of  France  in  purchasing  his  family,  who  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks.     He  taught  Greek  fifteen  years  at 
Florence,  and  afterwards  for  some  time  at  Rome.     Here  the  celebrated 
Reuchlin  being  present  at  one  of  his  lectures  on  Thucydides,  the  old  Pro- 
fessor invited  the  young  German  to  interpret  a  passage  of  the  historian. 
He  was  so  much  astonished  at  the  facility  with  which  Reuchlin  accom- 
plished the  task,  that  he  exclaimed,   "Exiled  Greece  has  crossed  the 
Alps."    Gemistos  Plethon,  a  man  of  the  highest  rank  at  the  imperial  court, 
of  great  learning  and  probity  of  character,  and  a  voluminous  writer,  went 
to  Florence  as  a  deputy  of  the  Greek  Church,  in  1438,  where  he  became 
acquainted  with  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  and  during  his  residence  there  opened 
a  school  for  the  explanation  of  the  Platonic  philosophy,  of  which  he  was 
an  ardent  and  eloquent  advocate.   Cosmo  embraced  his  views,  and  Platonisra 
became  the  rage  of  the  literary  people  of  that  capital.     The  Platonic  Acad- 
emy, which  afterwards  produced  many  eminent  scholars,  owes  its  origin 
to  Plethon.     He  afterwards  returned  to  Greece,  and  died  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, at  the  age,  it  is  supposed,  of  about  one  hundred  years.     These  few 
names  will  serve  to  show  that  the  literary  tendencies  of  Italy  were 
fevorable  to  progress;  and  that  the  diplomatic  intercourse  between  the 
Churches  of  Rome  and  Byzantium,  the  interchange  of  visits  among  the 
literary  men  of  the  two  countries,  and  the  introduction  of  numerous  manu- 
scripts from  Greece  and  Constantinople  into  the  chief  Italian  cities,  had 
made  a  great  and  almost  providential  preparation  for  those  Greek  scholars 
who,  having  witnessed  the  downfall  of  the  capital  of  their  nation  and  the 
seat  of  their  religion,  and  the  subjection  of  their  nation  to  the  despotism  of 
the  Turks,  fled  westward,  and  carried  with  them  the  light  of  the  East. 

§  4.  Of  course  the  number  of  Greek  refugees  was  very  considerable, 
after  the  fall  of  Constantinople.  Constantine  Lascaris,  belonging  to  one  of 
the  imperial  families,  became  instructor  of  the  princess  Hippolyta,  daugh- 


ter of  Fi-ancesco  Sforza,  Duke  of  Milan.  Afterwards  he  taught  in  several 
of  the  Italian  cities,  and  finally  died  at.  Messina,  having  bequeathed  his  li- 
brary- to  that  city.  It  was  afterwards  transported  to  Spain,  and  now 
forms  part  of  the  collection  of  the  Escorial.  Another  Lascaris,  a  relative 
of  Constantine,  was  employed  by  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  in  collecting  books  in 
the  East,  and  was  afterwards  distinguished  at  the  courts  of  Charles  VHI. 
and  Louis  XII.  in  France.  When  Leo  X.  was  raised  to  the  Papal  throne 
he  placed  Lascaris  at  the  head  of  a  college  he  had  founded  in  Rome  for 
the  education  of  Greeks.  The  Pope,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Francis  I., 
describes  Lascaris  as  a  man  distinguished  for  his  illustrious  birth,  his  Uter- 
ary  acquirements,  his  experience  in  affairs,  the  purity  of  his  morals,  and 
gentleness  of  his  manners.  He  died  at  Rome  at  the  age  of  ninety.  De- 
metrius Chalcocondylas,  an  Athenian,  and  perhaps  a  relative  of  the  histo- 
rian, taught  Greek  at  Perugia  and  Florence ;  afterwards  he  removed  to 
Milan.  Other  distinguished  names  are  Michael  Apostolius,  Callistos,  and 
Masuros,  Professor  of  Greek  at  Padua,  where  he  knew  Erasmus,  who 
speaks  of  him  as  wonderfully  learned  in  the  Latin  tongue ;  thence  he  went 
to  Venice,  and  became  an  assistant  of  the  elder  Aldus  in  the  publication  of 
his  beautiful  editions.  Moschos,  a  Lacedaemonian,  son  of  an  old  teacher, 
who  continued  at  Sparta  after  the  catastrophe  of  1453,  was  Professor  of 
Greek  at  Ferrara  and  Mantua,  and  wrote  a  poem  on  the  story  of  Helen. 
In  the  same  century  the  Greek  language  was  taught  in  Paris  by  Hermo- 
nymos  of  Sparta,  and  other  scholars  of  the  same  nation.  In  1474,  Con- 
tablacos  opened  a  school  in  Basle.  The  scholars  of  Germany,  hearing  of 
the  literary  excitement  produced  by  these  Greeks,  hastened  over  into  Italy, 
became  their  pupils,  and  purchased  many  books,  with  which  they  enriched 
the  libraries  of  their  native  land.  The  most  eminent  of  these  was  Reuch- 
lin, one  of  the  ablest,  if  not  the  ablest,  restorer  of  learning  in  Germany ; 
but  his  name  is  now  chiefly  known  from  its  connection  with  the  controversy 
that  once  raged  on  the  pronunciation  of  the  Greeks.  Thus,  a  second  time 
in  the  history  of  civilization,  the  arts  and  letters  that  embellish  life 
were  scattered  by  the  Greeks  over  the  world,  after  a  tremendous  na- 
tional catastrophe. 

§  5.  At  the  time  when  Mohammed  II.  invaded  the  Peloponnesus,  the 
Venetians  were  still  in  possession  of  some  places  in  the  Peninsula.  They 
held,  in  fact,  Pylos,  Corone,  Methone,  Nauplia,  and  Argos ;  besides  the 
Ionian  Islands,  Naupactos,  Euboea,  and  Crete.  The  Venetians  and 
Turks  soon  engaged  in  a  desperate  struggle,  which  found  a  temporary  lull 
in  the  armistice  of  1478,  which  lasted  for  about  twenty  years,  into  the 
reign  of  Mohammed's  son  and  successor,  Bajazet.  The  condition  of  the 
Greeks  during  these  destructive  wars  was  wretched  in  the  extreme. 
Many  places  in  Greece  changed  masters  frequently  during  these  years. 
Sometimes  the  Greeks  took  part  with  the  Christians  in  the  struggle, 
and  when  the  Christians .  were  conquered,  they  suffered  the  most  bar- 


m 


In 


m 


ms 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  LII. 


barous  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  Turks ;  and  if  they  remainetl  neu- 
tral,  the  heaviest  cahimities  of  the  war  fell  upon  tliem.     By  degrees  the 
Turks  got  possession  of  Greece,  and  the  ishind?!,  except  those  along  the 
western  coast,  which  now  constitute  the  Ionian  Republic.      Euboea°  was 
conquered  in  1470;  Rhodes  in  1522,  by  the  Sultan  Solyman  L    In  1570 
SelHii  11.  took  Cyprus.     The  celebrated  battle  of  Lepmito,  or  Naupactus, 
was  fought  by  the  confederated  fleets  of  the  Pope,  the  king  of  Spain, 
and  the  Venetian  republic,  amounting  to  two  hundred  ships,  and  the  Turk- 
ish fleet  of  three  hundred.     «  For  many  hours,"  says  an  old  writer,  ''  di- 
verse and  doubtful  was  the  whole  face  of  the  battle ;  as  fortune  offered 
unto  every  man  his  enemy,  so  he  fought;  according  as  every  man's  dispo- 
sition put  him  into  courage  or  fear,  or  as  he  met  with  more  or  fewer  ene- 
mies, so  was  there  here  and  there  sometimes  victory  mid  sometimes  loss. 
The  chance  of  war,  in  one  place,  lifteth  up  the  vanquished,  and  in  another 
overthroweth  the  victorious ;  all  was  full  of  terror,  error,  sorrow,  and  qon- 
fusion."    After  five  hours  of  desperate  fighting  the  Turks  gave  way,  and 
the  triumph  of  the  allies  was  complete.     One  hundred  and  thirty  galleys 
were  taken,  while  the  rest  of  the  hostile  ships  were  dashed  upon  the  rocks, 
sunk  in  the  sea,  or  consumed  by  fire.      Thirty-five  hundred  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  twenty-five  thousand  fell  m  the  battle.     Had  the  Cliristian 
powers  followed  up  this  great  victory,  they  might  probably  have  driven 
the  Turks  back  into  Asia;  but  they  neglected  to  pursue  their  advantage, 
and  in  the  foUowing  year  the  Sultan  Selym  was  able  to  put  to  sea  agTin 
with  two  hundred  and  twenty  sail.     The  allies  abandoned  all  further  ef- 
forts, and  Venice  made  peace,  surrendering  to  the  Sultan  the  kingdom  of 
Cyprus,  and  several  fortresses  in  Epeirus.     A  contemporaiy  remarked, 
that  the  destruction  of  the  Turkish  fleet  was  merely  cutting  off*  the  Sul- 
tan's beard,  which  a  few  days  would   restore,   while   the   sunender  of 
Cyprus  was  the  amputation  of  an  arm  from  Venice,  which  time  could 
neither  remedy  nor  reproduce. 

Greece  was  now  incorponited,  without  further  struggle,  into  the  Turkish 
empire,  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Turkish  governors.  In  1G70,  the 
Turks  conquered  from  the  Venetians,  after  a  war  of  nearly  thirty  years' 
duration,  the  important  island  of  Crete,  at  an  expense  of  two  hundi-ed 
thousand  men,  and  one  hundi-ed  million  golden  crowns  ;  but  in  the  reign  of 
the  same  Sultan,  Mohammed  IV.,  in  the  year  1684,  the  Turks  halving 
experienced  a  great  defeat  at  Vienna,  the  Venetians  joined  the  Christian 
league,  and  Moi-osini,  having  the  command  of  a  powerful  fleet,  attacked 
and  reduced  Santa  Maura  and  Prevesa,  and  in  the  following  year  com- 
menced his  operations  against  the  Turks  in  the  Morea.  The  most  impor- 
tant posts,  Pylos,  Methone,  and  at  last  Nauplia,  one  after  the  other,  capitu- 
lated. During  these  movements,  the  Greeks  generally  flew  to  aims,  eager 
to  throw  off  the  Turkish  yoke.  In  the  course  of  two  years  Morosini 
reconquered  the  whole  Peloponnesus,  with  the  aid  of  the  Greeks,  and 


A.  D.  1718.] 


ORGANIZATION    OF   GREECE. 


599 


in  1687,  following  up  his  successes,  sailed  into  the  harbor  of  Peineus  on 
the  21st  of  September,  and  immediately,  landing  without  opposition,  marched 
to  Athens,  and  took  possession  of  the  town.     The  Turks  fortified  them- 
selves in  the  Acropolis,  and  refused  to  surrender.      Batteries  were  i-aised 
on  the  neighboring  heights  of  the  Museion  and  the  Pnyx,  and  the  bombard- 
ment of  the  AcroiK)lis  commenced  on  the  26th.     Unfortunately,  the  Turks 
had  stored  their  ammunition  in  the  Parthenon,  and  a  bomb  falling  mto 
the  niagazine,  threw  down  all  the  central  portion  of  that  wondeiful^vork, 
which  had,  up  to  that  time,  remained  in  a  good  state  of  preservation,  with 
the  greater  part  of  the  sculptures,  which  adorned  the  tympana,  the  metopes, 
and  the  frieze  of  the  cella.     The  firing  continued  for  several  days  longer] 
but  at  last,  all  the  wooden  buildings  of  the  Acropolis  having  been  consumed 
by  a  great  conflagration,  the  garrison  held  out  a  flag  of  truce.    The  Turks, 
with  their  wives  and  children,  were  allowed  five  days  to  prepare  for  their 
departure.     Three  thousand  left  the  place ;  but  it  is  said  by  Sir  Paul 
Rycault,  that  three  hundred  Turks,  rather  than  leave  Athens,  chose  to 
abjure  the  Moslem  faith,  and  were  baptized  into  the  Catholic  Church. 
The  Venetians  retained  possession  of  Athens  only  a  few  months,  the  ad- 
miral needing  his  troops  elsewhere,  and  these  brilliant  successes  had  no 
pennanent  result.     Venetians  and  Turks  were  alike  wearied  with  the 
war,  and  in  1699  the  peace  of  Cariowitz  left  only  the  Peloponnesus  in 
the  possession  of  the  republic.     The  conquest  of  the  Morea  is  the  last 
triumph  of  the  Venetians,  and  this  was  due  to  the  genius  of  Morosini, 
who  received  the  designation  of  the  Peloponnesian. 

§  6.  The  Turks  made  gigantic  preparations  to  avenge  their  losses  and 
recover  the  conquered  country.  In  1715  the  Grand  Vizier  of  Achmet  IIL 
burst  into  the  Peloponnesus  with  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men, 
supported  by  a  fleet  of  one  liundred  sail,  and,  notwithstanding  the  efl'orts' 
of  the  Knights  of  Malta  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany°to  assist  the 
Venetians  in  the  defence  of  Greece,  Delfino,  who  had  been  left  in  com- 
mand, was  compelled  to  abandon  the  Morea.  The  Turks,  advancing 
upon  Corinth,  butchered  on  tlie  spot  one  half  of  the  capitulating  garrison"] 
reserving  the  remainder  to  be  executed  under  the  walls  of  Nauplia,  withui 
sight  of  the  Venetians.  Argos  was  recovered  without  striking  a  blow; 
Nauplia  was  betrayed,  and  the  city  and  fortress  entered  at  midtight,  and 
the  inhabitants  put  to  the  sword.  In  1718,  the  peace  of  PassarowitJ  sur- 
rendered the  whole  of  Greece  again  to  Turkey ;  and  so  she  remained 
enslaved,  with  only  a  few  partial  movements  towards  emanciiiation,  until 
the  revolution  which  commenced  in  1821. 

§  7.  In  organizing  his  newly  conquered  territories,  Mohammed  II.  di- 
vided them  into  mUitary  departments,  called  Pachalics,  and  these  agam 
were  subdivided  into  Moussemlics,  Agalics,  and  Vaivodalics;  and  these 
were  subjected  to  a  supreme  magistrate  entitled  RumeH  Valesi,  or  Grand 
Judge  of  Roumelia.    The  Pachas  were,  Hke  the  satraps  of  the  old  Persian 


luii 


I 


I'M 

» 


600 


HISTORY  OP  GBEECE. 


[Chap.  LII 


empu^e,  quite  independent  of  each  other,  and  often  engaged  in  mutual 
hostilities,  for  purposes  of  conquest  or  plunder.     The  number  of  paehalics 
in  Greece  differed  at  ditferent  times ;  and  in  some  parts  of  the  country, 
on  account  of  its  mountainous  chaj^cter  and  the  spirit  of  the  inhabitant*' 
It  was  never  possible  to  establish  the  Turkish  system  thoroughly.     Some 
toB-ns  and  smaller  districts  were  governed  by  Beys,  Agas,  and  Vaivodes. 
About  1812  there  were  five  paehalics,  the  chief  of  which  was  that  of  Jo- 
annma,  or  Albania,  under  the  government  of  the  celebrated  Ali  Pacha, 
including  Ei,eirns,  Acarnania,  iEtolia,  Phocis,  the  greater  part  of  Thessaly, 
imd  the  western  portions  of  Macedonia  and  Brootia,  and  uniting  into  one 
the  territories  which  at  an  eariier  period  had  constituted  five  or  Tix  pacha- 
hcs.    Attica  and  Lebadeia  were  each  under  the  command  of  a  Vaivotle 
^ra  was  under  the  administration  of  a  Greek  Primate ;  the  North  of 
Macedonia  was  broken  up  into  numerous  agalics ;  the  Morea,  with  the 
exception  of  Mane,  was  under  the  Pacha  of  Tripolizza,  with  eight  or  nine 
Beys,  and  other  inferior  chiefs  subordinate  to  him.    The  principal  island* 
and  some  of  the  coast  districts,  were  under  the  Capitan  Pacha,  who  visited 
ftem  annually  to  collect  the  tribute;  the  others  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
Divan,  or  belonged  to  some  of  the  paehalics.     The  mass  of  the  popu- 
lation was  at  once  reduced  to  the  condition  of  tenants  of  the  crown 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  of  the  old  families  in  the  Morea,  who' 
were  suffered  to  retain  their  properties  on  the  payment  of  large  trib- 
utes.     The  whole  system  of  administration,  if  that  could  be  called  a 
system,  whose  only  principles  were  rapacity,  corruption,  and  venality 
was  one  which  tended  inevitably  to  the  extinction  of  every -manly  trait 
in  the  character  of  the  people.     The  Pachas  of  Greece,  as   well  as 
of  other  provinces  in  the  empire,  purchased  their  appointments  by  the 
payment  of  large  sums  into  the  imperial  treasury ;  the  Porte  usually 
b^towing  the  office  on  the  highest  bidders.    They  acconlingly  indemni- 
fied themselves  by  extortions  practised  upon  their  unhappy  subjects.     Be- 
sides this,  they  must  contribute  a  lai^e  amount  annually  to  the  revenues 
of  the  empire.     Says  D'Arvieux,  a  French  writer,  "The  viceroys,  local 
governors,  and  other  officers  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  are  farmers  of  rev- 
enues, and  are  obliged  to  remit  the  sums  agreed  upon  to  the  Grand  A'izier 
under  pain  of  sending  their  o^vn  heads  to  the  imperial  treasury.     No  ex- 
cuse IS  received ;  the  money  must  be  forthcommg,  even  if  there  is  none  • 
and  as  their  life  and  fortune  depend  on  their  punctuality  in  payin-r  they 
resort  to  every  means  of  accomplishing  the  end."    In  their  province'*  the 
power  of  the  Pachas  was  absolute,  and  their  state  was  maintained  with 
Onental  pomp.    They  usually  acquired  enormous  wealth,  by  means  of  the 
vanety  of  taxes  and  extortions  they  could  with  impunity  enforce.    Ali 
Pacha's  dominion  extended  over  four  handred  villages,  and  his  annual 
income  was  about  one  million  dollars.    The  Beys  and  A«as  exercised 
a  simitar  authority.    The  only  restraint  upon  these  powerful  chieftains 


Chap.  LII] 


CONDITION    OP   GREECE. 


601 


was  the  probability  of  the  bowstring,  whenever  they  fell  under  the  dis- 
pleasure  of  the  Porte,  or  it  became  desirable  to  recruit  an  exhausted  treas- 
ury by  confiscating  the  ill-gotten  wealth  of  an  overgrown  Pacha.      The 
Uirislian  population  of  the  conquered  territories  were  obli"ed  to  pay  a  life 
tax,  called  the  haratoh,  which  was  regarded  at  first  as  a  composition  or 
compromise  for  the  privilege  of  keeping  their  heads  on  their  shoulders 
In  some  j-Iaces  this  tax  was  paid  for  children  from  the  moment  of  birth  •  in 
others,  from  a  certain  age,  five,  eight,  twelve,  or  fifteen  years ;  the  amount, 
too,  varied.    According  to  Colonel  Leake,  the  tax  for  a  whole  family  usu- 
ally amounted  to  about  £  2 ;  but  any  individual  subject  to  this  impost  was 
liab  e  to  frequent  and  insolent  examination  in  the  street,  and  on  failin-  to 
produce  Ins  legal  receipt  was  forced  to  pay  it  to  the  next  official  authority 
whether  he  had  paid  it  before  or  not.    The  land-tax  amounted,  at  different 
times  and  places,  to  one  twentieth,  one  twelfth,  one  tenth,  or  one  seventh  of 
the  produce  of  the  soil;  at  the  entrance  of  every  to^vn,  duties  were  paid 
on  cattle,  provisions,  wine,  fire-wood.     Various  costly  restrictions  on  com- 
merce; composition  for  exemption  from  labor  on  the  public  works ;  arbi- 
trary requisitions  for  the  senice  of  the  Sultan ;  one  tenth  of  the  value  in 
dispute  in  legal  proceedings ;  avanias,  or  moneys  exacted  from  the  mhab- 
itants  of  a  district  where  a  crime  had  been  committed,  on  the  gromid  that 
they  might  have  prevented  it ;  requisitions  to  supply  a  certain  proportion 
ot  wheat  at  a  nominal  price,  to  be  stored  up  at  Constantinople,  or  sold  at 
an  enormous  profit, -are  only  a  few  of  the  more  prominent  forms  under 
which  extortions  were  practised  by  the  Turkish  governors.   Says  Sir  James 
Emei^on  fennent, «  So  undefined  was  the  system  of  extortion,  and  so  uncon- 
trolled the  power  of  those  to  whom  its  execution  was  intrusted,  that  the 
evil  spread  over  the  whole  system  of  administration,  and  insinuated  itself 
into  every  relation  and  ordinance  of  society,  till  there  were  few  actions  or 
occupations  of  the  Greeks  that  were  not  burdened  with  the  scrutiny  and 
mterference  of  his  masters,  and  none  that  did  not  suffer,  in  a  greater  or 
ess  degree,   from   their  heartless  rapine."*      The  rayahs,  or  common 
laboring  classes,  were  reduced  to  the  condition  of  serfs,  subjected  to  every 
species  of  oppression,  with  no  prospect  or  possibility  of  improving  thefr 
condition,  but  condemned  to  hopeless  slavery  and  degradation.         ° 

§  8.  There  was  a  most  cruel  contribution  of  maFe  children,  who  were 
torn  from  their  parents,  subjected  to  the  rites  of  the  Mohammedan  faith 
and   employed  in  various   offices,   menial   or   other,   according   to   their 
ability,  or  plaeed  in  the  corps  of  the  Janizaries.     This  terrible  Preto- 
rian  Guard  of  the  Sultans  was  created  by  Orkan,  the  second  Sultan  of 


*  In  the  aJmost  endless  list  of  petty  occasions  on  which  the  most  vexatious  extortions 
were  practised  some  are  almost  too  ridicnions  to  be  mentioned ;  for  example,  one  source  of 
revenue  was  called  U>olh-,nomy,  to  remunerate  the  Pacha  and  his  suite  for  the  fat,™  of 

76 


'  tJ 


I 


' 


i 


602 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LII. 


the  Ottoman  dynasty,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  consisted  at  first  of 
young  Christians,  taken  captive  in  war  and  trained  up  in  the  Moham- 
medan feith,  and  discipline  of  aims.  When  organized,  the  troop  was 
blessed  by  an  aged  dervish.  "  The  soldiery  which  you  have  just  created," 
said  he  to  the  sovereign,  "shall  be  Jani-Tscheri,  —  New  Troop;  it  shall 
be  victorious  in  every  combat ;  its  face  shall  be  white,  its  arm  formidable, 
its  sabre  sharp-edged,  and  its  arrow  piercing."  It  became,  in  the  course 
of  time,  a  formidable  power,  not  only  to  the  Sultan's  enemies,  but  to  the 
Sultan  himself.  Revolutions  were  made,  at  the  beck  of  this  band  ;  Sul- 
tans were  enthroned  and  Sultans  were  dei)Osed,  according  to  their  licen- 
tious will.  It  was  one  of  those  instruments  of  despotism  which  most 
emphatically  turn  to  plague  their  inventors.  The  supply  of  boys  to  re- 
cruit this  body,  in  Greece,  amounted  to  about  one  thousand  annually,  and 
was  afterwards  increased.  The  imijosition  was  cidled  the  nmBo^dCa^ui, 
or  child-tribute, — the  form  the  impost  assumed  after  the  captives  taken 
in  war  ceased  to  be  sufficient.  It  continued  down  to  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  the  whole  number  of  those  furnished  by  Greece 
alone  amounted,  according  to  the  estimate  of  one  of  the  Professors  in  the 
University  of  Athens,  to  little  less  tlian  five  hundred  thousand.*  After- 
wards, the  recruits  were  taken  fi-om  the  children  of  the  Janizaries.  This 
military  organization  existed  until  1826,  when  Sultan  ISIahmoud,  finding 
their  power  and  turbulence  obstacles  in  the  way  of  his  projected  reforms, 
resolved  on  disbanding  them,  and  putting  his  armies  on  the  footing  of 
the  Europeans.  Thirty  thousand  rose  in  rebellion ;  but  the  Sultan, 
having  consulted  the  highest  authorities  of  the  Moslem  law,  and  received 
their  solemn  sanction  to  the  measure,  unrolled  the  standard  of  the  Prophet, 
and  rallied  all  true  Moslems  to  the  support  of  the  throne.  Fifty  thousand 
men  marched  against  them,  surrounded  the  bari-acks  in  the  IIipix)drome, 
set  them  on  fire,  and  slaughtered  those  who  attempted  to  escape.  So  per- 
ished, by  flame  and  sword,  a  body  of  men  descended  from  Christian 
captives,  or  children  torn  by  violence  from  Christian  families,  forced  to 
apostatize  from  the  religion  of  their  fathers,  and  for  centuries  the  instru- 
ment and  the  terror  of  tyrants. 

§  9.  We  have  a  few  notices  of  the  condition  of  Greece  in  these  times. 
Gerbel,  in  a  work  published  in  tlie  middle  of  the  sixteenth  centurj',  in 
speaking  of  Athens,  exclaims :  "  O  tragic  change  of  human  power !  a  city 
once  surrounded  by  walls,  filled  with  edifices,  powerful  in  arms  and  wealth 
and  men,  now  reduced  to  a  miserable  village ;  once  free  and  living  under 
its  own  laws,  now  subjected  by  the  yoke  of  slavery  to  the  most  cruel  and 
brutal  masters.  Go  to  Athens  and  behold,  in  place  of  the  most  magnifi- 
cent works,  a  mass  of  deplorable  ruins."  And  Pinet,  a  French  writer, 
at  the  close  of  his  description,  exclaims :  "  And  now,  O  heavens,  there 


*  Professor  Paparrhegopoulos,  *IoTopia  r^s  EXXaSos. 


«■ 

Chap.  LII.]        preservation  of  greek  nationality.  603 

remains  only  a  little  castle,  and  a  miserable  village,  unprotected  from 
foxes  and  wolves,  and  other  wild  beasts."  Another  writer,  a  little  later, 
says :  "  Greece  once  was,  Athens  once  was ;  now  there  is  neither  Athens 
in  Greece,  nor  Greece  in  Greece  itself."  And  Ortelius,  the  geographer, 
says :  "  Now  only  a  few  miserable  huts  remain  ;  the  place  at  the  V^sent 
day  is  called  Setine,"  In  1584,  a  work  was  published  by  Martin  Kraus,  a 
German  professor,  under  the  title  of  Turco-Graicia,  containing  letters 'in 
answer  to  inquiries  addressed  by  him  to  the  Patriarch  of  Con^'stantinople 
and  other  distinguished  Greeks,  on  the  condition  of  Hellas.  They  all  tell 
the  same  story  of  poverty  and  ignorance,  but  describe  the  Greeks  as  still 
possessing  natural  brightness  of  intellect.  Says  Zygomak,  the  protho- 
notary  of  the  Patriarch,  "  They  are  very  quick  to  receive  instruction 
whenever  they  have  the  chance  of  being  taught  by  a  professor  of  letters  "  ; 
but  the  same  writer  states  that  at  this  time  only  one  school  existed, 
and  that  was  at  NaupUa,  in  which  ancient  Greek  was  taught. 

The  Greek  islands,  being  visited  by  the  Turks  only  periodically,  for 
the  collection  of  tribute,  were  much  less  wretchecithan  the  mainland,  and 
much  less  exposed  to  the  vices  of  the  Turkish  system,  whether  of  plunder- 
ing m  general,  or  of  the  administration  of  justice.  To  sum  up  aU,  says 
Sir  James  Emerson  Tennent,  «  The  energies  of  the  nation  were  either 
cramped  in  their  infancy,  or  crushed  in  their  mature  development ;  the 
course  of  justice  was  diverted  from  its  genial  channels,  or  fouled  by  ve- 
nality and  religious  favoritism ;  the  fruits  of  domestic  toil  were  aiTested 
by  local  despots  and  delegated  tyrants,  or  sacked  by  the  unresisted  spoiler 
and  the  wandering  bandit." 

§  10.  There  were,  however,  several  causes  which  tended  to  the  pres- 
ervation of  their  nationality  during  this   period.     In   the  first  place,  it 
was  impossible   for  them  to  combine  with   their  oppressors   and   form 
one  people,  because  the  moral,  intellectual,  and  social  tendencies  of  the 
two  races  were  mutually  repulsive  at  every  point  of  contact.     A  second 
cause   was   the   superiority   of  the  Greeks   in    mental   capacity,  which 
made  it  necessary  for  the  Turks  to  intrust   the   direction  of  affairs  to 
native   leaders,  in   many  parts  of  the   country.      A  thii*d  cause  was 
then-   inextinguishable   devotion  to   the    Christian    Church,    which   they 
regarded,  from  an  early  period  of  the  Byzantine  times,  as  their  ark  of 
safety.      And  finally,  the   preservation  of  the  national   spirit  is  due  in 
a  great  measure  to  the  fact,  that  there  were  parts  of  Greece  which  the 
Turks  were  never  able  to  subdue.    The  Manotes  of  the  Peloponnesus  long 
maintamed  their  independence,  and  always  asserted  the  right  of  being 
governed  by  a  native  ruler.     The  wariike  inhabitants  of  the  mountainous 
regions  in  the  North  —  Olympus,  Pelion,  Pindus,  and  Agrapha  —  steadily 
refused  submission  to  the  Turks,  and  were  permitted,  on  the  payment  of 
an  inconsiderable  tribute,  to  retain  their  arms,  and  to  assume  the  military 
protection  of  their  native  districts.    These  were  called  Armatoloi,  or  bearers 


604 


HISTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  LH 


of  aims,  and  tbeir  districts  Armatolics,  of  which,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
last  century,  there  were  seventeen.  Each  of  these  districts  or  counties 
acknowledged  the  authority  of  a  chieftain,  called  Capitanos,  or  Headman, 
whose  office  was  hereditary,  descending  with  his  sword  to  his  oldest  son. 
The  members  of  his  military  corps  were  called  Pallecaria,  —  a  term 
fipom  an  ancient  Greek  word  signifying  youth,  but  used  in  the  ]Mod- 
em  Greek  for  Braves,  and  quite  as  famous  in  poetry  as  the  term  Hero 
in  the  Iliad.  But  besides  the  Armatoles,  there  were  many  impatient 
and  daring  spirits,  who,  refiising  to  make  any  terms  with  their  con- 
querors, betook  themselves  to  a  life  of  lawless  rapine  among  the  inac- 
cessible fastnesses  of  the  mountains.  These,  too,  were  organized,  like  the 
Armatoles,  into  bands  commanded  by  Capitanoi,  and  bore  the  honorable 
name  of  KXct^rac  —  the  ancient  KXcVrat  —  or  Robbers.  The  same  general 
characteristics  prevailed  in  both.  Their  valor,  their  endurance  of  fatigue, 
their  well-strung  frames,  and  wonderful  activity,  were  the  themes  of  native 
bards,  whose  songs  almost  reproduce  the  pictures  of  ancient  Homeric 
times.  The  Klephts  ■aaintained  themselves  in  a  wild  independence, 
seizing  every  opportunity  of  rushing  down  upon  the  Turkish  villages  and 
camps,  plundering,  killing,  or  taking  captive,  and  climbing  back  into  their 
Idmeria,  —  their  rocky  eyries,  —  before  the  Turks  could  rally  in  pursuit. 
The  life  of  the  EHephts  placed  them  beyond  the  reach  of  lettered  culture. 
They  had  no  more  time  or  taste  for  reading  and  writing  than  the  warriors 
of  the  Biad,  under  the  walls  of  Troy ;  but,  like  them,  they  delighted  in 
feats  of  strength  and  hai'dihood,  and  listened  with  ecstasy  to  the  ballads 
which  perpetuated,  in  unwritten  minstrelsy,  the  glory  of  their  fathers* 
achievements.  Achilles  singing  in  his  tent  the  lays  of  heroes,  is  the  clas- 
sical prototype  of  the  poet  Iflepht  of  Agrapha ;  and  swift-footed  Achilles 
himself  could  scarcely  have  overmatched  him  in  speed  of  running  or 
lightness  of  leap.  Nico-Tsara  sprang  over  seven  horses  abreast,  and 
it  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  a  full-armed  Klepht  to  outrun  the  swiftest 
racer.  The  Capitanos  Zacharias,  whose  exploits  in  speed  of  foot  are 
commemorated  in  more  than  one  Klephtic  ballad,  used,  when  doing  his 
best  at  running,  to  strike  his  ears  with  his  heels.  In  other  more  martial 
qualities,  he  and  his  band  were  equally  conspicuous.  One  of  the  ballads 
says: — 

"  Three  days  he  keeps  the  battle  up,  three  days  and  nights  incessant, 
And  snow  they  ate,  and  snow  they  drank,  and  flash  on  flash  retorted." 

And  again :  — 

"  Three  days  he  keeps  the  battle  np,  three  days  and  nights  unceasing, 
Nor  bread  ate  he,  nor  water  drank,  nor  sleep  came  o'er  his  eyelids." 

Such  men  could  expect  no  quarter  from  the  Turks,  whenever  the  chances 
of  war  threw  them  into  their  hands.  The  tortures  they  underwent  with- 
out a  groan  make  us  shudder,  as  we  read  the  horrible  details. 

The  euthanasia  of  a  Klepht  was  death  in  battle.     The  favorite  toast  at 


Chap.  LILl 


KLEPHTIC    BALLADS. 


605 


their  banquets  was  Ka\6p  fioU^t,  "  Welcome  the  bullet."  The  bodies  of 
those  who  fell  they  honored  with  the  name  of  victims,  (rcjidyia,  but  those 
who  died  of  sickness  or  age,  —  of  what  we  call  a  natural  death,  —  they 
stigmatized  as  carcasses.  Their  religious  ideas  were  primitive.  The 
principal  use  which  they  conceived  a  priest  could  be  put  to,  was  to  shrive 
the  soul  of  a  dying  hero  ;  and  monasteries  they  regarded  simply  as  maga- 
zines of  provisions,  which  it  was  their  duty  to  help  themselves  to,  when- 
ever occasion  served.  It  was  a  special  triumph  to  carry  off  a  Turkish 
Bey  or  Aga  to  the  mountains,  and  keep  him  there  under  careful  watch, 
until  ransomed  by  the  payment  of-  a  pretty  large  sum.  Whenever  the 
wives  and  daughters  of  the  Turks  fell  into  their  hands,  as  not  unfrequently 
happened,  they  were  treated  with  the  most  scrupulous  delicacy  and  honor, 
—  a  striking  contrast,  it  is  needless  to  say,  to  the  practice  of  the  Turks; 
and  they  seldom  retorted  upon  men  the  cruelties  practised  on  themselves. 
Tlie  worst  they  did  was  to  make  them  turn  the  spit  in  preparing  a  Kleph- 
tic feast.  One  of  the  ballads  speaks  thus  of  Kaliakoudas,  a  chief,  and  hia 
troop :  — 

"  And  they  had  lambs,  and  roasted  them,  and  rams  were  duly  spitted: 
Five  captive  Beys  they  also  had,  wlio  kept  the  spits  a  turning." 

It  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  the  charm  of  this  Klephtic  life  to  the  young 
and  fiery  spirits,  chafing  under  the  Turkish  domination  in  the  lowlands. 
The  ballads  are  full  of  simplicity  and  natural  feeling,  and  redolent  of  the 
mcy  freshness  of  the  free,  wild  ways  among  the  mountains.  The  following 
is  literally  translated  from  a  collection  published  last  year  by  Zampelios, 
a  Greek  gentleman  of  Leucadia.  It  illustrates  at  once  the  intolerable  op- 
pression of  the  Turkish  rule,  the  seducing  charm  of  Klephtic  life,  and  the 
sweet  touch  of  love  of  nature,  which  was  ever  springing  freshly  up  in  the 
hearts  of  this  people. 

"  Mother,  I  tell  thee  I  can  no  longer  be  a  slave  to  the  Turks ;  I  cannot ; 
my  heart  struggles  against  it.  I  will  take  my  gun  and  go  and  become  a 
Klepht ;  —  to  dwell  on  the  mountains  among  the  lofty  ridges :  to  have  the 
woods  for  my  companions ;  to  hold  converse  with  the  beasts ;  to  have  the 
snow  for  my  covering,  the  rocks  for  my  bed; —with  sons  of  the  Klephts  to 
have  my  daily  habitation.  I  will  go,  mother ;  but  weep  not ;  and  give  me 
thy  blessing.  And  we  will  pray,  my  mother  dear,  that  I  may  slay  many 
a  Tuik.  —  And  plant  the  rose  and  plant  the  dark  carnation ;  —  and  give 
them  sugar  and  musk  to  drink.  And  as  long,  O  mother  mine,  as  the  flow- 
ers blossom  and  put  forth,  thy  son  is  not  dead,  but  is  warring  with  the 
Turks.  And  if  the  day  of  sorrow  comes,  the  day  of  woe,  and  the  two  fade 
away  and  the  flowers  fall,  then  I  too  shall  have  been  slain,  and  thou  may- 

est  clothe  thyself  in  black 

"  Twelve  years  have  passed  and  fifteen  months,  when  the  roses  blos- 
somed, and  the  buds  bloomed ;  and  one  spring  morning,  the  first  of  May, 
when  the  birds  were  singing,  and  the  heaven  was  smiling,  at  once  it  thun- 


4 

I 

m 


606 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE. 


[Chap.  LU. 


«brs,  and  Eglitens  and  darkens.  Tlie  carnation  sighed,  the  rose  wept,  — 
Both  withered  up  together,  and  the  flowers  fell;  and  with  them  the  hap- 
less motlier  became  a  heap  of  earth." 

§  11.  But  towards  the  end  of  the  century,  a  remarkable  revival  took 
place  in  the  intellectual  energies  of  the  Hellenic  race.    Of  those  remaining 
at  Constantinople,  many  had  risen  to  eminent  j)ositions  as  interpreters, 
physicians,  and  even  as  Ilospodai-s,  with  the  title  of  Prince,  in  the  Molda- 
vian and  Wallachian  provinces.    The  distinguished  and  patriotic  families 
of  the  Mavrocordatos  and  Ypselantes  belong  to  these  chisses.      Others 
lia€l  become  wealthy  merchants  and  "bankere,  at  Constantinople,  Smyrna, 
and  in  the  principal  cities  of  Western  Europe.    The  Ralles,  the  Zosimades, 
so  well  known  for  their  liberal  patronage  of  letters,  splendidly  illustrate 
the  commereial  genius  and  generous  patriotism  of  the  reviving  race.     In 
•Greece  itself,  a  growing  zeal  for  education,  never  wholly  lost  sight  of 
even  in  their  deepest  miseiy,  showed  itself  in  the  estal)lishment  of  sdiools 
and  colleges,  and  the  increased  circulation  of  books.     A  society  was  formed, 
called   tlie    Hetan-ia,  which   extended  all  over  Greece,    and   wherever 
Greeks  were  to  be  found,  uniting  them  in  a  secret  system  of  concerted 
action  for  the  emancipation  of  the  country.     Tlie  lyric  songs  of  Rhegas, 
especially  his  animated  and  Tyrtieus-like  rallying-cry  to  fight  for  liberty, 
thrilled  the  heart  of  the  nation ;  and  his  tragical  death,  when  he  was  de- 
livered up  to  the  Turks  by  the  Austrians,  seemed  to  seal  the  simctity  of 
their  cause  by  the  baptism  of  blood.     Later  still,  the  illustrious  Coraes, 
a  scholar  and  patriot  second  to  none  in  this  age,  —  who  in  the  year  18:33 
closed  at  Paris  a  long  life  of  virtuous  and  distinguished  lal)ors,  —  by  his 
elegant  and  animated  appeals  to  all  that  was  august  and  glorious  in  their 
past  history,  and  to  every  patriotic  and  kindling  sentiment  native  to  the 
Hellenic  heart,  nerved  his  countrymen  to  dare  every  extremity  of  fortune 
in  the  struggle  to  regain  their  long-lost  independence.     Tlie  lieart  of  the 
nation  was  ready  for  the  great  encounter;  it  had  gone  through  tlio  stern 
discipline  of  adversity,  until  adversity  had  exhausted  its  lessons  of  patient 
endurance.     The  moment  for  striking  the  long-meditated  blow  had  come ; 
asad  the  people,  led  on  by  their  chieftains,  and  inspired  by  the  approba- 
tion, and  in  some  instances  by  the  active  participation,  of  their  spiritual 
guides,  rose  in  arms,  in  the  sacred  cause  of  nationality  and  hberty. 


A.  D.  1768.] 


INSURRECTION   OF    1769. 


607 


^■'.<fMfgf^ 


.^^^f 


^^U" 


■J     -r   ^*f 


^  ^.- ^^t 


■> 


Vj% 


-•v* 


■^r^'  !^v 


Castle  of  Patrae. 


CHAPTER  LHI. 


THE    GREEK  REVOLUTION.  —  KINGDOM    OF   HELLAS. 

4  1.  ^lovemcnts  previous  to  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  Insurrection  of  1769.  OrloflT  and  the 
Eussian  Fleet.  Xaval  Expedition  of  Lampros,  in  1787.  Ali  Pacha.  Androutso*.  ^  2.  Char- 
acteristics of  the  War  of  the  Rcvohition,  as  sketched  by  Mr.  Tricoupes.  ^  3.  Opening  of 
the  War.  Prince  Ypselante>.  Gerinanos,  Archbishop  of  Patra?.  Scenes  at  Constantinople. 
Defeat  at  Drairasclian.  '^  4.  Death  of  Diakos  !it  Thenuopyla\  -^  5.  Cajiture  of  Tripohs  ( Ti*i- 
politza.)-  I'Ocal  Governments.  First  National  Assembly  at  Kpidanros.  First  Constitution. 
§  6.  Massncre  of  Scio.  §  7.  Second  National  Assembly  at  Astros.  Marcos  IJotzares. 
^  8.  Ktlbrts  in  Favor  of  the  Greeks.  §  9.  Intervention  of  Mcheniet  Ali,  Pacha  of  Kirypt. 
Loan,  §  10.  IMiilhellenes.  Gonlon,  Fabvier,  Meyer,  Hastinirs,  General  (Church,  Miller, 
Howe,  Finlay,  Lord  Byron.  §  11.  Sie<iean<l  Capture  of  Mesoloii*!;i.  §  12.  Movements  sub- 
sequent to  the  Fall  of  Mesolongi.  Siejje  of  Athens.  Gouras  takes  Possession  of  the  Citadel. 
Death  of  Gouras  Attempts  to  relieve  the  Garrison.  §  13.  National  Assembly  at  TrcB- 
zene.  Electioji  of  Capo  D'Istrias  to  the  Presidency  of  Greece.  K:»rai-;kakes.  ^  14.  Bad 
Faith  of  the  Greeks.  Death  of  Kami-^kakes.  His  Character.  §  15.  Battle  in  the  Plain 
of  Athens.  §  14>.  Interference  of  the  European  Cabinets.  §  17.  Obstinacy  of  the  Porte. 
Battle  of  Navarino.  War  between  IJnssia  and  Turkey.  Cessation  of  H<:)stilities.  ^  18.  At- 
tempts to  settle  the  Affairs  of  Greece.  Assassination  of  Capo  D'Istrias.  Selection  of 
Otho  of  Bavaria  as  Kinj;.  His  Arrival.  Orjranization  of  Greece.  His  Marriage. 
^  19.  Constitution  of  1843.  §  20.  State  of  Education.  §  21.  Language.  §  22.  Litera- 
ture.    ^  23.  Popular  Poetry  and  Klephtic  Ballads. 

§  1.  Ix  tlie  reign  of  Catherine  TL,  in  the  year  17G8,  a  war  broke  out 
between  Turkey  and  Russia.  The  crafty  Empress  endeavored,  and  with 
instant  success,  to  rouse  the  Greek  nation  to  throw  off  the  yoke,  inspiring 
them  with  the  hope  of  recovering  their  ancient  hberty.     Two  years  pre- 


M." 


i 


M 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LII, 


A.  D.  1768.] 


INSURRECTION    OF    1769. 


607 


ders,  aiKl  ligliteiis  anil  darkens.  The  carnation  sighed,  the  rose  wept,  — 
both  withered  up  together,  and  tlie  flowers  fell ;  and  with  them  tlie  hap- 
less  mother  IxcaiiK'  a  heap  of  earth." 

§  11.  IJut  towards  tlie  cud  of  the  centuiy,  a  remarkahlc  revival  took 
place  in  tl..'  iiitelhc-tual  en<'rgi.-s  of  tlie  ITellenie  raee.    Of  tho.<e  remaining 
at  Consta!itinoi>h%  many  had  risen   to  eminent  positions  as  iiiterpnt.'rs, 
phy>ician-.,  and  rven  as  nnsi»odars,  wilh  the  title  of  Prince,  in  the  Molda- 
vian and  Wallachian  provinces.     Tlic  distinguished  and  ])afi-iotic  families 
ot   the   MaM'ocordatos  and  Ypselante>  helong  to   these   cla-.-es.      Others 
had  h.-conie  wealthy  m.-rchaiits  an.l  hankei-s,  at  Constmuinople,  Smyrna, 
and  in  the  j.riuclpal  cities  of  Wotern  Europe.    The  Ralies,  the  Zosimades, 
so  well  km.wn  f  .r  their  liheral  patronage  of  letters,  splendidly  illustrate 
the  eonuneicial  genius  and  generous  ])atriotisin  of  the  reviving  race.     In 
Greece   itself,  a  growing  zral  for  education,  never  wholly  lost    sight   of 
even  in  their  deej^est  mi>eiy,  sliowid  itself  in  the  e.taMishmeut  (.f  " -hools 
and  coll.  g.'..  an.l  the  increased  circnlati(.n  of  hooks.     A  swiety  was  iormed, 
called    the     lletaria,   wliich    ext<'nded   all   over    Oreeee,    and    wherever 
Greeks  were  to  be  found,  uniting  them  in  a  secret  .^y.^iem  of  concerted 
action  for  the  emancipation  of  the  country.     The  lyric  si)ngs  of  Khegas, 
especially  his  animated  and  Tyrtanis-like  rallying-cry  to  tight  for  liberty, 
thrilled  tlie  heart  of  the  nation ;  and  his  tragical  dc^ith,  wlieii  he  was  de- 
livered np  to  the  Turks  by  the  Austrians,  seemed  to  seal  the  simctity  of 
their  cause  by  the  baptism  of  blood.     Later  still,  the  illu>ti'ie*us  Coraes, 
a  schohir  and  patriot  second  to  none  in  this  age,  — who  in  the  year  l.s:j;] 
closed  at  Paris  a  long  life  of  virtuous  and  distinguished  lalws,  — by  his 
eh'gant  and  animated  appeals  to  all  that  was  august  and  glorious  in  their 
past  histi>ry,  and  to  every  pati-iotic  an<l  kindling  sentiment  native  to  the 
Hellenic  heart,  nerved  his  eonntrymen  to  dare  every  extremitv  of  fortune 
in  the  struggle  to  regain  their  long-lost  in.lependence.     The  iieart  of  the 
nation  was  ivady  tor  the  great  encounter;  it  had  gone  through  the  steia 
disciidine  of  adversity,  until  adversity  had  exhausted  its  lessons  of  patient 
endm-aiice.     The  moment  for  striking  the  long-meditated  lilo\v  had  come; 
and  the  people,  led  on  by  their  chiethiins,  and  inspired  by  the  ajiproba- 
tion,  and  in  some  instances  by  the  active  participation,  of  their  spiritual 
guides,  rose  in  arms,  in  the  sacred  cause  of  nationality  and  liberty. 


Castle  of  Patne. 


CHAPTER  LHI. 


THE    GREEIv   REVOLUTION.  —  KINGDOM    OF   HELLAS. 

§  1.  ^loveinonts  previous  to  tlic  War  of  the  Uevolntion.  Tnsnrreetion  of  170r».  OrlofT  ami  the 
Rns^iau  Klfct.  Xaval  KxpeiliriotKtfr.aiiiitros,  in  1787.  Ali  I'aclia.  AmlroutstK.  yl.  Char- 
I'cteristies  nftlie  War  of  the  lJ<'v<»lutioii,  as  sketeheil  hy  >h".  Trie<>u))t''<.  v)  3.  Opetiipo;  of 
the  War.  I'rinee  Vp>elaiite>.  Gcnnaiios,  Archh;slnMi  ol"l'atra'.  Scents  ;e  (''>:ist:M;tii!o])ie. 
Defeat  at  Draiia-elian.  '^  4.  Death  of  Diako<at  'rhiTiiioityla'.  s^'..  ('aptun'of  rrip<ili<('rri- 
p<)Ht/a).  F-ocal  (Jovenimeiits.  Fir>t  Xational  AsstMiiltly  at  llpiilaur'ts.  Kir>t  Constitution. 
§  6.  Mas>afiv  of  Srio.  §  7.  Secuud  National  A<s('nit)ly  at  Astros.  .Marcus  r>ofzar«"'S. 
^  8.  Kll'orts  in  Favor  of  the  (ireeks.  §  [>.  Intervention  of  Mclicnict  Ali,  I'aelia  of  Kiryj)t. 
Lofin.  §  1".  IMiiUielkMK's.  (Jorlon,  Falivicr,  Meyer,  Hasrin-x-,  (icncral  (Miureh,  Miller, 
Howe,  I'inlay.  I^nnl  r>yron.  §  11.  Sie^can-l  Capture  of  Me-n'mivri.  ^^  12.  Movements  sub- 
«eipient  to  the  Fall  of  Me-olon^i.  Siciic  of  Athens,  (ionra<  takes  F(»>session  of  the  Cita<lel. 
Death  of  (Jouras  Atteni|)ts  to  relieve  the  (Jarrison.  §  1;5.  National  A>scnibly  at  Tro?- 
zene.  Election  of  Capo  D"I-trias  to  the  I'lv-iilcney  of  (Jreec(\  Karai-kake-,  §  14.  r»:i(i 
Faith  of  the  Greeks.  Death  of  Karai-kakes.  His  Ciiaraeter.  §  15.  jiattle  in  the  IMain 
of  Athens.  §  1<».  Interference  of  the  European  Cabinets.  §  17.  Olistinaey  of  the  IVtrte. 
Battleof  Xavarino.  War  I>etween  Knssia  ami  Turkey.  Ce-sation  of  Hostilities.  ^  IS.  At- 
tempts to  x-rtle  the  Affairs  of  Greece.  Assassination  of  Capo  D'Istrias.  Selection  of 
Otho  of  llavaria  as  King.  His  Arrival.  Oi'irani/.ation  of  (Jreece.  His  .Marriajre. 
§  li».  Constitution  of  1S4.'5.  §  20.  State  of  Fdueation.  §  21.  Lanjiuaire.  §  22.  Litera- 
ture.    §  23.  Tupular  Poetry  and  Klephtic  liallad^. 

§  1.  Ix  the  reign  of  Calhciiiie  II.,  in  the  year  ITCxS.  a  war  broke  out 
between  Turkey  and  Russia.  The  erafty  Empress  eniU'avored,  and  with 
instant  success,  to  rouse  the  Greek  nation  to  throw  oft"  the  yoke,  ins[)iring 
them  with  the  liope  of  recovering  their  ancient  liberty.     Two  years  pre- 


'Jil 


HISTORY   OF   GBEECE. 


[Chap.  LIU. 


Tiouslj,  a  Greek,  who  had  been  in  the  Russian  anny,  was  despatched  into 
Peloponnesus  to  prepare  the  insuiTection,  and  in  1769  a  Russitin  fleet, 
under  the  command  of  Orloff,  came  to  the  Peloponnesus.    The  population 
flew  to  arms.     The  Turkish  government  poured  a  host  of  Albanians  mto 
the  Peloponnesus,  and  suppressed  the  revolt  with  immense  slaughter.    Or- 
loff, witnessing  the  ill  success  of  the  attempt,  forgot  his  promisesrand  sailed 
away,  leaving  the  Greeks  to  their  fate.    An  Armatole  chieftain,  named 
Androutsos,  distinguished  himself  by  feats  of  eminent  braveiy  in  this 
affair;  and  a  body  of  four  hundred  Laconians  showed  themselves  no  un- 
worthy descendants  of  the  heroes  of  Thermopylse.    At  the  conclusion  of 
the  peace  between  Russia  and  the  Porte,  the  provinces  which  had  re- 
ceived the  Russians,  or  were  suspected  of  having  co-operated  with  them, 
were  heavily  punished.     The  patriimjh  Meletios  was  tortured,  and  then 
banished.     Large  fines  were  inflicted  on  the  wealthier  classes.     The  city 
of  Moschopolis  was  plundered  and  destroyed.     Three  thousand  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Tricca  were  killed.     Many  Larissa?ans  were  slain,  and  their 
only  church  was  demolished ;  priests  and  magistrates  were  beheaded  in 
Lemnos,  and  the  Christians  of  Smyrna  were  indiscriminately  massacred 
as  they  came  out  of  the  church.     The  enormities  practised  by  the  Alba- 
nians in  Peloi)onnesus  were  indescribable ;  and  the  question  was  debated 
in  the  Divan,  whether  it  would  not  be  advisable  to  seize  this  opportunity  of 
extirpating  the  entire  Hellenic  race:    But  by  the  influence  of  Hassan  Pacha 
milder  counsels  prevailed,  and  he  was  intrusted  with  the  pacification  of  the 
Peloponnesus.     This  he  accomplished  by  calling  to  his  aid  the  mountain 
Klephts,  by  whom  the  Albanians  were  speedily  routed,  and  driven  from 
the  Peloi>onnesus.     The  family  of  Colocotrones,  one  of  whom,  Theodore, 
played  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the  war  of  independence,  first  appear  as 
leaders  at  this  crisis.     In  1787,  war  was  renewed  between  Russia  and 
Turkey,  and  new  commotions  again  agitated  Greece.     Lampros,  a  Leba- 
deian,  who  liad  taken  part  in  the  former  insurrection,  supported  by  many 
wealthy  merchants  of  Smyrna  and  Constantinople,  led  a  naval  exi>edition 
against  the  Turks,  with  considerable  effect ;  and  about  the  same  time  the 
Souliotes  of  Ei)eirus,  who  for  a  century  liad  maintained  their  independence 
among  the  mountains,  commenced  their  heroic  struggle  with  tlie  cruel  and 
crafty  Ali   Pacha ;  they  were  joined  by  many  Thessahan  warriors,  of 
whom  the  most  distinguished  was  Androutsos,  who  since  the  insurrection 
of  1 76i)  had  led  a  wandering  life,  constantly  pursued  by  the  Turks,  and 
with  ditliculty  escaping  tlie  dangers  by  which  he  was  encompassed.     A 
treaty  of  peace  was  again  concluded  between  Russia  and  Turkey  in  1792. 
Andi-outsos  attempted  to  escape  into  Russia  through  Venice,  but  he  wai 
seized  and  surrendered  by  the  Venetians  to  the  Turks,  sent  to  Constanti- 
nople, and  there  put  to  death.     The  Souliotes  continued  the  war  until 
1803,  when  they  were  obliged  to  come  to  terms  witli  the  Pacha ;  but,  with 
the  cruelty  and  perfidy  natural  to  his  character,  he  violated  his  pUghted 


A  D  182L] 


THE   GREEK  REVOLUTION. 


609 


faith.  IVIany  of  these  brave  men  fell  a  sacrifice  to  his  falsehood,  others 
escaped  to  Parga  and  the  Ionian  Islands,  and,  as  a  Greek  historian  says, 
"afterwards  avenged  the  treachery  of  the  Turks  in  a  thousand  battles.'' 

§  2.  It  is  well  remarked  by  Mr.  Tricoupes,  in  his  excellent  History,  that 
"the  Greek  revolution  is  distinguished  from  other  revolutions  by  some 
peculiar  and  very  important  characteristics.  This  revolution  attempted 
neither  to  put  a  check  to  absolutism  nor  despotism  ;  neither  to  change  the 
local  government,  nor  to  break  the  bonds  of  union  with  the  mother  countiy. 
It  aimed  at  a  mightier  and  more  glorious  object  than  all  these :  to  expel 
from  Greece,  by  force  of  arms,  an  alien  race  of  another  faitl^  which  had 
made  her  captive  by  arms,  ages  before,  and  to  the  last  continued  to  regard 
her  as  their  captive,  and  subject  to  their  sword." 

"  This  war  broke  out  between  two  nations,  living  indeed  in  Europe, 
but  ignorant  of  the  military  art  and  the  political  science  by  which  all  the 
rest  of  Europe  was  and  is  distinguished ;  and  for  this  reason  it  may  be 
regarded  as  a  political  and  military  anomaly  in  the  midst  of  the  political 
and  military  sciences  of  the  present  day,  often  reminding  us,  by  many  of 
its  events  and  catastrophes,  of  the  heroic  times  of  ancient  Hellas." 

"Greece,"  continues  he,  "declared  and  proclaimed  before  God  and  all 
mankind,  at  the  beginning  of  her  contest,  that  she  aimed  to  break  the  for- 
eign yoke  and  to  recover  her  nationality  and  her  independence." 

The  disproportion  between  the  resources  of  the  contending  parties  is 
another  circumstance  worthy  of  consideration.  The  party  which  fought 
to  throw  off  the  yoke,  for  years  without  support  from  other  quarters,  he 
estimates  at  one  twentieth  of  the  enemy,  and  their  resources  were  triflmg 
in  comparison,  because  they  were,  as  the  resources  of  private  individuals, 
contrasted  with  those  of  an  ancient  and  powerful  despotism.  "  The  happy 
and  unlooked  for  result,"  adds  the  patriotic  and  eloquent  historian,  "  is  suf- 
ficient to  breathe  courage  into  suffering  and  outraged  nations,  when,  poor 
and  powerless,  they  engage,  with  firm  resolve,  in  the  saered  struggle  for 
faith  and  fatherland,  for  freedom  and  for  justice,  for  national  honor  and 
happiness,  against  spiritual  oppression  and  the  devastation  of  their  country, 
slavery  and  wrong,  national  annihilation  and  social  wretchedness." 

The  passions  out  of  which  the  struggle  grew  determined  its  character. 
On  the  one  side,  the  habit  of  tyranny,  rapine,  and  oppression,  and  the 
contempt  of  barbarian  masters  for  those  whom  they  had  so  long  op- 
pressed ;  on  the  other,  a  sleepless  sense  of  wrong  and  desire  of  revenge, 
mingling  with  and  inflaming  the  love  of  country,  inspired  by  consciousness 
of  superior  intellect,  and  the  illustrious  memories  of  the  past.     Religious 
hatred  —  the  fiercest  perhaps  of  all  human  passions  —  gave  intensify  tfl 
resolve,  and  steeled  the  hearts  of  the  contending  parties  to  sympathy  and 
pity.     Hatred  of  race  was  another  irritating  element  which  envenomed 
the  strife ;  but,  after  all,  it  was  a  desperate  struggle  of  barbarism,  mis- 
placed in  this  century,  against  revivmg  civilization  and  the  Christian 

77 


I 


i 


610 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  LIIL 


*! 


Mth.  And  it  was  this  circumstance  which  finally  gathered  around  the 
Grecian  cause  the  hearty  sympathies,  the  fervent  prayers,  the  effective 
co-operation,  of  Christian  nations  everywhere.  For  years  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  struggle,  the  cabinets  of  Europe  looked  coldly  on ; 
more  than  once  the  cry  for  help  was  answered  by  the  disheartening  re- 
sponse, "  Let  the  Greek  rebels  return  to  their  allegiance  to  their  lawful 
sovereign,"  —  as  if  at  any  moment  of  the  four  centuries  of  their  enslave- 
ment there  was  a  single  element  of  legal  sovereignty  in  the  oppressive 
rule  of  the  Turks,  —  a  single  moment  when  the  Christian  victims  had  not 
a  right  to  use  every  means  within  their  reach  to  reclaim  the  freedom 
theirs  by  inheritance,  and  ravished  from  them  by  overpowering  wrong. 
And  so  the  great  powers  of  Europe  were  forced,  by  the  irresistible  course 
of  events,  to  acknowledge,  when  the  contest  was  drawing  nigh  to  its  con- 
clusion, *'  for  the  first  time,"  as  the  Greek  historian  truly  remarks,  "  the 
discordant  politics  of  Europe  harmonized,  and  listened  to  the  salutary  pre- 
cepts of  moi-ality,  and  the  sacred  voice  of  suffering  humanity." 

§  3.  The  insun-ection  was  opened  by  Prince  Alexander  Ypselantes,  se- 
lected as  leader  by  the  Hetaeria,  at  the  head  of  the  Greeks  of  Moldavia, 
who  issued  a  proclamation  in  March,  1821,  that  all  the  Greeks  on  that  day 
had  thrown  off  the  Turkish  yoke ;  and  within  a  few  weeks  the  provinces 
of  the  Peloponnesus,  and  the  other  parts  of  Greece,  had  risen  in  arms. 
Among  the  most  gallant  leaders  of  the  opening  scenes  of  the  war  was  Ger- 
manos.  Archbishop  of  Patrae.  At  Constantinople  a  suspicion  had  already 
existed  that  a  conspiracy  was  forming  among  the  Greek  inhabitants  of  the 
city,  and  when  the  information  arrived  of  the  movements  in  Greece,  the 
most  rigorous  measures  were  taken  against  the  Greeks ;  their  schools  were 
suppressed,  their  arms  were  seized,  and  the  annihilation  of  the  Hellenic  race 
was  again  proposed  in  the  Divan ;  women  and  children  were  thrown  into 
the  sea,  and  Prince  Mourouzes,  chief  Dragoman,  was  beheaded  in  the  Se- 
raglio. A  proclamation  called  on  all  Moslems  to  arm  against  the  rebels,  and 
the  wildest  and  most  ferocious  fanaticism  prevailed  in  the  capital.  In  the 
streets  where  the  Greeks  resided,  bodies  of  the  dead  and  dying  were 
everywhere  to  be  seen.  Ten  thousand  persons  disappeared*  in  the  first 
few  days ;  and  before  three  months  had  passed,  it  is  supposed  that  more 
than  thirty  thousand  Greeks  were  butchered  in  different  cities  of  the  em- 
pire. The  Beys  of  Greece  struggled  in  vain  to  smother  the  insurrection. 
The  resolution  to  strike  for  liberty  was  universal  and  unchangeable,  and 
the  massacres  were  renewed  at  the  capital.  Gregorios,  the  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  then  eighty  years  of  age,  with  three  bishops  and  eight 
priests,  was  seized  by  the  order  of  the  Grand  Vizier,  as  they  were  leav- 
ing mass,  and  all  were  hung  in  their  robes  before  the  principal  gate  of  the 
church.  The  lifeless  body  of  the  patriarch,  two  days  after  the  murder, 
was  cut  down,  dragged  through  the  streets,  and  thrown  into  the  sea.  It 
was  taken  up  by  Greek  sailors,  carried  to  Odessa,  and  there  honored  with 


AD.  1821] 


CAPTURE   OF   TRIPOLIS. 


a  magnificent  funeral.  In  the  army  of  Prince  Ypselantes  were  many  of 
the  noblest  young  men,  —  the  very  flower  of  the  Grecian  youth.  Five 
hundred  students  rallied  at  the  call  of  their  country,  and  enrolling  them- 
selves as  the  Sacred  Band,  —  with  uniform  of  black,  and  the  Spartan  mot- 
to on  their  standard,  *n  rav  Ij  enl  rdv,  "Either  this  or  on  this,"  —  placed 
themselves  under  the  command  of  the  Prince.  Four  hundred  of  this  gal- 
lant troop  perished  in  the  battle  of  Dragaschan,  on  the  19tli  of  June,  and 
the  rest  dispersed.     Such  was  the  ill-omened  beginning  of  the  war. 

§  4.  Among  the  first  who  fell  in  Greece  in  the  struggle  for  independence 
was  a  Klephtic  leader  named  Diakos,  who  at  the  head  of  a  small  band 
met  the  army  of  Omer  Vriones,  near  the  pass  of  Thermopylaj.  The 
Turkish  force  was  so  overwhelming,  that  most  of  his  followers  fled  to 
the  mountains,  leaving  him  with  only  eighteen  Palicars,  as  the  ballad 
relates,  —  or  at  all  events  a  very  small  number,  as  we  know  from  histori- 
cal sources.  This  little  band,  as  devoted  and  as  worthy  of  inunortal  fame 
as  the  three  hundred  Spartans,  held  their  ground  for  three  hours,  and, 
after  killing  many  times  their  number  of  Turks,  were  themselves  either 
killed  or  taken.  Diakos  was  among  the  latter.  According  to  Tricou- 
pes,*  after  the  battle  they  carried  Diakos  and  his  companions  to  Zeitoun. 
In  the  course  of  the  night  he  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  Halil  Bey 
and  other  Turkish  officers,  and  questioned  with  regard  to  the  insurrection. 
Diakos  told  them  fearlessly  that  all  Greece  was  resolved  to  be  free  or 
perish  in  the  attempt.  Mehemet  Pacha,  admiring  the  boldness  of  the 
hero,  promised  him  his  life  if  he  would  enter  his  service.  "  I  will  not 
serve  you,"  answered  Diakos,  "  and  if  I  did,  it  would  not  help  you."  "  I 
will  kill  you,"  answered  the  Pacha,  "  unless  you  join  me."  "  Greece,"  he 
replied,  "  has  many  a  Diakos  beside  me."  On  the  following  day,  it  was  de- 
termined to  impale  him.  As  he  was  proceeding  to  the  place  of  execution, 
casting  a  look  around  him  upon  the  face  of  nature,  all  smiling  with  the 
beauties  of  Spring,  he  repeated  the  following  distich  from  an  old  bal- 
lad:— 

"  Behold  the  time  that  Charon  chose  to  take  me  from  the  living; 
The  boughs  are  blooming  now  with  flowers,  the  earth  puts  forth  its  herbage." 

Then  continuing  his  way,  he  bore  with  unshaken  soul  for  three  hours  the 
tortures  of  the  agonizing  death  they  inflicted  on  him. 

§  5.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  year,  several  marked  successes  attended 
the  arms  of  the  insurgents  in  Peloponnesus  who  rallied  '•ound  the  popu- 
lar chiefs  Petros  Mavromichales  and  Theodore  Colocotrones.  Monemba- 
sia  surrendered  in  July  to  Alexander  Cantacuzenos ;  Pylos  (Navarino) 
was  taken  by  a  land  force  conunanded  by  Gregorios,  Bishop  of  Mcthone 
(Modon),  with  the  co-operation  of  the  Spezziotes  by  sea.  But  the  most 
remarkable  event  was  the  siege  and  capture  of  Tripolis  (Tripolitza),  the 

*  'loTopia  T^s  ^EWijviKrjs  ^ETravaa-rda-eooSi  Ke^.  td. 


612 


mSTORT  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  LIU 


Turkish  capital  of  tlie  province,  and  the  ordinary  residence  of  the  Pachas 
of  the  Morea.  This  city  lies  on  the  central  tahle-land  of  Arcadia,  sur- 
rounded by  the  summits  of  Mfcnahon,  Parthenion,  and  Artemision.  It 
was  surrounded  by  a  wall,  and  strongly  fortified,  and  at  the  time  of  the 
siege  contained  about  twenty-five  thousand  inhabitants.  The  besiegers 
were  commanded  by  Colocotrones,  Anagnostaras,  Ypselantes,  Yatrakos, 
and  Petros  Mavromichales.  The  siege  was  continued  until  the  5th  of 
October,  when  the  city  was  taken  by  assault,  and  the  captors,  inflamed  by 
the  memory  of  long-continued  wrongs,  and  eager  for  plunder,  enacted  a 
scene  of  horror  only  surpassed  by  the  cruelties  of  the  Turks  at  Scio. 
"Their  insatiable  cruelty,"  says  Gordon,  "knew  no  bounds,  and  seemed 
to  inspire  them  with  a  superhuman  energy  for  evil,  which  set  lassitude  at 

defiance During  the  sack  of  the  city,  the  air  was  close,  dull,  and 

oppressively  hot,  and  the  whole  terrible  picture  afforded  a  lively  image  of 
Tartarus." 

With  all  the  difficulties  of  their  position,  it  is  surprising  how  readily 
'Hie  old  instinct  of  legality  and  political  order  revived  among  the  Greeks, 
when  the  responsibility  of  conducting  a  national  conflict  fairly  began  to  be 
felt.  Mavrocordatos  formed  a  local  government  in  the  western  part  of 
Greece ;  in  the  eastern  part,  a  local  council,  called  the  Areopagus,  as- 
sumed the  control,  under  the  presidency  of  Theodore  Negres ;  a  Pelopon- 
nesian  Gerousia,  or  senate  of  twenty  members,  assembled  at  Argos,  under 
the  presidency  of  Prince  Demetrius  Ypselantes,  and  these  three  govern- 
ments, under  the  influence  of  Mavrocordatos,  undertook  to  form  a  consti- 
tution and  a  central  government  for  confederated  Greece.  The  first  na- 
tional assembly  of  Hellas,  consisting  of  sixty-seven  deputies,  met  in  Jan- 
uary, 1822,  at  Epidaurus,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  frame  a  provisional 
constitution.  They  proclaimed  the  national  independence  in  the  following 
terms :  — 

"  In  the  name  of  the  Holy  and  Indivisible  Trinity.  The  Greek  nation, 
under  the  frightful  tyranny  of  the  Ottomans,  unable  to  bear  the  unexam- 
pled weight  of  the  yoke  of  tyranny,  and  having  shaken  it  off"  with  great 
sacrifices,  proclaims  this  day,  through  its  lawful  representatives,  in  a 
national  congress  assembled,  before  God  and  men,  its  political  existence 
and  independence.'' 

The  vigor  and  eloquence  of  the  proclamation  are  worthy  of  the  cause. 
Its  authors  state  clearly  and  briefly  the  causes  of  the  war,  declaring  that, 
*  far  from  being  the  effect  of  a  seditious  and  Jacobinical  movement,  or 
the  pretext  of  an  ambitious  faction,  it  is  a  national  war,  undertaken  for 
tiie  sole  purpose  of  reconquering  our  rights,  and  securing  our  exist- 
ence and  honor. A  thousand  ages  of  prescription  would  not  bar 

tiie  sacred  rights,  whose  creation  was  the  work  of  Nature  herself.  They 
were  torn  from  us  by  violence ;  and  violence  more  righteously  diivicted 
may  one  day  win  them  back Grecians,  but  a  little  while  since  ye 


A.  D.  1822.] 


MASSACRE   OF  SCIO. 


613 


said,  *  No  more  slavery ! '  and  the  power  of  the  tyrant  has  vanished.  But 
it  is  concord  alone  which  can  consolidate  your  liberty  and  independence. 
The  assembly  offers  up  its  prayers,  that  the  mighty  arm  of  the  Most  High 
may  raise  the  nation  towards  the  sanctuary  of  His  Eternal  Wisdom." 

The  constitution,  while  making  the  Orthodox  Eastern  Church  the  ec- 
clesiastical establishment  of  the  nation,  enacted  the  toleration  of  all  other 
forms  of  worship.  It  lodged  the  government  in  a  Senate  and  Executive 
body,  —  the  Senate  to  consist  of  thirty-three  members,  and  the  Executive 
Council  of  five ;  it  provided  annual  elections ;  eight  secretaries  were  ap- 
pointed, namely,  of  State,  Interior,  Public  Economy,  Justice,  War,  Navy, 
Religion,  and  Police.  The  judicial  branch  consisted  of  eleven  members, 
chosen  by  the  government,  but  holding  office  by  an  independent  tenure ; 
civil  and  criminal  justice  to  be  administered  according  to  the  legislation  of 
the  Greek  Emperors ;  and  the  French  Commercial  Code  was  adopted  for 
the  regulation  of  mercantile  affiiirs.  Torture  and  confiscation  were  abol- 
ished, and  freedom  of  the  press  established.  The  great  defect  of  the  con- 
stitution was  the  limited  power  of  the  Executive,  especially  in  the  critical 
circumstances  of  the  country  ;  a  defect  severely  felt  in  the  conduct  of  the 
war.  Alexander  Mavrocordatos  was  chosen  President  of  the  Executive 
body ;  Athanasius  Kanakares,  Vice-President ;  and  Ypselantes  was  offered 
the  presidency  of  the  Senate,  but  he  declined,  and  Petros  Mavromichales 
was  put  in  his  place.  The  departments  were  organized  by  the  appointment 
of  secretaries  or  commissions ;  the  first  Secretary  of  State  was  Theodore 
Negres.  Mavrocordatos  and  his  colleagues  proceeded  with  great  energy 
and  ability  to  organize  and  arrange  the  operations  of  the  government,  and 
to  introduce  some  degree  of  order  into  the  military  affairs. 

§  6.  The  most  striking  and  terrible  event  of  the  year  1822  was  the 
massacre  of  Scio.  The  inhabitants  of  this  island  had  risen  to  a  high  de- 
gree of  wealth  and  refinement.  The  population,  before  the  Revolution, 
was  estimated  at  more  than  one  hundred  thousand.  They  took  Uttle  or 
no  part  in  the  war  until  March,  1822,  when  an  insurrection  broke  out,  and 
the  Turkish  garrison  was  shut  up  in  the  citadel.  The  Capitan  Pacha, 
or  Turkish  admiral,  who  was  on  his  way  to  the  Peloponnesus  with  a  large 
fleet,  changed  his  plan,  and  suddenly  landed  fifteen  thousand  men  upon 
the  island,  resolved  to  strike  terror  into  the  people  by  an  example  of 
frightful  severity.  A  massacre  of  the  defenceless  inhabitants  at  once 
commenced,  such  as  the  annals  of  warfare  seldom  record.  Men,  women, 
and  children  were  tortured,  and  then  put  to  death.  Some  fled  to  the 
mountains,  and  hid  themselves  in  caverns  ;  others  succeeded  in  getting  on 
board  the  foreign  ships  lying  in  the  harbor ;  others  made  their  escape  to 
the  neighboring  islands ;  more  than  forty  thousand  were  slain  in  the 
com'se  of  a  month ;  thousands  of  the  most  refined  and  cultivated  were  car- 
ried off,  and  sold  into  slavery  in  the  bazaars  of  Smyrna  and  Constantuio- 
ple.    Many  were  bought  by  Turks  for  the  pleasure  of  torturing  and  put- 


•iA 


I 


I 


mSTORT   OF  GEEECE. 


[Chap.  LIII. 


ting  them  to  death ;  and  many  —  as  eyewitnesses  to  these  scenes  have  re- 
lated—  were  redeemed  by  Europeans  residing  in  Smyrna,  who  sacrificed 
their  wealth  in  this  work  of  Christian  charity.     From  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  the  population  was  reduced  to  sixteen  thousand  souls,  in 
one  year ;  a  terrible  catastrophe,  an  unheai-d  of  series  of  atrocities,  for 
which  our  own  age  is  res|X)nsible.     The  news  of  these  events  filled  all 
Greece  with  sorrow  and  indignation.    The  Hydriotes,  Spezziotes,  and  Ipsa- 
riotes  sailed  with  a  large  fleet  under  the  command  of  the  illustrious  naval 
hero,  Andreas  Miaoules,  and  on  the  19th  of  May  encountered  the  Turk- 
ish armament  between  Seio  and  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  and  a  battle  en- 
sued.    But  it  was  not  until  June  that  deserved  vengeance  overtook  the 
bloody  Kara  Ali,  —  the  Capitan  Pacha,  —  at  the  hands  of  another  Greek 
hero,  Canares,  who  with  his  countrymen  had  been  watching  at  Ipsara  an 
opportunity  of  striking  a  fatal  blow  at  the  hostile  fleet.     By  a  bold  move- 
ment, he  conducted  some  fire-ships  within  the  Turkish  lines,  and,  attaching 
one  of  them  to  the  prow  of  the  flag-ship,  which  was  lying  at  anchor  hi  the 
centre  of  the  fleet,  instantly  set  it  on  fire.     Canares  and  his  gallant  crew 
escaped  m  a  boat ;  the  ship  wms  burned ;  two  thousand  men  perished. 
The  Capitan  Pacha,  severely  injured  by  the  flames,  leaped  into  a  boat, 
but  had  scarcely  seated  himself  when  one  of  the  masts  fell,  crushing  him 
and  capsizing  the  boat ;  and  he  was  borne  ashore  by  swimmers,  bruised 
and  burnt,  and  in  a  dying  condition,  and  expired  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
terrible  suflTerings,  on  the  veiy  scene  of  his  unparalleled  cruelties. 

§  7.  The  disheartening  answer  received  from  the  Congress  at  Verona, 
in  December,  1822,  pronouncing  the  enterprise  inconsiderate  and  cul- 
pable, and  requiring  the  Greeks  to  submit  to  their  lawful  sovereign,  the 
Sultan,  —  the  civil  dissensions  between  Colocotrones  and  the  centml  gov- 
ernment,—  led  to  the  calling  of  a  second  national  convention  at  Astros, 
in  March,  1823,  which  introduced  some  amendments  into  the  constitution, 
and  elected  Petros  Mavromichides,  President.    They  made  various  changes 
in  the  ministry,  and  resolved  to  organize  a  land  force  of  fifty  thousand 
troops,  and  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  men-of-war.     The  events  of  the  year 
were  confused  and  bloody  j   but  one  act  of  heroism  shines  conspicuous 
above  all  others, —  the  midnight  attack  of  Marcos  Botzares  and  his  gallant 
band  of  Souliotes  upon  the  Turkish  camp  at  Carpenesion.    The  immediate 
object  —  the  capture  of  the  Bey  in  his  tent — was  not  accomplished,  and 
Botzares  fell  m  the  battle.     Eight  hundred  Turks  were  slain,  with  a  loss  of 
only  my  of  the  Greeks.    «  The  commander,"  it  is  well  said  by  one  of  his 
countrymen,  "  did  not  cease,  after  his  death,  to  serve  his  country  ;  for,  if 
we  except  the  achievement  of  our  naval  heroes,  and  the  last  siege  of 
Mesolongi,  no  other  event  excited  such  admiration  for  Grecian  valor  as 
the  death  of  Marcos  Botzares."    This  heroic  acliievement  has  been  im- 
mortalized in  American  literature  by  the  splendid  lyrical  poem  of  HaU 
leek, — 


A.  D.  1824.]  EFFORTS   IN   FAVOR   OF   THE   GREEKS. 


615 


"  One  of  the  few,  the  immortal  names 
That  were  not  born  to  die." 

These  transactions  certainly  show  that  the  Greeks  had  fallen  in  no  respect 
below  the  martial  spirit  of  their  ancestors. 

§  8.  The  sympathy  growing  up  among  the  people  everywhere  was 
some  compensation  to  the  Greeks  for  the  coldness  and  indifference  of  the 
Holy  Alliance.  In  1823,  Louriottes,  a  confidential  friend  of  Mavrocordatos, 
proceeded  to  London  to  negotiate  a  loan,  which  the  executive  was  author- 
ized to  contract,  on  the  security  of  the  national  lands.  His  arrival  in  the 
British  capital,  and  the  details  he  communicated  on  the  state  of  Greece, 
excited  the  greatest  interest.  Under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Baring,  and  with 
the  approbation  of  liberal  politicians,  like  Lord  John  Russell,  Lord  Mil- 
ton, and  others,  public  meetings  w^ere  called,  and  circulars  addressed  to 
the  principal  cities  in  the  kingdom,  soliciting  subscriptions ;  and  donations 
poured  in  from  every  quarter.  Committees  were  appointed  for  the  man- 
agement of  the  funds,  and  to  correspond  with  Philhellenic  committees  in 
other  countries.  An  agent,  Mr.  Blaquiere,  was  sent  to  Greece  to  con- 
fer with  the  government.  In  Germany  and  Switzerland  similar  move- 
ments took  place,  and  large  supplies  of  money,  arms,  and  soldiers  were 
furnished  by  their  activity.  To  add  to  the  sympathy  now  growing 
stronger  and  stronger  daily,  the  unhappy  refugees  w^ere  expelled  from 
the  countries  embraced  in  the  Holy  Alliance.  A  large  number  were 
driven  from  Russia ;  many  of  them  died  of  cold  and  hunger  on  the  journey; 
the  wretched  survivors  Avere  refused  admission  to  Austria,  France,  and 
the  Sardinian  States.  At  length,  with  great  difficulty,  the  committees  ol 
Geneva  and  Zurich  obtained  permission  for  them  to  traverse  France  by 
small  detachments,  and  sent  them  from  Marseilles  to  Greece  at  their  own 
expense.  From  the  United  States  contributions  were  not  wanting  In 
1824,  about  $  80,000  were  sent,  which  had  been  collected  by  the  local 
committees.  Some  attempts  w^ere  made  by  the  English  and  Russians  to 
bring  about  the  pacification  of  Greece.  The  plan  proposed  by  the  Rus- 
sian agent,  craftily  arranged  to  bring  the  revolted  provinces  under  the 
control  of  the  Czar,  while  nominally  replacing  them  as  tributaries  to  the 
Porte,  was  rejected  by  the  Sultan ;  and  as  he  had  been  assured  by  the 
British  minister  that  the  great  powers  were  determined  to  leave  the 
Greeks  to  their  fate,  the  rejection  of  any  interference  could  not  well  be 
made  the  ground  of  complaint. 

§  9.  The  ill  success  that  had,  however,  attended  three  campaigns,  con- 
vinced the  Turks  that  they  would  be  unable  to  reduce  the  Greeks  without 
assistance;  and  Mehemet  Ali,  the  Viceroy  of  Egypt,  who  had  made 
himself  almost  an  independent  sovereign,  received  flattering  proposals 
from  the  Sultan,  with  the  offer  of  the  Morea  as  a  Pachalic  to  his  step-son 
Ibrahim,  on  condition  of  suppressing  the  revolt.  But,  notwithstanding 
the  formidable  arrangements  made  for  the  invasion  of  the  Morea  by  the 


M 


U€ 


HISTORY  OF  6BEECE. 


(Cbap.  Lm. 


Egyptian  fleets  and  armies,  the  Greek  government  was  greatly  encour- 
aged by  the  success  of  their  agents  in  contracting  a  loan  of  a  large 
amount,  on  the  security  of  the  national  property ;  and,  ahhough  procured 
on  very  disadvantageous  terms,  — a  debt  of  £800,000  being  incurred  for 
an  available  sum  of  only  £280,000,  a  Httle  more  than  one  fourth  of  the 
amount,  — the  money  was  a  very  important  reUef  in  the  pressure  of  their 
affairs.  The  Egyptian  armament  did  not  reach  the  Peloponnesus  until 
1825.  Tills  invasion,  and  the  ravages  carried  over  the  Peloponnesus  by 
the  Egyptian  armies,  disciplined  and  led  by  European  officers,  and  ap- 
parently  the  instruments  by  which  the  subjugation  of  Greece  must  be 
accomplished,  were,  under  the  guiding  hand  of  Providence,  the  means  of 
bringing  this  people  out  of  their  great  perils,  in  the  darkest  hour  of  dis- 
tress and  danger. 

§  10.  The  accession  of  numerous  Philhellenes  to  the  cause  was  not,  in 
«n  respects,  beneficial.    They  came  with  different  views,  objects,  and  ex- 
pectations.     Some  of  them  were  ardent,  enthusiastic  men,  whose  sympa- 
thy  for  the  country  rested  more  on  her  ancient  greatness  than  her  present 
■ufferings.     But  there  were  many  honorable  and  distinguished  men,  who, 
well  understanding  the  nature  of  the  stniggle,  and  not  led  away  by  liter- 
ary enthusiasm,  or  by  the  memories  of  the  past,  consecrated  their  best 
efforts,  their  lives  and  their  fortunes,  to  the  restoration  of  Greece.    There 
was  Colonel  Gordon,  a  man  of  calm  intrepidity  and  the  coolest  head  • 
there  was  Fabvier,  the  gallant  Frenchman,  who  refused  all  pecuniarj^ 
compensation,  and  spent  his  property  in  the  service ;  there  was  Meyer 
tihie  German,  who  stood  to  his  post  bravely,  and  perished  beneath  the  ruins 
of  Mesolongi ;  Htistings,  whose  modest  worth  and  gallant  spirit  have  left 
•  name  never  to  be  forgotten  in  the  annals  of  those  times;   General 
Oiurch,  who,  though  he  arrived  in  Greece  only  to  share  in  the  last  year 
^the  struggle,  showed  the  virtues  of  chivalry  and  the  humanity  of  a 
Oiristian  gentleman,  and  who  still  lives,  an  object  of  universal  respect  for 
his  probity,  his  defence  of  liberal  principles,  his  unbending  virtue  in  pub- 
be  and  private  life.    He  is  a  member  of  the  Senate,  and  though  not  an  ora- 
tor, is  a  man  of  sagacity  and  of  widely  extended  influence.     There  were 
our  countrymen,  Miller  and  Howe,  both  brave  men,  and  the  latter  known 
throughout  the  world  for  his  genius  and  philanthropy,  having  by  his  later 
achievements  in  peace  eclipsed  the  fame  he  won  on  the  theatre  of  his 
early  adventures.    There  was  Finlay,  an  accomplished  Scotch  gentleman 
who,  having  lent  his  aid  to  the  achievement  of  independence,  is  now  ^vms 
studious  years  to  the  history  of  the  country  of  his  adoption,  and  whose 
works  rank  with  the  best  productions  of  historical  research  in  this  age  so 
flniitfiil  of  distinguished  authorship  in  that  department  of  letters. 

But  the  greatest  sensation  was  created  by  the  advent  of  Lord  Byron, 
and  his  early  death  at  Mesolongi  gives  a  profound  interest  to  this  chap- 
ter of  Hellenic  history,  which  a  much  longer  period  of  active  service 


A.  D.  1823.] 


LORD   BYRON. 


61? 


might  have  failed  to  inspire.     The  most  indulgent  judge  must  pass  severe 
censure  on  many  parts  of  Lord  Byron's  life.     But  his  better  nature  began 
to  waken  from  the  delusions  of  the  passions ;  and  his  good  angel  gave  him 
an  opportunity  of  crowning  his  life  — all  too  short  for  himself  and  for  the 
world  —  with  a  radiant  and  glorious  close.     He  had  formerly  ti*avelled 
through  Greece,  and  celebrated  its  past  achievements,  as  well  as  painted 
its  present  degradation,  in  the  most  transcendent  poetry  of  modern  times. 
He  was  misled  by  no  enthusiasm  of  lettered  and  romantic  youth ;  he  knew 
thoroughly  the  condition  of  the  Greeks,  and  no  man  had  judged  their 
faults  of  character  with  more  severity.     Blended  with  his  poetical  genius, 
there  was  in  Lord  Byron  a  quality  of  practical  good  sense,  which,  in  other 
circumstances,  would  have  made  him  eminent  in  the  busmess  of  public  or 
private  life.    With  this  good  sense  he  scrutinized  the  condition  of  Greece, 
and  reasoned  out  the  probability  of  his  power  of  rendering  her  a  worthy 
service  in  that  hour  of  her  peril.     He  came  to  the  conclusion  cahnly, 
without  passion,  without  enthusiasm,  without  delusion,  that  here  was  a 
field  in  which  he  could  achieve  a  good  beyond  the  value  of  any  poetical 
success ;  and  having  come  to  this  conclusion,  he  forthwith  consecrated  his 
thoughts,  his  time,  his  fortune,  his  personal  exertions,  to  the  cause  of 
Greece.     He  set  sail  from  Leghorn  on  the  24th  of  July,  1823,  and  ten 
days  after  arrived  in  Cephalonia,  and  thence  despatched  messengers  to 
make  particular  inquiries  into  the  state  of  affairs  in  Greece.    In  the  mean 
time  he  made  an  excursion  to  Ithaca,  and  examined  with  interest  the  an- 
tiquities of  that  rocky  capital  of  Ulysses'  kingdom.     Finding  here  a  num- 
ber of  families  who  had  escaped  from  the  massacre  of  Scio,  from  Pat- 
mos,  and  other  places,  he  furnished  generously  the  money  for  their  relief. 
One  of  his  messengers  brought  him  a  letter  from  Marco  Botzares,  writ- 
ten only  a  few  hours  before  his  heroic  death.     In  this  letter  he  says, 
«I  shall  have  something  to  do  to-night  against  a  corps  of  six  or  seven 
thousand  Albanians,  encamped  close  to  this  place.     The  day  after  to- 
morrow I  will  set  out,  with  a  few  chosen  companions,  to  meet  your  ex- 
cellency.    Do  not  delay.     I  thank  you  for  the  good  opinion  you  have 
of  my  fellow-citizens,  which  God  grant  you  will  not  find  ill-founded; 
and  I  thank  you  still  more  for  the  care  you  have  so  kindly  taken  of 
them."  ♦      He  did  not  embark  for  Mesolongi  until  the  end  of  Decem- 
ber, having  employed  the  intervening  tune  in  corresponding  with  the 
friends  of  Greece,  the  Greek  government,  and  the  heads  of  the  different 
parties,  by  whose  dissensions  the  condition  of  the  country  was  much  en- 
dangered.    It  is  impossible  not  to  admire  the  just  and  comprehensive 
views  developed  by  Lord  Byron  during  these  months  of  preliminary 
arrangements  for  his  great  enterprise.     The  wisdom  of  his  conduct  in  re- 


*  This  refers  to  his  having  taken  into  his  pay  a  body  of  the  Souliotes,  who  had  been 
homeless  since  their  defeat  by  Ali  Pacha. 

78 


618 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LIII. 


t^'- 


ft 


fusing  to  be  drawn  into  the  schemes  of  any  of  the  factions,  and  the  sagacity 
with  which  he  penetrated  and  baffled  their  intrigues  to  secure  his  adhe- 
sion, the  earnestness  of  his  exhortations  to  concord  and  union,  can  never 
be  sufficiently  praised.  To  the  general  government  of  Greece  he  writes : 
"  We  have  heard  some  rumors  of  new  dissensions,  nay,  of  the  existence 
of  civil  war.  With  all  my  heart  I  pray  that  these  reports  may  be  false 
or  exaggerated,  for  I  can  imagine  no  calamity  more  serious  than  this." 
**  You  have  fought  gloriously ;  act  honorably  towards  your  fellow-citizens 
and  the  world,  and  it  will  then  no  more  be  said,  as  has  been  repeated  for 
two  thousand  years,  that  Philopoemen  was  the  last  of  the  Grecians.  Let 
not  calumny  itself  compare  the  patriot  Greek,  when  resting  from  his  la- 
bors, to  the  Turkish  Pacha,  whom  his  victories  have  exterminated."  And 
to  Mavrocordatos  he  says :  "  I  am  very  uneasy  at  hearing  that  the  dis- 
sensions of  Greece  still  continue,  and  at  a  moment  when  she  might  tri- 
imiph  over  everything.  Greece  is  at  present  placed  between  three  meas- 
ures: either  to  reconquer  her  liberty,  to  become  a  dependence  of  the 
sovereigns  of  Europe,  or  to  return  to  a  Turkish  province.  Civil  war  is 
but  a  road  which  leads  to  the  two  latter."  He  arrived  at  Mesolongi  on 
the  5th  of  January,  1824,  having  narrowly  escaped  being  captured  by  the 
Turkish  fleet.  The  whole  population  welcomed  him  on  the  shore ;  the 
ships  fired  salutes  as  he  passed ;  and  Mavrocordatos,  at  the  head  of  the 
troops,  and  the  civil  autliorities  of  the  place,  gave  him  a  reception  as  hearty 
as  it  was  full  of  joy,  and  escorted  him  in  a  body  to  the  house  which  had 
been  prepared  for  him.  His  conduct,  in  the  midst  of  the  difficulties  by 
which  he  was  at  once  surrounded,  showed  the  same  coolness,  good  sense, 
and  generosity,  where  generosity  could  be  serviceable,  that  had  marked 
Ms  course  ever  since  he  engaged  in  the  enterprise.  The  suppression  of 
discord,  and  the  diminution  of  the  inevitable  horrors  of  war,  by  tempering 
it  with  sentiments  of  humanity,  too  often  forgotten  by  the  Greeks  as 
well  as  by  the  Turks  in  the  moment  of  victory,  were  the  first  objects  he 
Lad  at  heart  He  let  no  opportunity  escape  of  inculcating  and  illustrating 
this  spirit ;  he  employed  his  influence  successfully,  in  inducing  the  gov- 
ernment to  set  some  Turkish  prisoners,  who  had  been  long  languishing  in 
dungeons,  at  liberty,  and  restoring  them  to  their  friends.  Others  he  re- 
lieved by  pecuniary  aid,  and  others  still  he  provided  the  means  of  sending 
to  their  homes.  His  ample  income  was  employed  without  stint,  and  at 
the  same  time  with  excellent  judgment,  in  the  public  service.  It  is 
an  interesting  incident  in  his  literary  life,  that  the  last  lines  he  wrote 
are  these  memorable  ones,  on  the  22d  of  January,  1824,  on  completing 
his  thirty-sixth  year.  The  last  stanza  was  ominous  of  his  approaching 
late: — 

"  Seek  out  —  less  often  sought  than  found  — 
A  soldier's  grave,  for  thee  the  best; 
Then  look  around  and  choose  thy  ground, 
And  take  thy  rest." 


A.  D.  1824.] 


DEATH   OF   LORD   BYRON. 


619 


He  had  been  haunted  from  the  beginning  by  a  presentiment  that  he  was 
destined  to  close  his  hfe  in  Greece.  In  taking  leave  of  his  friends  in 
Italy,  he  more  than  once  expressed  this  apprehension.  The  first  indica- 
tion of  his  fiiiling  health  was  given  by  a  violent  convulsion,  on  the  loth  of 
February,  while  he  was  conversing  with  a  few  friends.  This  alarming 
incident  created  the  most  serious  anticipations,  and  Lord  Byron  was 
urged  to  retire  to  some  more  healthy  place,  until  his  health  should  be  re- 
stored. In  reply  to  one  of  these  friendly  invitations  he  says :  "  I  cannot 
quit  Greece  while  there  is  a  chance  of  my  being  of  any  (even  supposed) 
utility ;  there  is  a  stake  worth  millions  such  as  I  am,  and,  while  I  can 
stand  at  all,  I  must  stand  by  the  cause."  In  the  following  month  he  took 
the  fever,  from  an  exposure  to  a  violent  rain,  which  in  a  few  days  ended 
his  life.  The  details  of  that  last  illness  and  death  fill  one  of  the  saddest 
chapters  in  the  history  of  Greece ;  and  the  aflliction  which  fell  on  the 
country,  as  the  news  rapidly  spread  from  province  to  province,  testified 
how  deeply  his  generous  devotion  to  their  cause  had  sunk  into  the  hearts 
of  the  Greeks.  In  his  last  thoughts,  indistinctly  uttered  in  the  broken 
words  which  were  all  the  dissolving  organs  could  convey,  the  names  of  his 

friends,  his  wife,  his  daughter,  and  of  Greece,  were  confusedly  mingled, 

daughter  and  Greece  were  the  very  last  words  he  spoke,  — ■  and  then  the 
silence  and  sleep  of  death  settled  on  him  who  had  electrified  the  world, 
and  on  whom,  but  now,  the  hopes  of  a  nation  centred.  A  storm  of  thun- 
der broke  over  the  town  at  the  moment  of  his  departure,  and  the  Greeks 
who  thronged  the  street  to  learn  his  condition  cried  out,  as  the  awful 
crash  fell  from  the  sky,  "  The  great  man  is  gone." 

It  was  the  festival  of  Easter,  —  usually  celebrated  with  great  joy  by  the 
Greeks.  But  the  day  of  festivity  and  rejoicing  was  turned  into  sorrow 
and  mourning.  All  amusements  ceased ;  the  shops  were  shut ;  prayers 
were  offered  in  the  churches.  The  funeral  ceremony  took  place  on  the 
22d  of  April,  in  the  church  where  lie  the  bodies  of  Marcos  Botziu-es  and 
the  brave  General  Norman.  Mr.  Tricoupes,  the  friend  of  Mavi-ocordatos 
and  of  Byron,  the  able  secretary,  the  vigorous  historian,  and  now  the 
worthy  representative  of  his  country  in  England,  delivered  a  funeral  ora- 
tion in  the  church  on  Easter  Sunday.  "  What  an  unlocked  for  event ! " 
exclaimed  the  orator,  "  what  a  deplorable  misfortune !  It  is  but  a  short 
time  since  the  people  of  much-suffering  Greece,  all  joy  and  exultation, 
welcomed  to  their  bosoms  this  distinguished  man ;  and  to-day,  all  woe  and 
despair,  they  bedew  his  funeral  couch  with  bitterest  tears,  and  mourn 
without  consolation.  The  sweetest  salutation,  Christ  is  arisen,  became 
joyless  on  Easter  day,  upon  the  lips  of  the  Christians  of  Greece ;  who, 
when  they  met  one  another  in  the  morning  of  that  day,  before  they  had 
yet  spoken  the  congratulations  of  the  festival,  anxiously  inquired,  How  is 
my  lord  ?  Thousands  of  men,  assembled  to  interchange  the  sacred  salu- 
tation of  love,  in  the  broad  plain  outside  the  walls  of  our  city,  appeared 


628 


HISTORY   OF  6B£ECE. 


[Chap.  LIIL 


iil 


:  f 


h 


to  have  assembled  only  to  beseech  the  Saviour  of  all  for  the  health  of  the 
champion  in  behalf  of  the  freedom  of  our  nation." 

The  orator  goes  on  to  speak,  in  the  most  feeling  manner,  of  the  services 
Lord  Byron  had  rendered ;  of  the  liberal  employment  of  his  wealth ;  of  his 
excellent  judgment;  of  his  splendid  genius.  ''All  lettered  Europe,"  says 
he,  ^  has  eulogized,  and  will  eulogize,  the  poet  of  our  age ;  and  all  ages 
will  celebrate  him,  because  he  was  bom  for  all  Europe  and  for  all  ages." 

"In  the  agony  of  death, — yes,  at  the  moment  when  the  veil  of  eternity 
is  rent  to  him  who  stands  on  the  borders  of  mortal  and  immortal  life,  — 
in  that  awful  hour,  the  illustrious  departed,  when  leaving  all  the  world, 
bore  only  two  names  upon  his  lips,  that  of  his  much  beloved  daughter,  and 
that  of  his  much  beloved  Hellas.  These  names,  deeply  rooted  in  his  heart, 
the  moment  of  death  itself  could  not  obliterate.  '  My  daughter !  *  he  said ; 
*  Greece ! '  he  said ;  and  his  voice  expired.  What  Grecian  heart  is  not 
broken,  when  it  recalls  this  scene  ? 

**  Thine  arm,  O  dearly  cherished  daughter !  will  receive  him ;  thy  tears 
wiU  console  the  tomb  which  holds  his  body,  and  the  tears  of  the  orphans 
of  Greece  shall  be  shed  over  the  urn  that  holds  his  most  precious  heart, 
and  upon  the  whole  land  of  Hellas,  because  the  whole  land  of  Hellas 
shall  be  his  sepulchre.  As  in  the  last  moments  of  his  life  he  had  thee 
and  Hellas  in  his  heart  and  on  his  lips,  it  was  just  that  after  his  death 
Hellas  also  should  receive  a  part  of  liis  precious  remains.  Mesolongi 
presses  in  her  arms  the  urn  that  holds  his  heart  as  a  symbol  of  his  love ; 
but  all  Greece,  in  mourning  and  inconsolable,  renders  his  body  back  to 
thee  with  ecclesiastical,  civil,  and  military  honors,  crowned  with  her  grat- 
itude and  bedewed  with  her  tears.  Learn,  most  noble  maiden,  that  cliief- 
tains  bore  it  on  their  shoulders  to  the  church ;  that  thousands  of  Grecian 
warriors  lined  the  way  through  which  the  procession  moved,  with  arms 
reversed,  as  if  they  would  war  against  the  very  earth  which  snatched 
away  their  faithful  friend ;  they  surround  his  bier,  and  swear  never  to 
forget  the  sacrifices  your  father  made,  and  never  to  allow  a  barbaious  and 
tyrannic  foot  to  trample  the  spot  where  his  heart  remains.  A  thousand 
Christian  voices  are  this  moment  raised,  and  the  temple  of  the  Most 
High  resounds  with  funeral  chants ;  all  is  filled  with  prayers  that  his  re- 
vered remains  may  be  safely  restored  to  his  native  land,  and  that  his  soul 
maj  rest  where  rest  the  righteous  for  ever." 

Mr.  Tricoupes  spoke  the  feelings  of  the  whole  country.  A  deeper  sense 
of  loneliness  and  woe  never  fell  upon  that  afilicted  land  than  when  her 
greatest  benefactor  died. 

"  Such  honors  Dbn  to  her  hero  paid, 
And  peaceful  slept  the  mighty  Hector  s  shade." 

§  11.  The  successes  of  Ibrahim  Pacha  were  checkered  with  reverses 
and  defeats;  but  wherever  he  went,  he  laid  the  country  waste,  and, 
ilHightering  the  men,  sent  the  women  and  children  to  be  sold  as  slaves  ia 


A.  D.  1826.1 


CAPTURE   OF   MESOLONGI. 


621 


Egypt.  On  the  18th  of  November,  1825,  the  fleet  of  Ibrahun  arrived 
from  the  Peloponnesus  at  Mesolongi,  and  a  few  days  after  another  division 
of  his  army  joined  the  forces  by  way  of  Lepanto,  and  the  city  was  imme- 
diately invested  by  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men.  The  most  active 
measures  for  its  reduction  by  a  vigorous  assault  were  taken.  The  be- 
siegers were  often  repulsed  with  heavy  losses,  and  in  February  it  was  re- 
solved to  reduce  the  place  by  a  rigorous  blockade.  The  gallant  attempts 
of  Miaules  to  break  the  blockade  were  fruitless.  Ibrahim  Pacha  sent  to 
the  garrison  a  request  that  they  would  depute  persons  to  treat  with  him 
who  could  speak  Albanian,  Turkish,  and  French ;  but  they  replied,  "  We 
are  illiterate,  and  do  not  undei'stand  so  many  languages ;  Pachas  we  do 
not  recognize,  but  we  know  how  to  handle  the  sword  and  gun."  In  three 
days  eight  thousand  shot  and  shells  were  fired  into  the  town,  demolishing 
the  houses,  but  killing  few  of  the  people.  The  outposts  were  taken  one 
by  one,  but  only  after  the  most  desperate  and  bloody  resistance.  At 
length  the  supplies  from  without  were  cut  off,  and  the  garrison  reduced  to 
the  most  miserable  condition,  feeding  on  rats,  raw  hides,  and  sea-weed. 
The  earth  was  covered  with  the  starving,  sick,  and  wounded ;  but  they 
persisted  in  their  refusal  to  surrender,  and  resolved,  since  the  place  could 
no  longer  be  defended,  to  leave  it  with  arms  in  their  hands.  A  sortie  was 
arranged  for  the  night  of  April  22d,  and  would  probably  have  been  quite 
successful  but  for  the  treachery  of  a  Bulgarian,  who  gave  notice  to  Ibra- 
him Pacha,  and  thus  enabled  him,  shortly  before  the  appointed  moment, 
to  make  preparations  for  the  attack.  The  plan  was  that  three  thousand 
armed  men  should  throw  themselves  suddenly  upon  the  enemy's  line,  and 
open  a  way  for  the  women  and  children.  The  women  and  boys  armed 
themselves  with  swords  ai^  daggers.  Many  of  the  inhabitants,  however, 
including  the  sick  and  wounded,  resolved  not  to  quit  their  native  place, 
but  to  share  its  downfall  and  bury  themselves  in  its  ruins.  The  leave- 
taking  of  those  who  determined  to  make  the  desperate  attempt,  and  of 
their  friends  and  relations  who  remained  behind,  is  described  as  heart- 
rending ;  the  wailing  and  lamentations  not  only  filled  the  city,  but  reached 
the  posts  of  the  besieging  army.  According  to  the  arrangement,  the  sol- 
diers of  the  gaiTison  passed  out  by  the  eastern  outlet,  and  awaited  the  sig- 
nal ;  but  growing  impatient  under  the  enemy's  fire,  they  started  up,  and, 
shouting  "  Death  to  the  barbarians  ! "  passed  the  trenches,  broke  through 
the  infantry,  silenced  the  batteries,  and  killed  the  artillery-men  at  their 
guns.  In  the  confusion  of  the  hour,  a  part  of  the  plan  failed  to  be  carried 
into  effect.  A  panic  broke  out  among  the  people,  and  instead  of  taking 
instant  advantage  of  the  enemy's  confusion,  they  rushed  back  to  the  town. 
The  Turks  and  Arabs,  eager  for  slaughter  and  plunder,  poured  in  from 
every  side,  and  commenced  the  work  of  destruction  and  blood.  The 
cries  of  the  wounded  and  dying  filled  the  night.  The  roll  of  mus- 
ketry, and  the  explosions  of  magazines,  fired  by  the  inhabitants,  and 


HISTOBY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  LIH. 


I 


nil 


slaying  multitudes  of  the  besiegers,  added  to  the  horrors  of  the  scene. 
A  lame  private  soldier  named  Capsales  had  retired  with  his  family  into 
the  principal  magazine,  which  contained  thirty  barrels  of  gimpowder. 
He  sat  with  a  lighted  torch,  and  when  it  w\as  crowded  by  the  frantic 
Moslems  the  veteran  applied  the  torch,  and  all  were  blown,  mutilated 
corpses,  into  the  air  by  the  horrible  explosion.     The  loss  of  the  besiegers 
was  increased  by  the  struggle  for  the  spoils  between  the  Eg}  ptians  and 
the  European  Turks.    When  the  assault  conuuenced  there  were  in  Meso- 
longi  nine  thousand  souls:  five  hundred  were  slain  in  the  sortie,  six  hun- 
dred afterwards  died  by  starvation  in  the  mountains ;  about  eighteen  hun- 
dred esca|)ed,  of  whom  two  hundred  were  females.     The  spirit  shown  by 
these  Grecian  heroines  is  illustrated  by  one  of  the  incidents  of  the  escape. 
A  young  girl,  flying  with  a  brother  in  delicate  health,  was  pursued  by  a 
Turkish  horseman.     Carrying  the  brother,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  to  a 
neighboring  hillock,  she  seized  his  gun,  received  the  fire  of  the  Turk, 
which  fortunately  was  without  effect,  and  then  coolly  took  aun  and  shot 
him  dead.     Among  the  slain  were  a  number  of  European  Philhellenes, 
and  two  brothers  of  Tricoupes,  the  orator  and  historian.     Three  thousand 
were  sabred  in  the  streets,  and  nearly  the  same  number  of  women  and 
children  were  sold  into  slavery.     Greece  was  again  clothed  in  mourning. 
Hot  only  was  the  downfall  of  Mesolongi  disastrous  in  a  military  and  po- 
litical view ;  it  gave  new  occasion  for  civil  strifes,  wliich  the  government 
could  not  repress ;  and  it  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  the  spot  which 
they  had  sworn  at  the  death  of  Byron  he  should  never  pollute  with  his 
footsteps.     But  the  endurance  and  heroism  of  the  defenders,  the  gallantry 
of  those  who  cut  through  the  besieging  lines,  and  of  those  who  stayed  to 
perish  in  the  ruins,  crowned  the  njime  of  Mesolongi  with  unfiiding  glory. 

§  12.  After  the  siege  of  Mesolongi,  Ibrahim  returned  into  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus  only  to  renew  his  ravages;  but  in  attempting  to  reduce  the 
Manotes,  he  suffered  several  severe  repulses.  Athens,  almost  the  only 
place  in  Eastern  Greece  that  still  held  out,  was  closely  besieged.  An 
attempt  of  Colonel  Fabvier  on  Euboea  had  failed.  The  third  national 
assembly  of  the  Greeks,  held  in  April  at  Epidauros,  dismayed  at  the 
fall  of  Mesolongi,  appointed  two  commissions,  one  of  twelve  members, 
for  the  regulation  of  the  war,  the  other  of  thirteen,  for  the  civil  govern- 
ment and  the  administration  of  the  revenue.  The  assembly  then  ad- 
journed until  September,  and  the  committee  repaired  to  Nauplia  to  as- 
sume their  functions.  The  war  was  carried  on  in  Eastern  Greece,  West- 
em  Greece,  Peloponnesus,  and  the  Islands;  the  state  of  affairs  now 
seemed  hopeless  in  all  these  great  divisions  of  the  theatre  of  action.  In 
the  month  of  July,  the  Turkish  commander,  Kiutahi  or  Reschid  Pacha, 
conunenced  his  operations  against  Athens,  then  commanded  by  Gouras, 
formerly  a  lieutenant  of  Odysseus,  who,  having  surrendered  himself 
to  the  troops  sent  against  hkn  m  1824,  was  held  in  close  confinement 


A.  B.  1826.] 


SIEGE    OP   ATHENS. 


623 


as  a  prisoner  in  the  Acropolis  at  Athens.  A  few  days  after,  his  mutilat- 
ed body  was  found  at  the  foot  of  the  Acropolis,  under  a  tower  in  which  he 
was  imprisoned.  It  was  given  out  that  he  fell,  and  was  accidentally 
killed  in  attempting  to  escape.  But  various  circumstances  afterwards, 
concurring  with  expressions  of  remorse  uttered  by  Gouras,  led  to  the 
opinion  that  that  chieftain  had  yielded  to  the  importunities  of  enemies  of 
Odysseus,  and  consented  that  he  should  secretly  be  put  to  death. 

Gouras  was  instructed  by  the  government  to  keep  the  Turks  at  a  dis- 
tance from  Athens ;  but,  disregarding  their  orders,  he  filled  the  magazines 
of  the  Acropolis  with  provisions,  which  he  forced  the  inhabitants  of  Athens 
in  the  most  arbitrary  manner  to  supply,  and  prepared  with  his  troops  to 
stand  a  siege  in  that  ahnost  impregnable  fortress.  Many  of  the  citizens 
went  over  to  Salamis,  as  tliey  did  in  the  old  Persian  wars ;  the  rest  stood 
by  their  hearths  and  altars  in  the  city.  The  Turks  soon  got  possession 
of  the  town,  though  the  outposts  were  bravely  defended  by  the  citizens. 
The  operations  of  the  siege  were  interrupted  by  the  appearance  of  Colonel 
Fabvier  and  Karaiskakes  in  the  plain  of  Athens,  with  a  considerable  force. 
But  a  battle  taking  place,  the  Greeks  were  routed,  and  fled,  and  the  bom- 
bardment of  the  Acropolis  from  the  hill  of  the  Museum,  near  the  monu- 
ment of  Philopappus,  was  resumed  with  great  energy.  The  siege  was 
carried  on,  not  only  by  the  incessant  firing  of  the  batteries,  but  by  a  series 
of  mines  and  countermines,  in  which  many  men  perished.  Gouras  lost 
his  life  early  in  October.  One  night,  as  he  w^as  going  the  rounds,  one  of 
his  attendants  snapped  a  musket,  and  two  shots  being  fired  in  the  direction 
of  the  flash,  one  of  them  struck  him  on  the  ^ead,  and  he  died  without  a 
groan. 

Several  attempts  were  made  to  relieve  the  garrison,  but  only  one  suc- 
ceeded. It  was  executed  by  Colonel  Fabvier  and  a  body  of  about  six 
hundred  picked  men,  who,  on  the  night  of  December  13tli,  broke  through 
the  Turkish  lines,  and  entered  the  Acropolis  under  a  shower  of  grape 
from  the  Museum,  with  a  loss  of  only  six  killed  and  fourteen  wounded. 
A  large  supply  of  powder  was  almost  the  only  advantage  secured  to  the 
garrison  by  this  daring  adventure.  The  siege  was  vigorously  pressed, 
and  the  distress  arising  from  the  crowded  state  of  the  Acropolis  increased. 
The  constant  discharge  of  cannon  did  great  mischief  to  the  splendid  mon- 
uments of  the  Acropolis,  despite  the  firman  obtiiined  from  the  Sultan  by 
Sir  Stratford  Canning,  that  the  Parthenon  and  the  Erechtheion  should  be 
spared.  A  large  part  of  the  Erechtheion  was  battered  down,  and  the 
family  of  Gouras,  with  the  principal  ladies  of  Athens,  who  had  taken  shel- 
ter there,  perished  beneath  its  ruins. 

§  13.  A  fresh  national  assembly  assembled  at  Troezen  in  March, 
1827,  and  introduced  some  very  important  modifications  into  the  constitu- 
tion, the  most  essential  of  which  was  the  placing  the  executive  power  in 
the  hands  of  a  single  magistrate,  under  the  title  of  President  of  Greece, 


I 

w 


i 

I 


624 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LUI. 


extending  the  term  of  office  to  seven  years,  and  enlarging  his  powers  gen- 
erally. After  a  good  deal  of  angry  dispute,  and  with  great  reluctance  on 
the  part  of  many  members,  the  choice  finally  rested  on  John  Capo  Dls- 
trias,  a  Corfiote,  a  man  of  great  talent  and  sagacity,  and  of  large  experi- 
ence in  affairs,  having  been  long  in  the  Russian  service,  and  being  at  the 
moment  a  member  of  the  cabinet  of  that  country.  As  some  time  must 
elapse  before  he  would  arrive  in  Greece,  the  executive  power  was  in- 
trusted to  a  commission  of  three.  The  same  assembly  appointed  Lord 
Cochrane  to  the  chief  command  by  sea,  and  placed  General  Church  in  the 
supreme  command  of  the  land  forces.  These  two  officers  immediately 
entered  upon  their  respective  commands,  and  arrangements  were  at  once 
made  for  an  attack  on  the  Turkish  besiegers  of  the  Acropolis.  Karais- 
kakes  also  returned  from  a  brilliant  expedition  in  the  North.  Public  at- 
tention was  concentrated  upon  the  operations  for  raising  the  siege  of 
Athens,  as  if  that  was  the  last  hope  of  the  country,  and  troops  poured  in 
fit>m  every  quarter,  in  answer  to  the  calls  of  the  government  and  the  com- 
manders. 

§  14.  The  Greeks,  during  the  operations  that  followed,  committed  one 
of  those  acts  of  bad  faith  which  have  brought  so  much  reproach  upon 
them.  An  attack  was  made  on  the  Turkish  positions  in  Munychia.  The 
Turks  fled,  and  three  hundred  took  refuge  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Spyri- 
don.  Though  surrounded  by  the  Greeks  and  cut  off*  from  all  communica- 
tion, and  without  the  slightest  chance  of  escape,  they  refused  to  surrender 
Unless  allowed  to  retain  their  arms.  The  monastery  was  cannonaded, 
and  at  last  General  Churchy  proposed  to  allow  them  to  pass  out  with  their 
arms,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  native  officers.  The  Greeks  were  dis- 
appointed and  enraged,  thinking  that  the  garrison  would  in  a  few  days  be 
reduced  to  an  unconditional  surrender.  Hostages  had  been  given  for  the 
&ithful  performance  of  the  agreement ;  among  the  rest  Karaiskakes  him- 
self, and  other  distinguished  chiefVains  of  the  Greeks,  placed  themselves  at 
the  disposal  of  the  Turks.  The  troops  left  the  monastery,  having  the  hos- 
tages in  their  centre.  But  the  Greeks,  murmuring  and  tumultuous  and 
little  accustomed  to  military  obedience,  surrounded  them ;  a  quarrel  arose 
between  a  Turkish  officer  and  a  Greek  soldier,  which  led  to  an  instant 
attack.  The  Greek  officers  did  their  best,  at  the  risk  of  their  own  lives, 
to  save  the  Turks,  and  one  was  killed  and  several  wounded.  Karaiskakes, 
frantic  at  this  shameful  violation  of  the  truce,  struggled  in  vain  against  his 
countrymen ;  then,  turning  to  the  Turks,  cried  out,  "  Kill  me,  as  I  have 
killed  you.**  Two  hundred  were  killed,  and  about  seventy  made  their 
escape  and  reached  the  camp  of  Reschid  Pacha.  The  result  of  such  an 
act  of  treachery  was  most  disastrous.  It  demoralized  the  Greek  forces, 
and  disheartened  the  European  commanders.  General  Church,  horror- 
struck,  was  on  the  point  of  resigning  his  command,  and  was  only  dis- 
suaded from  this  step  by  the  entreaties  of  the  Moreote  officers.     The  next 


A.  D.  1827.] 


BATTLE   IN   THE   PLAIN   OP  ATHENS. 


625 


disastrous  incident  was  the  death  of  Karaiskakes,  in  a  skirmish  on  the  4th 
of  May.     A  body  of  Greek  soldiers  made  an  irregular  attack  upon  some 
of  the  Turkish  outposts.     The  assailants  were  driven  back.     Karaiskakes 
was  sick  and  in  bed ;  but,  hearing  the  fire,  he  rose,  sprang  upon  his  horse, 
and  galloped  into  the  midst  of  the  battle.     While  endeavoring  to  rally  the 
fugitives  he  received  the  fire  of  a  Turkish  horseman,  and  was  carried  mor- 
tally wounded  from  the  field.    He  was  taken  on  board  one  of  the  ships,  and 
there,  conscious  of  his  approaching  death,  passed  the  last  hours  of  his  exist- 
ence in  an  earnest  conversation  with  Lord  Cochrane  and  the  other  chiefs 
on  the  state  of  the  country  and  the  proper  measures  to  be  taken  for  her 
deliverance.     When  some  words  of  consolation  were  addressed  to  him  in 
praise  of  the  brilliancy  of  his  achievements,  he  answered,  *'  What  I  have 
done,  I  have  done ;  what  has  happened,  has  happened ;  now  for  the  fu- 
ture."    And  when  he  was  drawing  his  last  breath,  he  said  to  those  around 
him,  among  whom  were  Lord  Cochrane  and  General  Church,  "  My  coun- 
try laid  upon  me  a  heavy  task ;  I  have  fulfilled  my  duty  by  ten  months 
of  terrible  battles ;  nothing  remained  except  my  life ;  this  I  owed  to  my 
country,  this  I  surrender  to  my  country.    I  am  dying ;  let  my  fellow-sol- 
diers finish  my  work ;  let  them  save  my  Athens."     These  were  the  last 
words  he  spoke.     His  bravery,  his  patriotism,  his  heroic  death,  made  the 
errors  of  his  previous  life  forgotten,  and  he  is  justly  regarded  by  his  coun- 
trymen as  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  her  heroes.     Funeral  honors  were 
paid  to  his  memory  by  the  national  assembly  at  Trojzene,  and  an  eloquent 
discourse  pronounced  by  Mr.  Tricoupes  in  the  presence  of  the  deputies 
and  the  Executive  Council,  and  a  large  concourse  of  citizens.    The  stran- 
ger who  visits  Athens  gazes  with  interest,  as  he  enters  the  harbor  of  Pei- 
raeus,  upon  the  ruins  of  the  tomb  of  Themistocles,  which  looked  out  upon 
the  waters  of  Salamis,  the  scene  of  his  glory ;  and  as  he  passes  up  from 
Peiraeus  to  Athens,  along  the  foundations  of  the  ancient  walls  which  con- 
nected the  port  with  the  city,  he  beholds  with  equal  interest,  in  a  field  at 
a  distance  from  the  road,  the  monument  erected  on  the  spot  where  the 
modem  hero  fell. 

■ 

§  15.  Two  days  afterwards  the  fate  of  the  attempt  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Athens  was  decided.  On  the  6th  of  May,  one  of  the  most  sanguinary  bat- 
tles which  had  occurred  in  the  whole  war  was  fought  in  the  environs  of 
the  city.  Lord  Cochrane  had  said  that  he  should  dine  on  the  Acropolis. 
Vain  boast.  The  Turkish  horsemen  —  always  the  most  formidable  arm 
of  the  service  —  dashed  impetuously  upon  the  Greeks,  and  cut  them  to 
pieces  with  dreadful  slaughter.  The  panic-stricken  survivors  of  the  main 
body  fled.  A  band  of  Souliotes  maintained  their  ground,  and  were  nearly 
all  slain.  The  rout  was  complete ;  "  and  for  two  hours,"  says  Dr.  Howe, 
**  the  plain  presented  only  a  picture  of  detached  fights  between  bands  of 
ten,  five,  or  three  Greeks  and  dozens  of  Turks,  who  soon  cut  them  to 
pieces,  though  after  desperate  resistance."    Lord  Coclu-ane  and  General 

79 


ff" 
1 1 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


i 


r, 


i 


i 


[Chap.  LIIL 


Church,  who  were  advancing  with  supplies  and  reinforcements,  were 
obliged  to  retreat  and  take  refuge  on  board  the  ships.  The  centre  and 
left  wing,  amounting  to  seven  thousand  men,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the 
battle,  immediately  fled  in  the  direction  of  the  Isthmus ;  the  posts  around 
Peiraeus  were  abandoned.  The  ground  was  strewn  with  fifteen  himdred 
of  the  flower  of  the  Grecian  warriors ;  nearly  all  the  Europeans  engaged 
in  the  battle  perished ;  many  of  the  bravest  leaders  fell ;  others  were 
taken  prisoners,  of  whom  two  hundred  and  forty  were  beheaded  the  next 
morning.  Lord  Cochrane  immediately  withdrew  with  his  squadron  to 
Hydra.  General  Church  remained  at  Phaleron  with  two  thousand  men 
three  weeks  longer,  when,  finding  his  men  disheartened  and  ready  to  de- 
sert, he  dismantled  the  batteries  and  abandoned  all  the  positions.  Some 
attempts  were  subsequently  made  to  reheve  the  garrison  by  an  expedition 
in  the  enemy's  rear,  to  cut  off  his  supplies.  The  citadel  was,  however, 
surrendered  on  the  5th  of  June. 

The  fall  of  Athens  was  felt  as  a  tremendous  blow  over  all  Greece.  It 
seemed  to  extinguish  the  last  spark  of  hope  that  the  war  could  be  contin- 
ued. The  poverty  that  covered  the  country  was  indescribable.  But  the 
sympathies  of  the  world  were  aroused  anew  by  the  tales  of  starvation  and 
woe  which  reached  the  ears  of  the  humane  everpvhere.  In  the  United 
States  societies  were  formed  to  raise  contributions,  and  seven  ship-loads 
of  provisions  and  clothing  were  despatched,  which  saved  from  death 
thousands  of  the  wretched  population,  and  infused  new  strength  into  the 
heart  of  the  nation. 

§  16.  The  cabinets  of  Europe  also  were  no  longer  insensible  to  the 
duty  of  putting  a  stop  to  the  present  state  of  things.  The  tone  of  the  Eng- 
lish government  had  been  greatly  altered  by  the  influence  of  Canning's 
genius  and  fine  humanity ;  and  the  former  sympathy  with  the  Turks  in 
their  lawful  efforts  to  suppress  the  unjustifiable  msurrection  of  their  re- 
bellious rayas  was  felt  to  be  false  to  the  spirit  of  the  times,  and  traitorous 
to  the  rights  of  man.  Before  the  insurrection,  the  Greeks  had  sent  a  depu- 
tation to  St.  Petersburg,  to  offer  the  crown  of  Greece  to  one  of  the  Grand 
Dukes,  in  the  hope  of  securing  the  support  of  so  powerful  a  state  to  their 
cause.  The  offer  was  declined.  During  the  war  they  sent  another  dep- 
utation to  Paris,  proposing  that  one  of  the  sons  of  Louis  Philippe  —  then 
Duke  of  Orleans  —  should  be  placed  on  the  throne ;  here,  again,  they 
met  with  disappointment  Later  still,  they  threw  themselves  on  the  pro- 
tection of  England,  offering  to  confer  the  crown  on  Prince  Leoi)old ;  but 
the  proposition  was  at  first  coldly  received.  The  successes  of  Ibrahim 
Pacha,  and  the  prospect  of  having  a  powerful  Egyptian  government,  in- 
dependent of  the  Porte,  established  in  Greece,  had  some  effect  in  exciting 
the  alarm  of  Europe,  and  the  disturbance  of  commerce  in  the  Levant 
became  more  and  more  serious.  In  1826  Russia  manifested  a  disposition 
lo  take  the  settlement  of  affairs  into  her  own  hands.    Mr.  Cannmg  seized 


A.  D.  1627.] 


BATTLE    OP   NAVARINO. 


627 


the  occasion  of  the  mission  of  the  Duke  of  "Wellington  to  St.  Petersburg, 
in  that  year,  to  communicate  the  readiness  of  the  British  cabinet  to  join 
in  an  arrangement  for  the  pacification  of  Greece.  The  result  of  this 
communication  was  the  signature  of  the  protocol  of  the  4tli  of  April. 
This  was  followed  by  a  series  of  diplomatic  discussions,  leading  to  the 
treaty  signed  at  London  on  the  6th  of  July,  1827,  by  the  plenipotentia- 
ries of  Russia,  France,  and  England,  which  provided  that  an  immediate 
armistice  should  be  established  between  Turkey  and  Greece,  and  pro- 
posed to  place  Greece  on  the  footing  of  a  tributary  province,  under  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Sultan,  but  with  the  right  of  electing  her  own  gov- 
ernors, subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Porte.  The  feeble  and  wretched 
condition  of  Greece  made  it  difficult  for  her  to  reject  even  these  humil- 
iating terms ;  but  the  Porte  refused  to  allow  any  interference  in  its  own 
affairs,  and  even  to  receive  a  written  communication  from  the  ministers 
of  the  Western  powers. 

§  17.  This  obstinacy  of  the  Porte,  which  was  but  too  well  justified  by 
the  previous  assurances  of  the  cabinets  that  they  had  no  intention  of  in- 
terfering, induced  England  and  France  to  augment  their  naval  forces  in 
the  Mediterranean.  Russia  sent  a  squadron  to  join  them.  The  British 
Admiral,  Sir  Edward  Codrington,  was  instructed  to  prevent  the  landing  of 
any  forces  in  Greece  from  Egypt  or  Turkey.  The  Greeks  had  abstained 
from  all  military  operations  as  soon  as  the  treaty  was  known ;  but  as 
Ibrahim  continued  his  ravages,  and  violated  a  temporary  armistice  he  had 
agreed  to  with  Codrington,  ihey  again  took  up  arms.  The  combined 
Egyptian  and  Turkish  fleets  lay  concentrated  in  the  harbor  of  Navarino, 
when,  on  the  20th  of  October,  the  English,  French,  and  Russian  squad- 
rons entered  the  Bay,  resolved,  at  all  hazards,  to  put  a  stop  to  the  enor- 
mities still  perpetrated  by  Ibrahim,  and  to  force  him  to  comply  with  their 
proposals.  He  was  required  either  to  quit  the  Peloponnesus  altogether,  or 
at  least  to  cease  from  devastating  the  country.  The  Turks  were  drawn 
up  in  order  of  battle,  and  having  fired  upon  a  boat  with  a  flag  of  truce, 
and  killed  several  persons  on  board,  a  terrible  battle  instantly  commenced, 
which  lasted  four  hours.  The  Turco-Egyptian  fleet  consisted  of  seventy- 
nine  ships  of  war,  and  other  vessels,  amounting  in  all  to  one  hundred  and 
twenty,  carrj'ing  two  thousand  two  hundred  and  forty  cannon  ;  the  fleet  of 
the  allies  amounted  to  only  twenty-six  vessels,  with  thirteen  hundred  and 
twenty-four  gun?? ;  but,  though  the  battle  was  obstinate  and  bloody,  it  result- 
ed in  the  utter  defeat  of  the  Turks  and  Egyptians.  They  refused  to  strike  ; 
some  of  their  ships  were  burned,  others  driven  on  shore,  and  nearly  all  dis- 
abled ;  only  twenty  or  thu'ty  corvettes  and  brigs  remaining  in  a  sailing 
condition.  Six  thousand  men  perished.  So  tremendous  a  catastrophe 
caused  for  a  moment  an  involuntary  cessation  of  hostilities.  Europe  and 
America  resounded  with  triumph  and  exultation ;  and  the  Greeks,  filled 
with  new  hope,  returned  thanks  to  Heaven  for  so  signal  and  unlooked  for 


62S 


mSTORY   OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  MIL 


a  deliverance.  But  when  the  news  reached  Constantinople,  it  found  the 
Forte  still  intractable  and  violent.  "  My  positive,  absolute,  definitive,  un- 
changeable, eternal  answer,"  said  the  minister  to  the  interpreters  of  Eng- 
land, France,  and  Russia,  "  is  that  the  Sublime  Porte  does  not  accept  any 
proposition  concerning  the  Greeks,  and  means  to  persist  in  its  own  will 
for  ever  and  ever,  even  unto  the  day  of  the  last  judgment."  In  this  obsti- 
nate course  of  conduct  the  Porte  was  sustained  by  Austria,  under  the 
inspiration  of  Mettemich,  to  whom  the  alliance  between  Russia,  France, 
and  England,  and  all  the  recent  proceedings  for  the  salvation  of  Greece, 
were  in  the  highest  degree  distasteful.  But  it  was  impossible  for  the 
Porte  long  to  hold  out.  In  April,  1828,  Russia  declared  war  against  her, 
and  compelled  the  Sultan  to  turn  his  chief  attention  in  this  direction. 

The  President  elect.  Capo  D'Istrias,  having  been  dismissed  from  the  Rus- 
Bian  service,  and  having  spent  about  ten  months  in  St.  Petersburg,  Paris, 
and  London,  in  order  to  come  to  a  distinct  understanding  with  the  three 
protecting  powers,  and  having  effected  a  loan,  then  highly  necessary  to  the 
new  organization  of  Greece,  arrived  at  Nauplia  in  January,  1828,  and 
thence  proceeded  to  ^gina,  where  the  government  had  at  that  time  es- 
tablished itself.  While  in  England,  he  succeeded  in  winning  the  good- 
will of  the  leading  statesmen,  except  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  who  pei> 
sisted  in  thinking  the  battle  of  Navarino  an  untoward  event.  Immedi- 
ately on  his  an-ival  he  assumed  the  duties  of  his  office,  and  set  about  the 
Herculean  task  of  restoring  order  in  the  demoralized  and  disorganized 
condition  of  the  country,  with  extraordinary  activity  and  talent,  having 
the  aid  of  Mr.  Tricoupes  as  Secretary  of  State.  But  the  Porte  still  re- 
fusing to  make  peace,  a  French  expedition  sailed  from  Toulon,  and  Ibra- 
him Pacha  was  glad  to  accept  terms  and  make  his  way  back  to  Egypt 
with  the  remains  of  his  shattered  fleet.  The  last  sail  of  the  hostile  arma- 
ment disappeared  from  Greece  on  the  7th  of  October,  and  the  last  battle 
on  land  was  fought  in  Boeotia,  a  year  after,  by  Prince  Demetrius  Ypse- 
lantes,  who,  with  three  thousand  men,  gained  a  brilliant  victory  over  a 
force  of  seven  thousand ;  thus  triumphantly  completing  a  struggle,  which 
eight  years  before  his  brother  Alexander  had  opened  by  a  disastrous  de- 
feat. The  Porte  at  last,  terrified  by  the  successes  of  the  Russian  arms, 
accepted  the  propositions  of  the  great  powers,  and  hostilities  thenceforth 
ceased  between  the  Turks  and  the  Greeks. 

On  a  general  review  of  the  contest  now  brought  to  a  close,  a  few  of  the 
leading  incidents  of  which  have  been  thus  briefly  treated,  we  may  venture 
to  assert  that  the  Greeks  were  right  in  commencing  it,  and  justified  in  com- 
mencing it  when  they  did ;  that  they  were  entitled  to  the  sympathy  and 
support  of  Christian  nations  at  the  outset,  —  though,  so  far  from  receiving 
it,  they  were  denounced  by  the  Holy  Alliance  as  rebels  ;  that  the  course  of 
Hie  great  powers  was  at  first  cold  and  cruel,  and  afterwards  wavering ; 
and  that  they  ungenerously  required  the  emancipated  country,  at  the 


A.  D.  1832.] 


SELECTION    OP   OTHO   AS   KING. 


629 


moment  of  pacification,  to  acknowledge  itself  tributary  to  the  Porte,  when 
the  Greeks  had  fairly  entitled  themselves,  by  their  conduct  and  sufferings, 
to  the  guaranties  of  Europe  for  their  national  existence  and  their  absolute 
and  unqualified  independence. 

§  18.  The  settlement  of  the  afitiirs  of  the  country  now  occupied  the  at- 
tention of  the  great  powers.  It  was  proposed  at  first  to  retain  Greece 
under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Porte,  but  to  give  it  a  separate  administra- 
tion on  the  payment  of  a  large  annual  tribute ;  but  this  plan  was  found 
impracticable.  It  was  next  proposed  to  erect  the  country  into  an  inde- 
pendent principality,  and  to  give  it  a  ruler  from  one  of  the  reigning  houses 
in  Europe,  under  the  title  of  Sovereign  Prince.  Prince  Leopold,  the 
present  king  of  Belgium,  was  selected  for  this  station,  and  the  choice  was 
an  excellent  one.  The  Prince  accepted  the  appointment,  but,  for  rea- 
sons equally  honorable  to  his  head  and  heart,  four  months  afterwards,  in 
May,  1830,  abdicated  the  yet  unoccupied  thi'one.  The  principal  reason 
which  induced  this  step  was  the  absurd  boundary  fine  on  the  north,  pro- 
posed and  insisted  on  by  the  protecting  powers.  Negotiations  were  again 
renewed;  fresh  protocols  filled  up  another  year;  when,  in  October,  1831, 
Count  Capo  D'Istrias,  who  had  been  President  of  Greece  for  four  years, 
with  almost  dictatorial  power,  was  assassinated  at  Nauplia  by  two  mem- 
bers of  the  Manote  clan  of  Mavromichales,  whose  chief,  Petros  Bey,  he 
had  illegally  imprisoned.  This  tragical  event  was  followed  by  six  months 
of  tuiarchy.  Augustine  Capo  D'Istrias,  a  younger  brother  of  the  mur- 
dered President,  was  nominally  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs.  He  found 
it  impossible  to  stem  the  tide  of  opposition,  and,  resigning  his  office,  on  the 
15th  of  April  took  passage  with  the  dead  body  of  his  brother  on  board 
a  Russian  vessel  bound  for  Corfou.  These  events  made  it  necessary  to 
bring  the  arrangements  of  the  great  powers  to  the  speediest  possible  con- 
clusion. The  plenipotentiaries  now  turned  their  attention  to  Louis,  king 
of  Bavaria,  who  had  always  been  a  lover  of  Hellenic  art,  and  had  ren- 
dered generous  aid  to  Greece  in  the  hour  of  her  distress.  Finally  it  was 
determined  to  make  a  kingdom  of  Greece,  and  to  raise  Prince  Otho  to 
the  throne,  with  all  the  honors  and  dignities  of  sovereignty.  Otho  was 
the  second  son  of  the  king,  born  June  1,  1815 ;  consequently  only  seven- 
teen years  old  when  charged  with  the  august  office  of  reconstructing  a 
shattered  state.  The  period  of  his  majority  was  fixed  at  the  age  of  twen- 
ty ;  in  the  mean  time  a  regency  of  three  Bavarian  statesmen  —  Count 
Ai'mansperg,  the  Chevalier  von  Maurer,  and  General  Heidecker  —  was 
appointed  to  carry  on  the  government  in  the  name  of  the  youthful  monarch. 
A  loan  of  sixty  miUions  of  francs  (S  12,000,000)  was  guaranteed  by  the 
three  powers,  and  a  Bavarian  army  of  tliirty-five  hundred  men  enrolled, 
for  the  maintenance  of  order  in  the  new  kingdom.  On  the  8th  of  Au- 
gust, 1832,  Prince  Otho  was  solemnly  acknowledged  by  the  national  as- 
Bembly  at  Pronoea  —  a  suburb  of  Nauplia  —  the  whole  assembly  rising 


I>ll> 


€30 


mSTOET  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  Lin. 


I 


and  sbouting  with  one  voice,  "  A  long  life  and  a  happy  reign  to  Otho  the 
First,  King  of  Hellas."  On  the  6th  of  February,  1833,  he  landed  at 
Kauplia,  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  peo[)le ;  "  a  happy  day,"  says  a 
Greek  wnter,  "on  which  the  Hellenic  nation,  after  three  hundred  and 
eighty  years'  bereavement  of  their  imperial  throne,  had  tlie  happiness 
again  to  welcome  their  o^ti  monarch,  and  saw  at  length,  with  unspeaka- 
ble exultation,  and  with  profound  gratitude  to  the  Most  High,  their  long- 
ings fulfilled,  their  patience  rewarded,  and  the  struggles  of  four  centuries 
crowned  with  triumph." 

The  boundaries  were  determined  by  a  treaty  between  the  great  powers 
and  Ihe  Sublime  Poite,  in  1832.  The  northern  line  runs  from  the  Gulf 
of  Volo,  or  the  Pagasiean  Gulf,  on  the  east,  along  the  chain  of  Othrys,  and 
strikes  the  Gulf  of  Arta,  or  the  Ambracian  Gulf,  on  the  west.  The  east- 
ern line  includes  Euboea,  the  Northern  Sporades,  and  the  Cyclades.  Crete 
was  ceded  to  the  Pacha  of  Egypt,  and  the  other  islands  of  the  iEgean,  with 
the  provinces  north  of  the  line  above  indicated,  were  replaced  under  the 
government  of  Turkey.  The  islands  on  the  western  coast  still  constitute 
the  Septinsular  Republic,  under  the  protectorate  of  England.  The  coun- 
try was  organized  within  these  boundaries,  and  the  ancient  divisions  with 
the  classical  names  restored.  It  was  divided  into  ten  Nomoi,  or  Provinces, 
thirty  Eparchias,  or  Cantons,  and  453  Demoi,  or  Communes,  witli  their  sev- 
eral local  administrations.  The  first  Nome  embraces  Attica  and  Boeotia ; 
the  second,  Phocis  and  Phthiotis ;  the  third,  ^tolia  and  Acarnanla ;  the 
fourth,  Aigolis  and  Corinth ;  the  fifth,  Achaia  and  Elis ;  the  sixth.  Area- 
dia;  the  seventh,  Messenia ;  the  eighth,  Laconia;  the  ninth,  Euboea  and 
the  Northern  Sporades ;  the  tenth,  the  Cyclades. 

The  seat  of  government  was  at  first  established  at  Nauplia,  but  in  1835 
it  was  transferred  to  Athens ;  and  in  the  same  year,  the  king,  having  at- 
tained his  majority,  assumed  the  reins  of  government,  and  addressed  on 
the  occasion  a  proclamation  to  the  Greek  peoide,  wliich  excited  the  liveliest 
hopes  and  the  brightest  anticipations  of  the  future  happiness  of  the  country. 
In  the  following  year  the  king  was  married  to  the  Princess  Amelia,  the 
daughter  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Oldenberg,  then  seventeen  years  old,  and 
one  of  the  most  beautiful  princesses  in  Europe.  The  marriage  took  place 
on  the  22d  of  November,  1836,  and  they  ai-rived  at  the  Peira^us  on  the 
14th  of  February,  1837.  The  next  day,  the  youthful  pair  entered  Ath- 
ens under  triumphal  arches,  decorated  with  laurel  and  myrtle  branches, 
amidst  the  huzzas  of  the  whole  population. 

§  19.  The  period  has  not  yet  arrived  when  the  history  of  Otho's  reign 
can  be  impartially  written.  In  this  brief  sketch  of  events,  it  has  not  been 
intended  to  dwell  much  on  details ;  and  in  what  remams,  only  a  few  addi- 
tional points  will  be  considered. 

The  Greeks  have  always  been  an  eminently  constitutional  people. 
The  first  step  taken  by  them  after  the  war  broke  out  was  to  establish  a 


A.  D.  1843.] 


REVOLUTION   OF  1843. 


631 


constitution;  and  during  the  war,  although  dissensions  often  prevailed, 
still  the   Greeks  were  in  the  main   governed  by  constitutional  forms. 
Prince  Leopold,  during  the  brief  period  of  his  nominal  sovereignty,  was 
urged  by  President  Capo  D'Istrias  to  recognize  the  constitutional  rights 
of  the  nation.     When  Prince  Otho  was  elected  by  the  great  powers,  the 
national  assembly  began  a  revision  of  the  constitution,  but  were  prevented 
from  completing  their  labors  by  the  intervention  of  the  king  of  Bavaria, 
and  the  Residents  of  the  protecting  powers.     The  treaty  which  placed 
Otho  on  the  throne  contains  not  a  word  about  a  constitutional  monarchy ; 
and  it  was  well  understood  that  Russia  was  hostile  to  constitutional  gov- 
ernments everywhere,  and  France  and  England  were  perhaps  indifferent. 
King  Otho,  therefore,  was  an  absolute  monarch,  so  far  as  the  treaty  de- 
fined his  powers ;  and  if  his  government  was  administered  upon  absolute 
principles  during  the  first  ten  years  of  his  reign,  both  by  the  regency  and 
by  his  cabinets  after  he  assumed  the  reins,  the  blame  ought  justly  to  be 
shared  by  the  European  powers,  who  neglected  to  guarantee  a  constitu- 
tion to  the  people.     It  is  not  proposed  to  dwell  upon  the  complaints  urged 
against  the  Bavarian  dynasty  in  general ;  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  the 
regency  committed  a  grave  en-or  in  not  calling  a  national  assembly,  at  an 
early  date,  to  frame  a  constitution,  and  that  the  king,  on  attaining  his 
majority,  committed  a  similar  error.     At  all  events,  the  people  became 
unpatient  for  a  constitutional   government.      The   dissatisfaction  of  the 
country  reached  its  height  in  1843,  and  a  universal  determination  was 
formed  to  have  a  constitution  at  all  events,  while  there  was  an  equally 
general  puqiose  not  to  violate  the  respect  due  to  their  Majesties.     Com- 
binations and  arrangements  were  entered  into  between  the  civil  author- 
ities and  the  military,  to  enforce  the  changes  called  for  by  the  country, 
but  to  use  no  more  force  than  was  necessary  for  the  purpose.      The 
movement  was  headed  by  General  Kalerges,  who  had  been  a  distin- 
guished officer  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  was  then  inspector  of  the 
cavalry  quartered  at  Athens. 

Some  intimation  of  the  design  reached  the  government,  and  several  ar- 
rests were  ordered  on  the  night  of  the  14th  of  September,  1843.  This 
action  of  the  government  was  seized  upon  as  the  moment  to  carry  out  the 
long-meditated  revolution.  Kalerges  hastily  summoned  the  officers  and 
put  the  garrison  in  motion,  amidst  loud  cries  of  Long  life  to  the  constitii- 
tion  !  which  were  responded  to  by  the  large  bodies  of  citizens  now  rapidly 
gathering  from  every  quarter  of  the  town.  Kalerges  marched  his  troops, 
accompanied  by  the  citizens,  to  the  square  in  front  of  the  palace ;  in  a 
few  moments  the  artillery  came  up,  the  guns  were  pointed  at  the  pal- 
ace, and  the  artillerymen  cried  out,  Z^ro  rh  avvrayfia !  Long  life  to  the 
constitution  1  The  king,  appearing  at  the  window,  demanded  the  cause 
of  the  disturbance  and  of  this  parade  of  the  garrison.  Kalerges  replied, 
BO  as  to  be  heard  by  the  whole  multitude,  "  The  people  of  Greece  and  the 


t 


Mp 


'    I 


i 


032 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LIIL 


army  desire  that  your  Majesty  will  redeem  the  promise  that  the  countiy 
Bhould  be  governed  constitutionally."    The  king  oi-dered  the  troops  to  re- 
toe  to  their  quarters,  promising  to  consult  with  the  ministers,  the  Council 
©f  State,  and  the  ambassadors  of  the  three  protecting  powers.    But  Kaler- 
ges  replied,  that  "neither  the  garrison  of  Athens  nor  the  people  would 
quit  the  spot  until  his  Majesty's  decision  should  be  made  known."    The 
Council  of  State,  meantime,  hjid  been  discussing  the  great  question,  what 
was  to  be  done  in  this  emergency.     They  were  not  unanimous;  but  the 
constitutional  party,  led  by  General  Church,  Londos,  and  RheVas  Palame- 
des,  were  in  the  majority,  and  at  last  all  united  in  drawing  up  a  procla- 
matioo,  a  list  of  a  new  ministry  to  be  recommended  to  the  kin-  and  an 
address  advising  his  Majesty  to  call  a  national  assembly  to  prepare  a 
constitution.    Betbre  the  king's  answer  was  given,  the  carriages  of  the  for- 
eign mmisters  appeared  at  the  gates  of  the  palace,  but  were  politely  thou-h 
firmly  refused  admittance.    All  submitted  quietly  except  the  minister  V 
Prussia,  who  persisted,  with  harsli  and  disrespectful  language,  in  demand- 
ing  admittance  to  his  Majesty.     Kalerge's,  getting  out  of  patience,  finished 
the  scene  by  telling  the  minister  that  «  his  advice  had  generally  been  unfor- 
tunate, and  he  was  afraid  the  king  had  had  too  much  of  it  lately."     Upon 
this,  the  diplomatic  gentlemen  stepped  into  their  carriages  and  drove  off 
amidst  the  laughter  of  the  people,  who  maintained  the  most  perfect  good 
humor  through  the  whole  scene.     The  king  signed  the  ordinances  ap- 
pomting  a  new  ministry  and  convoking  a  national  assembly.     The  troops 
having  been  thirteen  hours  under  arms,  marched  back  to  their  barracks  • 
the  citizens  dispersed  to  their  homes ;  the  business  of  the  city  was  not  in- 
terrupted an  hour ;  the  courts  sat  without  the  slightest  obstruction ;  no 
tumults  took  place  in  the  country ;  a  chief,  named  Griziotes,  who  wal  on 
his  way  from  Euboea  to  the  capital  with  more  than  a  thousand  irre-ular 
troops,  hearing  that  the  object  had  been  accomplished,  enjoired  his''  fol- 
lowers to  return  to  their  homes,  and  asked  leave  "to  come  alone  to  obey 
the  law,  and  not  to  give  it."    The  next  night  the  city  was  illuminated,  and 
great  rejoicmgs  celebrated  the  event,  without  a  single  act  of  violence 
In  the  same  moderate  spirit  of  tranquil  triumph,  the  great  constitutional 
victory  was  commemorated  all  over  the  country,  and  the  15th  of  Septem- 
ber was  henceforth  added  to  the  national  festivals.     This  revolution  was 
accompKshed  without  shedding  a  drop  of  blood;  without  even  disturbing 
the  qmet  of  a  single  citizen,  except  a  person  named  Tzinos,  who  had 
made  himself  odious  as  chief  of  police,  by  the  cruelties  he  had  inflicted 
to  the  discharge  of  his  functions.     He  took  shelter  in  the  palace,  but  was 
given  up,  and  merely  sent  away  to  one  of  the  islands ;   and  the  only 
uneasiness  manifested  anywhere  was  the  opposition  made  by  that  island 
—  Tenos  —  to  receiving  so  odious  a  person  on  its  shores. 

TTie  kmg  and  queen  drove  out  the  next  day,  as  usual,  and  were  cheered 
by  the  people.     The  new  ministry  entered  upon  their  functions ;  the  Ba- 


IL' 


A.  D.  1844.] 


CONSTITUTION   OF   1843. 


633 


varians  were  dismissed,  and  many  of  them  took  the  Austrian  steamer  for 
home  in  less  than  a  week.  The  national  assembly  was  convoked  for  th^ 
13th  of  November.  The  elections  resulted  most  satisfactorily.  The  best 
men,  almost  without  exception,  were  chosen.  The  assembly  was  opened 
on  the  20th  of  November  by  the  king  in  person,  accompanied  by  his  min- 
isters, and  in  the  presence  of  the  diplomatic  body,  all  of  whom  attended 
except  the  Russian  legation.  In  fact,  Russia  had  totally  withheld  her 
sanction  from  the  constitutional  proceedings,  not  only  at  Athens,  but 
through  her  ministers  at  the  other  courts.  The  king's  speech  was  con- 
ceived in  a  most  excellent  spirit,  and  raised  his  popularity  to  the  highest 
point;  and  the  marks  of  affection  and  respect  everywhere  accorded  to 
their  Majesties,  then  and  whenever  they  appeared  in  public,  deeply  im- 
pressed them.  The  assembly,  consisting  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-five 
members,  was  organized  by  the  choice  of  Mr.  Panoutsos  Notaras,  an  emi- 
nent patriot,  who  took  arms  at  the  opening  of  the  Revolution,  being  then 
eighty-four  years  old.  He  had  been  a  member  of  all  the  preceding 
national  assemblies.  At  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  seven,  he  was 
chosen  a  member  for  his  native  province,  Corinth,  and  was  now  elected 
president  of  the  constitutional  assembly,  in  the  midst  of  the  acclamations 
of  his  colleagues.  Four  vice-presidents  were  appointed,  —  iMavrocordatos, 
Metaxas,  Collettes,  and  Londos. 

The  draft  of  the  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  assembly  on  the  loth 
of  Januaiy,  and  after  being  carefully  discussed  was  laid  before  the  king 
on  the  4th  of  March.  It  was  thoroughly  studied  by  his  Majesty,  and 
returned  by  him  with  a  few  changes  suggested,  and  on  the  16th  of 
March,  1844,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  nation,  the  constitution  was  formally 
accepted.  A  deputation  immediately  waited  upon  his  Majesty,  and  ex- 
pressed, in  fervid  and  eloquent  language,  the  thanks  and  gratitude  of  the 
assembly. 

The  constitution  embodies  all  the  securities  which  were  incorporated 
into  the  earlier  forms,  with  such  other  principles  as  the  actual  state  of  the 
country  made  necessary.  The  settlement  of  Otho  and  his  family  on  the 
throne  is  confirmed.  The  Oriental  Church  is  the  established  religion,  but 
all  other  religions  are  tolerated.  Proselytizing  and  attacks  upon  the  es- 
tablished religion  are  forbidden.  All  Greeks  are  declared  equal  in  the 
eye  of  the  law,  and  personal  liberty  is  inviolable.  No  titles  of  nobility 
are  to  be  created.  It  is  declared  that  in  Greece  man  is  not  bought  and 
sold.  A  serf  or  a  slave,  whatever  may  be  his  nationality  or  his  religion, 
is  free  from  the  moment  that  he  sets  foot  on  Hellenic  ground.  The 
press  is  free,  and  a  censorship  cannot  be  established.  Public  instruction 
is  at  the  charge  of  the  state ;  torture  and  confiscation  cannot  be  intro- 
duced, and  the  secrecy  of  letters  is  inviolable.  The  legislative  power 
is  divided  between  the  king,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  called  BouU,  and 
the  Senate,  or   Gerousia;   but  all  money  bills  must  originate  with  the 

80 


634 


HISTOKY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LIII 


I 

ill; 


Deputies.  The  king  has  the  usual  powers,  under  the  usual  restrictions,  of 
a  constitutional  monarch.  His  person  is  inviolable,  but  his  ministers  may 
be  impeached  for  maladministration.  He  is  the  executive  magistrate. 
In  case  of  the  failure  of  heirs,  and  the  vacancy  of  the  throne,  provision  is 
made  for  the  appointtnent  of  a  regent,  and  then  for  the  election  of  a  king 
by  vote  of  the  assembly.  The  deputies  (BovXevrm)  are  elected  for  three 
years.  No  one  can  be  elected  who  has  not  reached  the  age  of  thirty  years. 
The  number  of  deputies  is  in  proportion  to  the  population,  as  regulated 
by  law,  but  never  to  be  less  than  eighty.  The  senators  (r€pov(ria(rrai)  are 
appointed  by  the  king  for  life.  A  considerable  number  of  conditions  and 
qualifications  are  prescribed;  the  legal  age  is  forty.  The  minimum  num- 
ber of  senators  is  twenty-seven ;  but  the  king  may,  when  he  sees  fit,  raise 
it  to  one  half  the  number  of  the  deputies.  The  princes  of  the  blood  and 
the  heir  presumptive  of  the  crown  are  senators  by  riglit,  as  soon  as  they 
shall  have  completed  their  eighteenth  year,  but  they  are  to  have  no  voice 
in  the  deliberations  until  they  have  completed  their  twenty-fifth  year. 
The  ministers  are  appointed  by  the  king,  with  the  usual  re^sponsibilities. 
Justice  is  administered  by  judges  appointed  by  the  king  for  life.  Argu- 
ments before  the  tribunals  are  to  be  public,  unless  such  publicity  be 
deemed  by  the  court  dangerous  to  morals  and  public  order.  A  judge  can 
accept  no  salaried  employment,  except  that  of  Professor  in  the  University. 
The  trial  by  jury  hi  civil  cases,  and  in  cases  of  political  crimes  and  offen- 
ces of  the  press,  is  presersed.  No  oath  can  be  exacted  without  a  law 
which  prescril)es  and  dctennines  it.  All  conflicting  jurisdiction  is  to  be 
reviewed  and  decided  by  the  Areopagus,  which  is  the  supreme  court,  or 
court  of  final  appeal. 

§  20.  Greece  has  been  under  a  constitutional  govemment  alx)ut  eleven 
years.  But  the  condition  of  the  country  is  not  yet  such  as  its  friends 
hoped  and  desired.  Agriculture  is  still  imperfect  and  rude.  Roads  are 
neglected.  The  public  domain  is  badly  administered,  and  the  po})ulation 
has  but  slowly  mcreased.  Manufacturing  industry  has  made  some  prog- 
ress, but  only  in  the  larger  towns,  sjich  as  Athens,  Argos,  and  Naui)lia. 
The  people  are  generally  poor;  but  few,  if  any,  beggars  are  to  be  seen. 
A  large  accession  of  capital  is  needed.  The  country  is  loaded  with 
debt,  and  the  system  of  taxation  is  at  once  oppressive  and  wasteful.  It 
must  be  remembered,  however,  that  scarcely  a  quarter  of  a  century  has 
passed  since  the  country  emerged  from  a  most  destructive  war,  which  left 
no  villages  standing,  and  reduced  the  people  to  a  state  of  destitution 
almost  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

Slow  as  the  progress  of  Greece  has  been  in  material  civilization,  her 
zeal  for  education  and  literature  is  not  surpassed  by  the  most  enlightened 
nations  in  the  worid.  We  have  seen  that  one  of  the  preparations  for  the 
Revolution  was  a  rapid  improvement  in  the  schools,  and  a  large  increase 
of  their  number.    During  the  war  the  provisional  governments  never  lost 


Chap.  LHI] 


STATE    OF   EDUCATION. 


635 


sight  of  this  subject,  and  Count  Capo  DTstrias  gave  to  it  much  of  his  at- 
tention. The  regency  of  Otho  organized  the  system  of  public  education 
more  thorougldy  than  had  previously  been  done.  The  Greeks  also 
raised  large  sums  by  private  subscriptions  and  by  local  taxes.  Prince 
Demetrius  Ypselantes  left  his  whole  fortune  to  found  a  school  in  Nauplia, 
which  annually  educates  several  hundred  scholars.  Many  schools  for 
girls  have  been  established  in  different  parts  of  Greece.  There  are  two 
or  three  in  Athens ;  one  under  the  charge  of  IVIadame  Mano,  a  sister  of 
Alexander  Mavrocordatos ;  another,  the  justly  famous  missionary  school 
of  our  countryman.  Dr.  Hill,  which  has  been  of  incalculable  service  to  the 
women  of  Greece.  Private  schools  flourish  in  the  principal  towns.  But 
doubtless  the  most  characteristic  feature  is  the  scheme  of  public  education, 
as  it  now  exists  in  the  system  of  public  schools.  Under  this  system  are,  — 
1.  The  Demotic,  or  schools  of  mutual  instruction,  in  which  are  taught  read- 
ing, writing,  arithmetic,  with  the  elements  of  history,  geography,  natural 
philosophy,  &:c.  to  both  boys  and  girls.  2.  The  Hellenic  schools,  in  which 
are  taught,  in  addition  to  the  further  study  of  the  above-enumerated 
branches,  the  elements  of  the  ancient  Greek  grammar,  and  translations 
from  ancient  into  modern  Greek  and  the  Latin  and  French  languajies. 
3.  The  Gymnasia,  in  which  the  Latin  and  Greek  are  continued,  with 
philosophy,  logic,  ethics,  physics,  general  history,  mathematical  geogra- 
phy, and  the  French,  Geiman,  and  English  languages.  4.  The  Univer- 
sity of  Otho,  which  is  organized  with  four  departments,  or  faculties,  — 
philosopliy,  theology,  medicine,  and  law.  According  to  the  reports  of 
1853,  more  than  forty  thousand  children  were  taught  in  the  Demotic 
schools  ;  in  the  Hellenic  schools,  more  than  five  thousand  ;  in  the  G3nn- 
nasia,  two  thousand ;  in  the  University,  above  six  hundred ;  —  in  all 
amounting  to  about  fifly  thousand.  If  we  add  the  scholars  of  the  numer- 
ous private  schools,  this  number  will  be  considerably  increased.  There 
were  in  .1853  three  hundred  and  ten  schools  of  mutual  instruction,  eighty- 
five  Hellenic  schools,  and  seven  Gymnasia.  Besides  these,  there  is  a 
teachers'  school,  a  naval  school,  an  agricultural  school,  and  a  polytechnic 
school.  The  University,  organized  in  1836,  has  a  corps  of  nearly  forty 
professors,  and  an  excellent  library  of  eighty  thousand  volumes.  Among 
the  professors  are  men  who  would  do  honor  to  any  European  university. 
The  venerable  Asopios  expounds  Homer  with  the  vivacity  of  a  Nestor. 
The  lectures  of  Philippos  Johannis,  on  moral  philosophy,  are  admirable 
for  purity  of  style  and  clearness  of  method.  Rangabes  expounds  the  fine 
arts  w  ith  learning  and  taste.  Manouses  lectures  eloquently  on  liistory. 
Pericles  Argyropoulos,  now  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  is  a  most  able 
professor  of  the  law.  Professor  Kontogones  is  profoundly  versed  in  Bib- 
lical literature,  and  expounds  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  to  numerous  and 
attentive  classes.  Many  others  might  be  mentioned  in  terms  of  great  and 
just  commendation. 


tH 


iili 


636 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


[Chap.  Lin. 


§  21.  The  Greek,  as  spoken  at  the  present  day,  is  substantially  the 
language  that  was  spoken  in  the  Alexandrine  and  Byzantine  periods ;  and 
its  preserration  is  one  of  the  most  surprising  instances  of  tenacious  na- 
tionality. But  there  are  important  distinctions  between  the  ancient  and 
modem,  which  grow  out  of  clianges  in  the  structure,  no  less  than  modifi- 
cations of  tlie  meaning  of  words.  Nearly  all  the  words  now  employed  by 
educated  Greeks  aye  the  same  words  that  were  used  by  their  ancestors ; 
but  the  gi-amraar  of  the  knguage  is  modern.  From  the  time  of  Homer, 
down  to  six  or  seven  centuries  after  Christ,  though  the  language  under- 
went many  modifications,  it  retained  unchanged  its  essential  character- 
istics; and  for  a  still  longer  period,  namely,  to  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  the  grammatical  structure  of  the  language,  as  employed  in  litera- 
ture, was  still  undisturbed,  although  the  combination  of  riiythm  and  accent 
had  some  time  before  ceased  to  mark  the  pronunciation.  This  period 
embraces  about  twenty-five  bundled  years. 

In  the  language  spoken  by  the  common  people,  the  old  system  of  gram- 
matical forms  —  perhaps  never  existing  in  its  completeness  among  the 
uneducated  —  was  abandoned  somewhere  between  the  sixth  and  eleventh 
centuries.     We  cannot  trace  the  changes  step  by  step,  for  want  of  docu- 
ments ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  popular  speech  of  the  Byzantine  Empire, 
before  the  twelfth  century,  possessed  all  the  grammatical  peculiarities 
which  mark  the  language  of  Greece  as  spoken  and  written  at  the  present 
day.     The  first  poem  published  in  modem  Greek,  was  addressed  by  The- 
odore Ptochoprodromos,  a  contemporary  of  Anna  Comnena,  to  the  Em- 
peror Manuel  Comnenos ;  and  this  has  not  only  the  grammatical,  but  the 
rhythmical  forms  of  the  popular  poetry  at  the  present  day.     The  changes 
that  took  place  in  the  spoken  language  before  the  twelfth  centuiy  are,"^ 
1.  Several  tenses  of  the  verb  were  formed  by  auxiliaries,  as  in  the  other 
modem  languages,  instead  of  being  modified  forms  of  the  root  of  the  verb ; 
e.  g.  €x«  ypafeiy  6€X(o  ypa^ci,  /  have  written,  I  shall  write,  instead  of 
yfypacfM,  ypd^a.     2.  The  increased  use  of  prepositions  to  express  the 
relations  of  cases,  instead  of  expressing  them  by  changes  of  termination 
in  the  words.     8.  The  disapi)eanince  of  quantity  as  the  principal  rhyth- 
mical element  in  poetical   composition,  and  the  substitution  of  accent, 
as  in  the  other  modern  languages,  and  perhaps  the  introduction  of  rhyme. 
4.  Various  changes  and  corruptions  in  the  sounds  of  the  vowels  and  diph- 
thongs, especially  the  representing  the  long  e  by  six  difterent  letters 
or  combinations  of  letters,  i,  rj,  «,  v,  oi,  vi,  w  hich  originally,  without  doubt, 
were  distinguished  from  each  other.      In  the  successive  periods  of  the 
occupation  of  Greece  by  Romans,  Goths,  Slavonians,  French,  and  Turks, 
many  words  from  the  languages  of  these  races  found  a  lodgement  in  the 
Greek ;  but  at  the  present  day  they  have  nearly  all  disappeared  from  the 
language  of  good  society.     Among  the  uneducated  people,  as  in  all  other 
countries,  corruptions  and  vulgarisms  prevail;  but  not  more  than  in  Eng- 


Chap.  LIIL] 


PRESENT  LANGUAGE  OF  GREECE. 


637 


land,  France,  and  Germany.  The  general  character  of  the  language  is 
the  same  at  Constantinople,  Athens,  Thebes,  and  Delphi. 

There  is  no  subject  to  which  more  attention  is  given  in  the  schools  of 
Greece  than  the  language.  The  present  Hellenes  are  like  the  Greeks  of 
old,  in  this  respect ;  no  small  part  of  the  business  of  education  is  devoted 
to  the  mother  tongue.  It  will  readily  be  perceived,  that  the  language 
of  the  great  body  of  the  people  is  a  popular  language,  and,  as  such,  dif- 
fers a  good  deal  from  that  spoken  in  cultivated  society.  It  will  also 
be  easily  understood,  that  the  state  of  things  under  the  Turks  was  not 
favorable  to  the  cultivation  and  maintenance  of  purity  of  speech,  either 
among  the  learned  or  the  unlearned  classes ;  and  one  of  the  first  cares 
of  the  scholars  who  inspired  the  country  with  the  hope  of  regeneration 
was  to  settle  the  principles  of  the  language,  which  was  not  only  cor- 
rupted by  the  admixture  of  foreign  words,  but  exceedingly  irregular 
in  its  forms  and  chaotic  in  its  constructions.  Coraes  was  the  first  and 
the  ablest  of  these  reformers;  and  his  system  has  been  followed,  with 
some  modifications,  by  the  majority  of  his  educated  countrymen.  It 
recognizes  the  form  and  principles  of  the  Greek  as  a  modern  lan- 
guage, but  proposes  to  settle  the  usage  and  purify  the  language  from 
Turkish,  Italian,  and  other  foreign  mixtures,  by  substituting  words  of 
Greek  derivation  for  these  intrusive  elements.  There  never  was  a  time 
when  even  the  popular  speech  was  not,  in  by  far  the  greater  part  of  its 
words  and  phrases,  genuine  Greek.  Some  of  the  more  enthusiastic  in 
their  classical  zeal  hoped  to  restore  the  language  absolutely  as  it  was 
spoken  by  Demosthenes.  Mr.  Buchon,  with  pleasant  exaggeration,  says: 
"  Philology  is  the  .passion  of  all  the  Greek  students,  in  whatever  depart- 
ment.    A  physician,  an  advocate,  a  professor,  has  often  become  a  minister 

of  state,  because  he  had  a  good  mastery  of  his  language Greek 

grammar  is  at  the  basis  and  summit  of  all  instruction Not  content 

with  having  eliminated  all  foreign  words,  the  Athenians  endeavor  to  ap- 
proach the  ancient  language  as  near  as  possible,  in  words,  in  forms,  in  the 
shape  of  phrases,  and  in  inversions The  paladins  of  Greek  phi- 
lology march  to  the  conquest  of  a  grammatical  form,  as  to  a  rich  province. 
The  dative  had  disappeared,  —  they  have  raised  it  from  the  tomb ;  the 
aorist  had  been  nearly  extinguished,  —  all  are  seeking  to  breathe  mto  it  a 
new  life ;  at  present  they  flatter  themselves  with  the  ardent  hope  of  re- 
conquering the  infinitive,  which  had  emigrated  so  long  ago."  This  was 
written  in  1843;  the  process  of  purification  and  reformation  has  gone 
steadily  on ;  though  the  infinitive  has  not  yet  returned  from  its  emigra- 
tion, the  aorist  is  restored  to  perfect  health.  In  short,  the  usage  of  the 
language  may  now  be  considered  as  established.  Several  of  the  recent 
gi'ammars  —  those  now  of  the  highest  authority  in  Athens  —  are  admirable 
specimens  of  philological  skill.  The  course  of  nature  has  not  been  vio- 
lated by  forcing  upon  it  the  ancient  constructions,  while  Turkish  words, 


W'^ 


Otfo 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LIIL 


like  the  Turks  themselves,  have  been  unceremoniously  turned  out  of 
doors.  In  the  mean  time,  the  natural  growth  of  Ihe  language,  and  its  ap- 
plication to  the  larger  range  of  thought  required  by  the  superior  civiliza- 
tion of  the  age,  has  made  it  necessary  to  enlarge  its  vocabulary  by  copi- 
ous drafts  from  other  sources.  Whence  should  these  drafts  be  made? 
Obviously,  not  from  English,  French,  or  Italian;  but  naturally,  as  the 
Greek  scholars  instuictively  decided,  from  the  abundant  wealth  of  the 
ancient  Greek.  Thus  the  word  for  steamboat  was  made  of  the  two  an- 
cient words  which  signify  steam  and  boat,  ar/ioVXotoi^,  instead  of  t6  vapore, 
as  the  people  at  first  called  it.  The  post  is  called  r6  raxvSpofjLfiop,  instead 
of  posta;  the  national  bank  is  7  idviKri  rpaTrefa;  and  the  University  is  to 
UavfTnarrjfuov.  A  cigar-shop  is  appropriately  called  KanpoTrcoXeiov,  a  place 
for  selhng  smoke;  a  barber's  shop,  as  in  ancient  Athens,  is  called  a 
Kovpthv ;  a  merchant  tailor  figures  on  his  sign-boai'd  as  an  einropos  pdimjs ; 
a  hotel  is  a  ((vobox^'iov, 

§  22.  There  are  published  in  Greece  about  thirty  newspapers,  two  or 
three  literary  journals,  and  an  arclueological  jounial,  most  of  them  written 
with  talent,  and  some,  as  the  Panhellenion,  which  was  commenced  in 
1853,  quite  equal  in  elegance  of  style  and  power  of  argument  to  the  best 
journals  of  Paris  and  London.  The  text-books  for  schools,  Gymnasia,  and 
the  University  are  very  numerous,  and  will  bear  a  favorable  comparison 
with  those  used  in  the  Prussian  schools.  The  hsts  of  books  printed  by 
the  principal  pubhshers,  Koromelas  and  Blastos,  are  surprisingly  large.* 
Works  of  a  higher  grade  than  text-books  are  beginning  to  appear.  Pro- 
fessor Asopios  is  publishing  a  very  elaborate  history  of  Greek  hterature, 
and  Professor  Rangabes  another  on  Greek  antiquities.  The  national 
history  is  much  studied,  and  several  very  able  and  well-written  works 
have  recently  appeared.  Professor  Paparrhegopoulos  has  written  an  ex- 
cellent summary  of  the  history  of  Greece,  and  Spyridon  Tricoupes  is 
now  pubhshing  a  History  of  the  Revolution,  which  will  take  its  place 
among  the  classics  of  his  country. 

With  regard  to  the  poetical  development  of  the  nation,  there  is  a  dis- 
tinction to  be  made  between  the  cultivated  poetry  and  the  popular  poetry. 
The  former  has  not  yet  attained  its  complete  growth.  Yet  the  works  of 
Khegas,  Soutsos,  Rizos,  Rangabes,  ZampeUos,  Zalacostas,  and  others, 
give  rich  promise  for  the  poetical  literature  of  Modern  Greece.  Christo- 
poulos  has  written  in  the  popular  dialect  naive  and  charming  songs,  which 
depict  the  festive  side  of  Hellenic  life  with  mfinite  grace  and  vivacity. 

§  23.  At  present  the  most  characteristic  feature  in  the  poetry  of  the 
Greeks  is  the  popular  songs.  Like  the  ancients,  the  present  Hellenic 
race  have  a  vein  of  natural  poetry,  which  breaks  out  on  all  the  occurren- 


♦  The  number  of  copies  annnally  published  by  Koromelas,  of  text-books  for  the  schools 
Cymnasia,  and  the  University,  amounts  to  six  hundred  thousand. 


1 


Chap.  LIII.] 


POPULAR   POETBT. 


G39 


ces  of  life,  —  birth,  death,  separation,  departure  for  a  foreign  country,  — 
in  the  most  simple  and  unpremeditated  style.  A  large  proportion  of 
these  songs  exist  only  on  the  lips  of  the  people,  most  of  them  having 
never  been  reduced  to  writing  at  all.  The  first  collection  ever  made 
was  by  Fauriel,  published  in  1824  and  1825,  and  the  ballads  excited 
great  attention  in  Europe.  Goethe,  then  the  undisputed  monarch  of 
Continental  literature,  pronounced  them  the  most  genuine  poetry  of  art- 
less feeling  and  unsophisticated  nature  in  our  times.  Since  then,  much 
has  been  added,  commemorative  of  the  events  of  the  war,  and  several 
other  collections  have  been  made.  It  will  not  be  long,  however,  before 
this  period  of  popular  poetry  will  have  passed,  and  the  dialects  in 
which  the  songs  are  composed  will  have  become,  through  the  general 
diJBTusion  of  education,  obsolete  curiosities,  for  the  researches  of  the  mous- 
ing antiquarian.  They  ought,  therefore,  to  be  at  once  placed  beyond 
the  reach  of  casualty.  The  popular  life,  to  which  allusion  has  been 
made,  includes  that  of  the  Klephts  and  Armatoles ;  life  on  the  islands,  as 
well  as  the  mainland;  life  in  the  valleys,  as  well  as  on  the  mountains; 
and  the  poems  which  depict  it  run  back  mdefinitely  into  the  Turkish 
times.  Love  and  marriage,  funerals,  feasts,  the  dying  scene,  the  sorrow 
for  absent  love,  the  joys  of  victory  and  revenge,  the  fortitude  which  bears 
tortures  without  a  groan,  and  the  courage  which  defies  and  dauntlessly 
encounters  an  overwhelming  array  of  foemen,  —  these,  and  every  feature 
in  every  scene  of  this  popular  Hellenic  life,  and  every  feeling  of  this  sim- 
ple, fresh  Hellenic  heart,  are  rhythmically  embodied.  Among  them  we 
sometimes  find  strange  echoes  of  old  Greek  poetry,  still  reverberating 
among  the  mountains.  Charon,  the  ferryman  of  the  Styx  among  the  an- 
cients, has  become  a  mysterious  minister  of  Death,  hanging  invisibly  above 
the  doomed,  or  sweeping  like  a  storm  over  the  mountains,  on  horseback, 
with  the  ghosts  of  the  dead  borne  at  his  saddle-bow  or  marching  at  his 
side.  The  birds,  whose  voices  and  fiight  were  full  of  omens  to  the  an- 
cients, and  whose  knowledge  was  proverbial,  in  modern  poetry  are  en- 
dowed with  speech  and  supernatural  powers  of  vision,  and  often  appear 
as  collocutors  in  the  abruptly  changing  dialogue.  The  measure  in  which 
most  of  these  poems  are  composed  is  the  accented  iambic,  of  fifteen  syl- 
lables, without  rhyme. 

We  close  this  sketch  with  a  few  short  specimens  on  different  sub- 
jects, carefully  abstaining  from  adding  ornaments,  and  translating  them 
line  for  line,  in  the  same  rhythm  as  the  original.  The  brevity  and 
abruptness  of  their  style,  the  rapidity  of  the  narrative,  and  the  racy 
simplicity  of  their  dialectic  peculiarities,  can  scarcely  be  reproduced  in 
another  language ;  and  the  charm  they  possess  when  read  or  heard  in 
the  open  air  on  the  mountains  of  Greece,  in  the  midst  of  the  life  they 
embody,  and  the  scenery  that  suggested  their  coloring,  can  scarcely  be 
imagined  where  these  accessories  to  the  picture  are  wanting. 


m 


iMi 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


[Chap.  LUX 


m 


LOVE  DETECTED. 

Maiden,  we  kissed,  but  »t  was  at  night;  and  who  think'st  thou  beheld  us? 
The  night  beheld,  the  morn  beheld,  the  moon  and  star  of  evening; 
The  8tar  dropped  earthward  from  the  sky,  and  told  the  sea  the  story; 
The  sea  at  once  the  rudder  told;  the  rudder  told  the  sailor; 
The  sailor  sang  it  at  the  door,  where  sat  his  sweetheart  listening. 

Among  the  Klephts  the  passion  of  love  was  not  looked  upon  with  much 
favor,  as  appears  by  the  following,  entitled, 

THE  CAPTAIN  IN  LOVE. 

**  Conduct  thee  wisely,  Nicholas,  as  well  becomes  a  captain, 

Nor  with  thy  children  be  at  strife,  nor  venture  to  insult  them; 

For  they  an  evil  plot  have  laid,  resolving  they  will  slay  thee." 

"  Who  is  it  with  my  children  talks,  who  is  it  tells  them  stories? 

Well !  when  the  blooming  spring  shall  come,  and  when  shall  come  the  summer, 

To  Xerolibada  I  go,  and  to  our  ancient  quarters. 

Thither  I  go  to  wed  my  love,  to  take  a  fair-haired  maiden: 

With  golden  coins  I  'U  deck  my  love,  with  strings  of  pearls  adorn  her." 

The  Pallicars,  they  heard  his  words,  and  scornful  was  their  anger, 

Three  shots  they  gave  him  all  at  once,  and  all  the  three  were  fatal. 

"Down  with  the  weakling  fool!  "  they  cried,  "shoot  down  the  worthless  wanton! 

From  us  he  took  the  golden  coins  to  win  the  fair-haired  maiden: 

Our  fak-haired  maid  the  pistol  is,  the  sabre  is  our  mistress." 

The  following  describes  the  death  scene  of  a  Klepht,  who  for  a  won- 
der  lived  to  old  age,  and  died  without  being  killed  by  a  bullet.  It  com- 
bmes,  in  a  curious  way,  the  strong  contrasts  and  opposite  feelings  of  the 
Klephtic  character ;  it  is  a  kind  of  compound  of  piety,  powder,  and  simple 
love  of  nature.  The  hero  of  it  is  resolved,  even  after  death,  to  have  a 
ihot  now  and  then  at  the  Turks.  To  understand  its  simple  allusions, 
we  must  remember  that  such  a  family,  living  for  the  most  part  in  the  open 
au-,  would  always  select  the  bank  of  a  running  stream  for  their  supper- 
table,  and  the  sparkling  water  for  their  beverage. 

THE  DYING  CHIEF, 

The  sun  was  setting  in  the  west,  when  Demos  gives  his  orders:  — 
"Hasten,  my  children,  to  the  brook,  to  eat  your  bread  at  evening; 
And  thou,  Lampakes,  nephew  mine,  come,  take  thy  seat  before  me. 
Here!  wear  the  arras  that  now  I  wear,  and  be  a  valiant  captain; 
And  ye,  my  children,  take  my  sword,  deserted  by  its  master. 
And  cut  green  branches  from  the  trees,  and  spread  a  couch  to  rest  me, 
And  hither  bring  the  holy  man,  that  he  may  haste  to  shrive  me, 
That  I  may  tell  him  ail  the  sins  I  ever  have  committed 
While  thirty  years  an  Armatole,  and  twenty-five  a  robber. 
But  now  the  conqueror  Death  has  come,  and  I  for  Death  am  ready. 
Build  me  a  broad  and  spacious  tomb,  and  let  the  mound  be  lofty, 
That  I  may  stand  erect  and  fire,  then  stoop  and  load  the  musket; 
And  on  the  right  hand  of  the  tomb,  a  window  leave  wide  open. 
That  swallows  in  their  flight  may  come,  the  eariy  spring  announcing, 
And  nightingales,  of  lovely  May,  in  morning  song,  may  tell  me." 

The  subject  of  the  followmg  is  a  dispute  between  Olympus  and  Kis- 


Chap.  Lin.] 


POPULAR   POETRY. 


Ul 


savos  —  the  ancient  Ossa^ — on  the  right  of  precedence.  The  persons 
of  tjie  dialogue  are  the  two  rival  mountains,  an  eagle,  and  the  head  of 
a  slain  warrior,  each  of  whom  has  something  characteristic  to  say.  It  is 
called 

OLYMPUS  AND  KISSAVOS. 

Olympus  once,  and  Kissavos,  two  neighboring  mounts,  contended, 

Which  of  the  two  the  rain  should  pour,  and  which  shed  down  the  snow-storm; 

And  Kissavos  pours  down  the  rain,  Olympus  sheds  the  snow-storm. 

Then  Kissavos  in  anger  turns,  and  speaks  to  liigh  Olympus. 

KISSAVOS. 

Browbeat  me  not,  Olympus,  thou  by  robber  feet  betrampled, 
For  I  am  Kissavos,  the  mount,  in  far  Larissa  famous ; 
I  am  the  joy  of  Turkestan,  and  of  Larissa' s  Agas. 

OLYMPUS. 

Ha!  Kissavos!  ha!  renegade!  thou  Turk-betrampled  hillock: 
The  Turks  they  tread  thee  under  foot,  and  all  Larissa's  Agas; 
I  am  Olympus,  he  of  old,  renowned  the  world  all  over, 
And  I  have  summits  forty-two,  and  two-and-sixty  fountains, 
And  every  fount  a  banner  has,  and  every  bough  a  robber. 
And  on  my  highest  summit's  top  an  eagle  fierce  is  sitting. 
And  holding  in  his  talons  clutched  a  head  of  slaughtered  warrior. 

EAGLE. 

What  hast  thou  done,  0  head  of  mine,  of  what  hast  thou  been  guilty? 
How  came  the  chance  about  that  thou  art  clutched  within  my  talons? 

HEAD. 

Devour,  0  bird,  my  youthful  strength,  devour  my  manly  valor, 

And  let  thy  pinion  grow  an  ell,  a  span  thy  talon  lengthen,  • 

In  Luros  and  Xeromeros  I  was  an  Armatolos; 

In  Chasia  and  Olympus  next,  twelve  years  I  was  a  robber; 

And  sixty  Agas  have  I  killed,  and  left  their  hamlets  burning. 

And  all  the  Turks  and  Albanese  that  on  the  field  of  battle 

lily  hand  has  slain,  my  eagle  brave,  are  more  than  can  be  numbered. 

But  me  the  doom  befell  at  last,  to  perish  in  the  battle. 

The  following  ballad  commemorates  the  bravery  of  Tsamados,*  repre- 
senting him  as  returning  after  death  in  the  shape  of  a  bird  to  revisit 
Georgakes,  a  friend  in  arms,  who  expresses  his  wish  to  know  what  is 
passing  at  Mesolongi. 


*  In  May,  1826,  Ibrahim  Pacha  attacked  Palaeo-Castro  and  the  little  island  Sphacteria, 
with  a  powerful  fleet  and  army.  Mavrocordatos  had  rushed  to  their  defence.  He  threw 
himself  with  his  suite  into  the  island,  which  was  at  the  moment  held  by  a  brave  young  Hy- 
driote  captain  named  Tsamados,  and  a  small  body  of  soldiers  and  sailors.  Fifteen  hundred 
Arabs  landed  on  the  island,  but  met  with  a  desperate  resistance  from  Tsamados  and  his 
gallant  band.  Tsamados  was  shot  in  the  leg,  but  continued  fighting  on  his  knees  until  he 
was  knocked  down  and  killed.  When  this  was  known,  the  sailoi-s,  regaining  their  brig, 
on  board  which  Mavrocordatos  had  already  taken  refuge,  ran  out  through  the  Turkish 
fleet  of  thirtj'-four  ships  of  war,  aiid,  having  been  exposed  for  more  than  four  hours  to  their 
fire,  escaped  with  riddled  sails  and  rigging  shot  awaj--,  with  two  men  killed  and  eight 
wounded.  The  surrender  of  Navarino  followed ;  and  not  long  after,  the  whole  Morea,  ex- 
cept the  unconquerable  Manotes,  lay  at  the  mercy  of  Ibraliim. 

81 


i' 


642 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


TSAMADOS. 


[Chap.  LUI. 


I  would  I  were  a  bird  to  fly  and  visit  Mesolongi, 
That  I  might  see  them  wield  the  sword,  and  how  they  ply  the  mnsket; 
How  wage  the  war  in  Ronmeli,  her  still  unconquered  vultures. 
A  bird  then  came,  on  golden  wing,  and  said  to  me,  in  singing, 
"  Patience,  Georgakes  mine !  if  thou  for  Arab  blood  art  thirsting 
Here  too  are  Agarenes  enow  for  even  thee  to  slaughter. 
Beholdest  thou  yon  Turkish  ships,  now  floating  in  the  distance  ? 
Charon  is  standing  over  them,  and  they  shall  bum  to  ashes.'' 
My  bird,  where  didst  thou  learn  these  things  that  thou  to  me  art  telling? 
"I  seem  unto  thine  eyes  a  bird,  but 't  is  no  bird  thou  seest; 
For  in  the  island  opposite  to  Navarino's  haven 
I  yielded  up  my  latest  breath,  against  the  Moslem  fighting. 
I  am  Tsamados,  from  the  tomb  back  to  the  world  returning; 
For  though  from  heaven  where  I  dwell,  1  clearly  can  behold  thee, 
To  come  and  see  thee  face  to  face  my  heart  was  ever  longing." 
And  what  wouldst  see  among  us  now,  in  our  unhappy  country? 
Hast  thou  not  heard  what  has  befallen,  how  fares  it  in  Morea? 
"  Georgakes  mine,  be  not  downcast,  nor  lose  thy  manly  courage; 
If  the  Morea  wars  not  now,  the  time  again  is  coming 
"When  they  will  fight  like  savage  beasts,  and  chase  away  the  foemen, 
And  blackened  bones  bo  strewn  around  the  walls  of  Mesolongi, 
And  Souli's  lions  prowling  there  shall  seize  their  prey  exulting." 
And  then  the  bird  resumed  his  flight,  and  mounted  up  to  heaven. 


Mount  Olympus. 


CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE. 


Book  I.  — MYTHICAL  AGE. 

B.  C. 

1184.  Capture  of  Troy. 

1124.  Emigration  of  the  Boeotians  from  Thessaly  into  Bojotia. 
1104.  Return  of  the  Heraclidae.    Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians. 
1050.  Cumse  founded. 
850.  Probable  age  of  Homer. 

Book  n.  — GROWTH  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES. 


776. 
747. 
748. 
784. 
723. 
720. 
710. 
708. 
700. 
693. 
690. 
685. 
683. 


670. 

ms. 

6«4. 

657. 
655. 
C44. 
630. 
625. 
624. 
C12. 
«.410. 
COO. 
5:tC. 

(j'Jb. 
594. 
591. 
589. 

686. 

585. 
582. 
581. 


Commencement  of  the  Olympiads.    Age  of  Lycurgus. 

Pheidon,  tyrant  of  Argos,  celebrates  the  8th  Olympic  games. 

Beginning  of  the  first  Messenian  war. 

Syracuse  founded  by  Archias  of  Corinth. 

End  of  the  first  Messenian  war. 

Sybaris,  in  Italy,  founded  by  the  Achaeans. 

Croton,  in  Italy,  founded  by  the  Aclia;ans. 

Tarentum  founded  by  the  Lacedaemonian  Parthenii,  under  Phalanthus. 

Archiloclius  of  Paros,  the  iambic  poet,  flourished. 

Simoiiides  of  Araorgop,  the  lyric  poet,  flourished. 

Foundation  of  Gela  in  Sicily. 

The  beginning  of  the  second  Messenian  war. 

First  annuiil  Archon  at  Athens.  Tyrtaeus,  the  Athenian  poet,  came  to  Sparta  aftjwr 
the  first  success  of  the  Messenians,  and  by  his  martial  songs  roused  the  faintmg 
courage  of  the  Lacedaemonians. 

Alcnian,  a  native  of  Sardis  in  Lydia,  and  the  chief  lyric  poet  of  Sparta,  flourished. 

End  of  the  second  Messenian  war. 

A  scii-fight  between  tlie  Corinthians  and  Corcyrreans,  the  most  ancient  sea-fight  re- 
corded.    Zaleucus,  the  lawgiver  in  Locri  Epizephyrii,  flourished. 

r>vzautiiim  founded  bv  the  Mec:arians. 

The  liacchiadae  expelled  from  Corintli.    Cypsclus  begins  to  reign. 

Pautaleon,  king  of  Pisa,  celebrates  the  Olympic  games. 

Cyrcnc  in  Libya  founded  by  Battus  of  Tliera. 

Periander  succeeds  Cypsclus  .it  Corinth.    Arion  flourished  in  the  reign  of  Periander. 

Legislation  of  Dracon  at  Athens. 

Attempt  of  Cylon^to  make  himself  master  of  Athens. 

Sappho,  Alcaeus,  and  Stesichorus  flourished. 

^Massiliti  in  Gaul  founded  by  the  Plvocaians. 

Kpinienidee,  the  Cretan,  came  to  Athens. 

Commencement  of  the  Cirrhaian  or  Sacred  War,  which  lasted  ten  years. 

Legislation  of  Solon,  who  was  Athenian  archon  in  this  year. 

Cirrha  taken  by  the  Amphictyons.  ., 

Commencement  of  the  government  of  Pittacus  at  Mjrtilene. 

The  conquest  of  the  Cirrhseans  completed  and  the  Pythian  games  celebrated.  Thi 
Seven  Wise  Men  flourished. 

Death  of  Periander. 

Agrigentum  founded. 

The  dynasty  of  the  Cypselidse  ended. 


642 


HISTORY   OF  GEEECE. 


TSAMAD'O'S. 


[Chap.  LIII. 


1  wcrnM  1  were  a  Mrf  to'  §j  and  visit  Jlesoloiigi, 
That  I  might  see  them  wield  the  sworii,  ami  how  they  ply  the  musket; 
How  wage  the  war  in  Iloiimeli,  her  still  iinconquered  vultnrcs. 
A  bird  tlieii  came,  on  goMen  wing,  and  said  to  me,  In  singing, 
'*  Fatiencc,  GeorgakOs  mine !  iftliou  for  Arab  blotxl  art  thirsting 
Here  too  are  Agarenes  enow  for  even  thee  to  slaughter. 
Beholdest  thou  yon  Turkish  ships,  now  floating  in  the  distance? 
Charon  is  standliif  O'Tcr  them,  and.  the}'  sliall  burn  to  ashes.'*' 
BIy  bird,  where  didst  tiiou  leiini  tliese  things  that  thorn  to  lUt  art.  telling? 
"I  seem  unto  thine  eyes  a  bird,  but 't  is  no  bird  tlioa  »eest| 
For  ill  the  ishind  iipiM^ite  to  Xa\arino's  haven 
I  yielded  up  my  latest  brcatli,  a'lainst  the  Moslem  fighting. 
I  am  Tsamados,  from  tlie  tomb  back  to  the  workl  returning; 
For  thougli  from  heax-en  where  I  dwell,  I  clearly  can  behold  thec» 
To  come  and  see  thee  face  to  face  my  heart  was  ever  longing." 
And  what  wouldst  see  among  us  now,  in  our  unhappy  country? 
Hast  tliou  not  Iieard  what  has  befallen,  how  fares  it  in  ^llorea? 
**  Gcorgakt'"*  mine,  be  nut  downcast,  nor  lose  thy  manly  courage; 
If  tlie  Morca  wars  not  now,  the  time  nrnvn  is  coniin*' 
■  Wlien  tliey  will  fight  like  suvMge  beasts,  and  chase  away  the  foenea, 
And  blackened  bones  be  strewn  arMiiiid  the  walls  of  .Mesolnngi, 
And  Souli's  lions  prowling  there  shall  seize  their  prey  exidting," 
Aiid  then  the  bird  resumed  his  fiiglit,  and  mounted  up  to  heaven. 


Mount  Olympus. 


CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE. 


ihifaiii^^ 


Book  I.  — MYTHICAL  AGE. 

1184.  Capture  of  Troy. 

1124.  Kniiirration  of  the  Bopotians  from  Thcssaly  into  Bopotia. 
1104.  lletuni  of  the  Heraclida;.     Conquest  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Dorians. 
1050.  Cuma*  founded. 
850,  Probable  nm  of  Homer. 


77B. 
T47. 

143. 
784. 
723. 
i2u< 
710. 
■70S. 
7i..H). 

em. 

€^-'. 


GT' 

61.:' 

c:;  ■ 


uy4. 
591. 
580. 


585. 
S82. 
S81. 


Book  n.  — GROWTH  OF  THE   GRECIAN  STATES. 

Commonccnient  of  the  Olyinjdads.     Aire  of  Lycm-gus. 

Plieidoii,  tyrniit  of  Ari^s,  c''-!<'ln-ates  the  8th  Olympic  games. 

Begitnii'i;r  of  the  fir-t  M<'s<fn!:iii  war. 

Syracu-"  t'>uiMled  by  Arcliias  of  Corinth. 

Krnl  of  the  iiist  Messenian  war. 

Svbaris.  in  Italv.  t'onmled  hv  the  Acha'ans. 

Ci'iitnii,  in  Italy,  founiit'd  liy  the  Acliaaiis. 

Tanvituni  founded  by  the  I.tu-eda'iooninn  Parthonii,  under  Phalanthus. 

Aii'hilochus  (tf  I'aros,  the  iarnl»ic  Jioet,  tlourished. 

.Sinioiiid"-  of  AnmrpN,  thi-  lyric  poet,  tlourished. 

Fonndati<.;i  of  licla  in  Sicily. 

']'1,(>  lM':_'iiiiiiii,Lr  of  the  <t/eoii(l  Messenian  war. 

Fu-t  n:iiiu:i!  Archou  :,t  \\hrv.<.     'fyrtanis,  the  Athenian  poet,  came  to  Sparta  after 

the  iir-r  >u(tc--  of  the  Mf^-cnians,  and  by  his  martial  songs  rousf(l  the  fainting 

c-'rr:i;v'  '  •'  ti!''  !/"•!'■  i;iMii' >niaMS. 
A'fMi.i;:.  a  !!;i!i    •  "i'  >:ir.lis  hi  l.ydia,  and  tlie  chief  lyric  poet  of  S]>arta,  flourished 
.r  !!..•  XT.  .|v!  M.--.-r;,iaa  war. 
•  .,:;■.■;:  i-eiwriMi  t'n'  C >ri;itliians  and  Coreynrans,  tli?  mo^t  ancient  sea-figlit  re- 

cnii'd.     ZaleuciiN.  the  I  aw -river  in  Locri  l-^ii/e^ili^Tii,  i!"ur;-!:0'l. 

;.  -'  .',';ii;u  I'uin'ir.i  ],y  the  Mc;ra]-ians. 
1  lie  r>:;c'-h!a.!:''  c\;..'l!c,i  fniui  <  'orinlli.     Cy|)selus  Ix^^bis  to  rei£;:a- 
,'.'    ■  i'".H!.  kin-- ot'  1'1-a.  crl.'hrates  the  Olyiiijiie  ^.-anies. 
'    ,       ,.   in  I.il-y;i  foiii:  '••'1  hy  l'.;ittus  of  Thcra. 

I'-  nii.ler  .-uccccds  (;y|i>"'us  at  ('orinih.     Arion  l]oi:rishcd  in  the  reign  of  Periander. 
I  ■.;■-':!;!< >n  oi'  Uraeoii  at  AtiuMis. 

\  '   i!;:,t  ni' <'\-i.iu  to  iijiikc  hi!ii>-elfrna<ter  of  Alliens. 
Siii'ittiu.  Al<-a'i;-,  and  Ste-ii-hnrus  !!i!uri-h<'d. 
"■   --ilia  in  (iaiil  f->uii'!ed  \>y  the  IMn.ca'ans. 

i''?iiih-S,  t!i-'  Cretan,  cainr'  to  Alliens. 
1  ■  ::n.ici,ccnir;it  of  tl'H'  Cirrhi'viu  or  Sacn'd  War,  which  lasted  ten  years. 
I.c^i-lation  of  Solon,  w!io  was  Athenian  archon  in  this  year. 
Cirrha  taken  hv  the  Amnhiotvons, 

Coianiencenieut  of  the  government  of  Pittacus  at  Mytilenc. 
1  lu  coM'iiiest  of  the  Cirrlneans  completed  and  the  Pythian  games  celebrated.    The 

Seven  Wise  Men  flourished. 
Death  of  Periander. 
A'M-i'reiitum  f<  muded. 
The  dynasty  of  the  Cypsclida)  ended. 


I  ■ 


1> 


m\ 


•I 


IK 


644 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 


S7e. 

ftZ2. 

MO* 


559. 
566. 
548, 
646. 

544. 

539. 
538. 
535. 
532. 
531. 
629. 
527. 
525. 
523. 
522. 


514. 
511. 

510. 
504. 
501. 


Pittiiciis  resigns  the  goyemment  of  Mytilene: 

The  war  between  Pisa  and  Elis  ended  by  the  subjection  of  the  . ..,«««. 
Peisistratus  usurps  the  government  of  Athens.    Ibycus  of  Rhegium,  the  lyric  poet 
floarished.  j      f    n 

Cyrus  begins  to  reign  in  Persia. 

Simonides  of  Ceos,  the  lyric  poet,  bom.  ' 

The  temple  at  Delphi  burnt.    Auaximenes  flourished. 

Sardis  taken  by  Cyrus,  and  the  Lydian  monarchy  overthrown.    Hipponax,  the  iambic 
poet,  flourished. 

Pherecydes  of  Syros,  the  philosopher,  and  Theognis  of  Megara,  the  poet,  flourished. 

Ibycus  of  Rhegium,  the  lyric  poet,  flourished. 

Babylon  taken  by  Cyrus.    Xenophanes  of  Colophon,  the  philosopher,  flourished. 

Thespis  the  Athenian  first  exhibits  tragedy. 

Polycrates  becomes  tyrant  of  Samos. 

The  philosopher  Pythagoras  and  the  poet  Anacreon  flourished. 

Death  of  Cyrus  and  accession  of  Cambyses  as  king  of  Persia. 

Death  of  Peisistratus,  thirty-three  years  after  his  first  usurpation. 

Cambyses  conquers  Egypt  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign.    Birth  of  iEschvlus. 

Choenhis  of  Athens  exhibits  tragedy. 

Polycrates  of  Samos  put  to  death.  *Birth  of  Pindar.  Death  of  Cambvses,  usurpatipn 
of  tlie  Magi,  and  accession  of  Darius  to  the  Persian  throne.  Heciitaus,  the  histo- 
rian, flourished. 

Hippurclms,  tyrant  of  Athens,  slain  by  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton. 

Phrynichus,  the  tragic  poet,  flourished. 

Expulsion  of  Hippiiis  from  Athens.    The  ten  tribes  instituted  bv  Cleisthenes. 

Charon  of  Lampsacus,  tljc  historian,  flourished. 

Naxos  besieged  by  Aristagor.is  and  the  Pe.*siims.   Aristagoras  revolts  from  the  Persiani. 


Book  III.  — THE  PERSIAN  WARS. 


500. 


408. 
497. 

AIM 

495. 
498» 

4il. 

490. 


4u0. 

486. 
485. 
484. 

481. 


Aristagoras  solicits  aid  from  Athens  and  Sparta.  Birth  of  Annxagoras,  First  year  of 
the  Ionian  rorojf.    Sardis  burnt.    iEschyhis,  offod  twontv-fivo.  fTr^t  exhil.its  tracredy. 

Third  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.    Aristagoras  slainMn  Thrace.    Death  of  Pvthagoras. 

Fourth  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  Histiajus  comes  down  to  the  coast.  Buth  of  Hel- 
lanicus  of  Mytilene,  the  historian. 

Fitlh  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.    Birth  of  Sophocles. 

Sixth  and  last  year  of  the  Ionian  revolt.  The  lonians  defeated  in  a  naval  battle  near 
Miletus,  and  Miletus  taken. 

The  Persians  take  the  islands  of  Chios,  Lesbos,  and  Tenedos.  Miltiades  flies  from  the 
Chersonesus  to  Athens. 

Mardoiiius,  the  Persian  general,  invades  Europe,  and  unites  Macedonia  to  the  Persian 
"    empire. 

Darius  sends  he'ralds  to  Greece  to  demand  earth  and  water.  Demaratus,  king  of  Spar- 
ta, deposed  by  the  intrigues  of  his  colleague  Cleomenes.    He  flies  to  Darius. 

Datis  and  Artaphemes,  the  Persian  generals,  invade  Europe.  Thev  take  Eretria  In 
Euba-a  and  hind  in  Attica.  They  are  defeated  at  Marathon  by  the*  Athenians  under 
the  command  of  Miltiades.  Jlschylus  fought  at  the  battle  of  MaraUion,  act  86. 
War  between  Athens  and  ^gina. 

Miltiades  attempts  to  conquer  Paros,  but  is  repulsed.  He  is  accused,  and,  unable  to 
pay  the  fine  in  which  he  was  condemned,  is  thrown  into  prison,  where  he  died. 

Revolt  of  Eg,vT>t  from  the  Persians  in  the  fourth  year  after  the  battle  of  Marathon. 

Xerxes,  kuig  of  Persia,  succeeds  Darius.    Gelon  becomes  master  of  S>Tacuse. 

Egj'pt  reconquered  by  the  Persians.  Herodotus  bom.  iEschylus  gains  the  prize  in 
iraged  V. 

Ostracisni   .f  Aristeides. 

ThemiM  .  '.'<  the  leading  man  at  Athens. 


CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE. 


645 


B.  C. 

480.  Xerxes  invades  Greece.  He  sets  out  from  Sardis  at  the  beginning  of  the  spring.  The 
battles  of  Thermopylae  and  Artemisium  were  fought  at  the  time  of  the  Olympic 
games.  The  Athenians  deserted  their  city,  which  w^as  taken  by  Xerxes.  The 
battle  of  Salamis,  in  which  the  fleet  of  Xerxes  was  destroyed,  was  fought  in  the 
autumn. 
Birth  of  Euripides. 

479.  After  the  return  Of  Xerxes  to  Asia,  Mardonius,  who  was  left  in  the  command  of  the 
Persian  ai-my,  passed  the  winter  in  Thessaly.  In  the  spring  he  marches  southward 
and  occupies  Athens  ten  months  after  its  occupation  by  Xerxes.  At  the  battle  of 
Plataea,  fought  in  September,  he  is  defeated  by  the  Greeks  under  the  command  of 
Pausanias.  On  the  same  day  the  Persian  fleet  is  defeated  off  Mycale  by  the  Greek 
fleet.  Sestos  besieged  by  the  Greeks  in  the  autumn  and  surrendered  iu  the  follow- 
ing spring. 

478.  Sestos  taken  by  the  Greeks.  The  history  of  Herodotus  teiminates  at  the  siege  of 
Sestos. 

Book  IV.  — THE  ATHENIAN  SUPREMACY  AND  THE  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR. 

478.  In  consequence  of  the  haughty  conduct  of  Pausanias,  the  maritime  allies  place  them- 
selves under  the  supremacy  of  Athens.  Commencement  of  the  Athenian  ascen- 
dency or  empire,  w^hich  lasted  about  70  years,  —  65  before  the  rain  of  the  Athenian 
affairs  in  Sicily,  73  before  the  capture  of  Athens  by  Lysander. 

476.  Cimon,  commanding  the  forces  of  the  Athenians  and  of  the  allies,  expels  the  Persians 
from  Eion  on  tlie  Strymon,  and  then  takes  the  island  of  Scyrcs,  where  the  bones 
of  Theseus  are  discovered. 
Simonides,  set.  80,  gains  the  prize  in  the  dithyrambic  choras. 

471.  Themistocles,  banished  by  ostracism,  goes  to  Argos.  Pausanias  convicted  of  treason 
and  put  to  death.    Thucydides  the  historian  bom. 

469.  Pericles  begins  to  take  part  in  public  atTairs,  forty  years  before  his  death. 

468.  Mycence  destroyed  by  the  Argives.  Death  of  Aristeides.  Socrates  born.  Sophocles 
gained  his  first  tragic  victory. 

467.  Simonides,  a?t.  90,  died. 

466.  Naxos  revolted  and  subdued.  Great  victory  of  Cimon  over  the  Persians  at  the  rivw 
Eurymedon,  in  Pampliylia.    Themistocles  flies  to  Persia. 

465.  Revolt  of  Thasos.    Death  of  Xerxes,  king  of  Persia,  and  accession  of  Artaxerxes  L 

464.  Earthquake  at  Sparta,  and  revolt  of  the  Helots  and  Messenians.    Cimon  marches  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Lacedemonians.    Zeno  of  Elea  flourished. 

463.  Thasos  subdued  by  Cimon. 

461.  Cimon  marches  a  second  time  to  the  assistance  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  but  his  offers 
are  declined  by  the  latter,  and  the  Athenian  troops  sent'back.  Ostracism  of  Cimon. 
Pericles  at  the  head  of  public  afftiirs  at  Athens. 

460.  Revolt  of  Inaros,  and  fii-st  year  of  the  Egyptian  war,  which  lasted  six  years.  The 
Athenians  sent  assistance  to  the  Egyptians. 

458.  The  Oretitia  of  /Eschylus  performed. 

457.  Battles  in  the  Megarid  between  the  Athenians  and  Corinthians.  The  Lacedsemonians 
march  into  Doris  to  assist  the  Dorians  against  the  Phocians.  On  their  return  they 
are  attacked  by  the  Athenians  at  Tanagra,  but  the  latter  are  defeated.  The  Athe- 
nians commence  building  their  long  walls,  which  were  completed  iu  the  following 
year. 

456.  The  Athenians,  commanded  by  Myronides,  defeat  the  Thebans  at  (Enophyta.  Recall 
of  Cimon  from  exile.    Death  of  iEschylus,  set.  69. ' 

455.  The  Messenians  conquered  by  the  Lacedaemonians  in  the  tenth  year  of  the  war.  Tol- 
mides,  the  Athenian  general,  settles  the  expelled  Messenians  at  Naupactus.  See 
B.  c.  464.  Tolmides  sails  round  Peloponnesus  with  an  Athenian  fleet,  and  does 
great  injury  to  the  Peloponnesians. 
End  of  tlie  Egyptian  war  in  the  sixth  year.  See  b.  c.  460.  All  Egypt  conquered  by 
the  Persians,  except  the  marshes,  where  Amyrtaeus  continued  to  hold  out  for  some 
yeai-s.    See  b.  c.  449. 


-.^ 


m 


mill 

mi 


Mifi! 


646 


MISTORY  OF   OBEECS. 


iPi'l 


i6&.  Euripides,  net.  25,  first  gains  the  prize  in  tragedy. 

4M.  Campaign  of  Pericles  at  Sicyon  and  in  Acamania. 
Cratinus,  the  comic  writer,  flourished. 

462.  Five  years^  trace  between  the  Athenians  and  Peloponnesians,  made  through  the  inter- 
vention of  Cimon. 
Anaxagonis,  set.  50,  withdraws  from  Athens,  after  residing  there  thirty  years. 

449.  Renewal  of  the  war  with  Persia.  The  Athenians  send  assistance  to  Amyrtojus.  Death 
of  Cimon  and  victory  of  the  Athenians  at  Salamis  in  Cyprus. 

448.  Sacred  War  between  the  Delphians  and  Phocians  for  the  possession  of  the  oracle  and 
temple.  The  Lacedaemonians  assisted  the  Delphians,  and  the  Athenians  the  Pho- 
cians. 

447.  The  Athenians  defeated  at  Cha?ronea  by  the  Boeotians. 

445.  Revolt  of  Euboea  and  Megiira  from  Athens.  The  five  years'  trace  having  expired  (see 
B.  c.  450),  the  Lacediiemonians,  led  by  Pleistoanax,  invade  Attica.  After  the 
Lacedemonians  had  retired,  Pericles  recovers  Euboea.  The  thirty  years'  trace 
between  Athens  and  Sparta. 

444.  Pericles  begins  to  have  the  sole  direction  of  public  affiiirs  at  Athens.  Thucydides,  the 
son  of  Milesias,  the  leader  of  the  aristocratical  party,  ostracized. 

443.  The  Athenians  send  a  colony  to  Thurii  in  Italy.  Herodotus,  aet.  41,  and  Lysias,  aet.  15, 
accompany  this  colony  to  Thurii. 

441.  Euripides  gains  the  first  prize  in  tragedy. 

440.  Samoa  revolts  from  Athens,  but  is  subdued  by  Pericles  in  the  ninth  month.  Sopho- 
cles, set.  55,  was  one  of  the  ten  Athenian  generals  who  fought  against  Samoa. 

489.  Athens  at  the  height  of  its  glory. 

437.  Colony  of  Agnou  to  Amphipolis. 

436.  Cratinus,  the  comic  poet,  gains  the  prize. 

433.  War  between  the  Corinthians  and  Corcyraeans  on  account  of  Epidamnus.    The  Co- 

rinthians defeated  by  tlie  Corcyraeans  in  a  sea-fight. 

434.  The  Corinthians  make  great  preparations  to  carry  on  the  war  with  vigor. 

433.  The  Corcyraeans  and  Corinthians  send  embassies  to  Athens  to  solicit  assistance.    The 

Athenians  form  a  defensive  alliance  with  the  Corcyraeans. 
482.  The  Corcyrajans,  assisted  by  the  Athenians,  defeat  the  Corinthians  in  the  spring.    lu 
the  same  year  Potidaea  revolts  from  Athens.    Congress  of  the  Peloponnesians  in  the 
autumn  to  decide  upon  war  with  Athens. 
Anaxagoras,  prosecuted  for  impiety  at  Athens,  withdraws  to  Larapsacus,  where  he 

died  about  four  years  afterwards. 
Aspasia  prosecuted  by  the  comic  poet  Hermippus,  but  acquitted  through  the  influence 

of  Pericles. 
Prosecution  and  death  of  Pheidias. 
431.  First  year  of  the  Peloftonnesian  war.    The  Thebans  make  an  attempt  upon  Platsea 
two  months  before  midsummer.    Eighty  days  afterwards  Attica  is  invaded  by  the 
Peloponnesians.    Alliance  between  the  Athenians  and  Sitalces,  king  of  Thrace. 
Hellanicus,  aet.  65,  Herodotus,  rot.  53,  Thucydides,  aet.  40,  at  the  commencement  of 

the  Peloponnesian  war. 
The  Medea  of  Euripides  exhibited. 
410.  Second  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Second  invasion  of  Attica.     The  plague 

rages  at  Athens. 
429.  Third  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Potidaea  surrenders  to  the  Athenians  after  a 
siege  of  more  than  two  years.    Naval  actions  of  Phormio  in  the  Corinthian  Gulf. 
Commencement  of  the  siege  of  Plataea. 
Death  of  Pericles  in  the  autumn. 
Birth  of  Plato  the  philosopher. 
EupoHs  and  Phrynichus,  the  comic  poets,  exhibit 
418.  FoDrth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Third  invasion  of  Attica.    Revolt  of  all  Les- 
boe,  except  Metliymna.    Mytilene  besieged  towards  the  autumn. 
Death  of  Anaxagoras,  aet.  72. 
117.  Fifth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Fourth  invasion  of  Attica.    Mytilene  taken  by 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE. 


647 


».  0. 


426. 


425. 


424. 


423. 


422. 


421. 

420. 
419. 
418. 


417. 

416. 
415. 


414. 


413. 


the  Athenians,  and  Lesbos  recovered.  The  demagogue  Cleon  begins  to  have  great 
influence  in  public  affairs.  Plataea  surrendered  to  the  Peloponnesians.  Sedition  at 
Corcyra.    The  Athenians  send  assistance  to  the  Leontines  in  Sicily. 

Aristophanes,  the  comic  poet,  first  exhibits. 

Gorgias  ambassador  from  Leontini  to  Athens. 

Sixth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  The  Peloponnesians  do  not  invade  Attica,  in 
consequence  of  an  earthquake. 

Lustration  of  Delos. 

Seventh  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Fifth  invasion  of  Attica.  Demosthenes 
takes  possession  of  Pylos.  The  Spartans  in  the  island  of  Sphacteria  surrendered  to 
Cleon  seventy-two  days  afterwards. 

Accession  of  Darius  Nothus. 

The  Acharnians  of  Aristophanes. 

Eighth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Nicias  ravages  the  coast  of  Laconia  and  cap- 
tures the  island  of  Cythera.  ^larch  of  Brasidas  into  Thrace,  who  obtains  possession 
of  Acanthus  and  Amphipolis.    The  Athenians  defeated  by  the  Thebans  at  Delium. 

Socrates  and  Xenophon  fought  at  the  battle  of  Delium. 

Thucydides,  the  historian,  commanded  at  Amphipolis. 

The  Knights  of  Aristophanes. 

Ninth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Truce  for  a  year. 

Thucydides  banished  in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  Amphipolis.  He  was  twenty  years 
in  exile. 

The  Clouds  of  Aristophanes  first  exhibited. 

Tenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Hostilities  in  Thrace  between  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians and  Athenians.    Both  Brasidas  and  Cleon  fall  in  battle. 

The  Wasps  of  Aristophanes  and  second  exhibition  of  the  Clouds. 

Death  of  Cratinus. 

Protagoras,  the  sophist,  comes  to  Athens. 

Eleventh  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Truce  for  fifty  years  between  the  Athe- 
nians and  Lacedaemonians.  Though  this  truce  was  not  formally  declared  to  be  at 
an  end  till  b.  c.  414,  there  were  notwithstanding  frequent  hostilities  meantime. 

Twelfth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Treaty  between  the  Athenians  and  Argives 
efiected  by  means  of  Alcibiades. 

Thirteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Alcibiades  marches  into  Peloponnesus. 

The  Peace  of  Aristophanes. 

Fourteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  The  Athenians  send  a  force  into  Pelo- 
ponnesus to  assist  the  Argives  against  the  Lacedaemonians,  but  are  defeated  at  the 
battle  of  Mantinea.    Alliance  between  Sparta  and  Argos. 

Fifteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

Sixteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    The  Athenians  conquer  Melos. 

Seventeenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    The  Athenian  expedition  against  Sicily. 
It  sailed  after  midsummer,  commanded  by  Nicias,  Alcibiades,  and  Lamachus.    Mu 
tilation  of  the  Hermae  at  Athens  before  the  fleet  sailed.    The  Athenians  take  Cata- 
na.    Alcibiades  is  recalled  home :  he  makes  his  escape,  and  takes  refuge  with  the 
Lacedaemonians. 

Andocides,  the  orator,  imprisoned  on  the  mutilation  of  the  Hermae.  He  escapes  by 
turning  informer. 

Eighteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Second  campaign  in  SicUy.  The  Athe- 
nians invest  Syracuse.  Gj'^lippus,  the  Lacedaemonian,  comes  to  the  assistance  of 
the  Syracusans. 

The  Birds  of  Aristophanes. 

Nineteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Invasion  of  Attica  and  fortification  of 
Decelea,  on  the  advice  of  Alcibiades. 

Third  campaign  in  Sicily.  Demosthenes  sent  with  a  large  force  to  the  assistance  of 
the  Athenians.  Total  destraction  of  the  Athenian  army  and  fleet.  Nicias  and  De- 
mosthenes surrender  and  are  put  to  death  on  the  12th  or  13th  of  September,  six- 
teen or  seventeen  days  after  the  eclipse  of  the  moon,  which  took  place  on  the  27th 
of  August. 


i   •  u 


048  HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 

■.  c. 

iia.  Twentieth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    The  Lesbians  revolt  from  Athens.    Alci- 
biades  sent  by  the  Lacedaemonians  to  Asia  to  form  a  treaty  with  the  Persians.    He 
succeeds  in  his  mission  and  forms  a  treaty  with  Tissaphemes,  and  urges  the  Athe- 
nian allies  in  Asia  to  revolt. 
The  Andromeda  of  Enripides. 
411.  Twenty-firet  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Democracy  abolished  at  Athens,  and 
the  government  intrusted  to  a  council  of  Four  Hundred.    This  council  holds  the 
gpvemraeut  four  months.    The  Athenian  army  at  Samos  recalls  Alcibiades  from 
exile  and  appoints  him  one  of  its  generals.    He  is  afterwards  recalled  by  a  vote 
of  the  people  at  Athens,  but  he  remained  abnmd  for  the  next  four  years  at  the  head 
of  the  Athenian  forces.    Miudarus,  the  Liacedfiemouian  admiral,  defeated  at  Cynos- 
sema. 
Antiphon,  the  orator,  had  a  great  share  in  the  establishment  of  the  Four  Hundred. 

After  their  downfall  he  is  brought  to  trial  and  put  to  death. 
The  history  of  Thucydides  suddenly  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  this  year. 
The  Lysistrata  and  Thesmopiianazusce  of  Aristophanes. 
Lysias  returns  from  Thurii  to  Athens. 
410.  Twenty-second  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Mindanis  defeated  and  slain  by  Al- 
cibiades at  Cyzicus. 
409.  Twenty-third  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

The  Philocietes  of  Sophocles. 
408.  Twenty-fourth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Alcibiades  recovers  Byzantium. 
The  Orestes  of  Euripides. 
The  Plutus  of  Aristophanes. 

407.  Twenty-fifth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Alcibiades  returns  to  Athens.    Lysan- 

der  appointed  the  Lacedaemonian  admiral  and  supported  by  Cyrus,  who  this  year 
received  the  government  of  the  countries  on  the  Asiatic  coast.     Antiochus,  the 
lieutenant  of  Alcibiades,  defeated  by  Lysander  at  Notium  in  the  absence  of  Alcibi- 
ades.   Alcibiades  is  in  consequence  banished,  and  ten  new  generals  are  appointed. 
106.  Twenty-sixth  year  of  the  Pelopoimesian  war.    Callicratidas,  who  succeeded  Lysander 
as  Lacedaemonian  admiral,  defeated  by  the  Athenians  in  the  sea-fight  off  the  Argi- 
nusse  islands.    The  Athenian  generals  condemned  to  death  because  they  had  not 
picked  up  the  bodies  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  the  battle. 
Dionysius  becomes  master  of  Syracuse. 
Death  of  Euripides  and  Sophocles. 
405,  Twenty-seventh  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. '  Lysander  defeats  the  Athenians  off 
Jlgospotami,  and  takes  or  destroys  all  their  fleet  with  the  exception  of  eight  ships 
which  fled  with  Conon  to  Cyprus. 
The  Froffs  of  Aristophanes. 
404.  Twenty-eighth  and  last  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.    Athens  taken  by  Lysander  in 
the  spring,  on  the  16th  of  the  month  Munychion.    Democracy  abolished,  and  the 
government  intrusted  to  thirty  men,  usually  called  the  Thirty  Tyrants. 
The  Thirty  Tyrants  held  their  power  for  eight  months,  till  Tlirasybulus  occupied 

Phyle  and  advanced  to  the  Peiraeus. 
Death  of  Alcibiades  during  the  tyranny  of  the  Thirty. 

Book  V.  — THE  SPARTAN  AND  THEBAN  SUPREMACIES. 

408.  Thrasybulus  and  his  party  obtain  possession  of  the  Peiraeus,  from  whence  they  carried 

on  w^ar  for  several  months  against  the  Ten,  the  successors  of  the  Thirty.    They  ob- 
tain possession  of  Athens  before  July;  but  the  contest  between  the  parties  was  not 
finally  concluded  till  September. 
Thucydides,  aet.  68,  returns  to  Athens. 
401.  Expedition  of  Cyrus  against  his  brother  Artaxerxes.    He  falls  in  the  battle  of  Cunaxa, 
which  was  fought  in  the  autumn.    His  Greek  auxiliaries  (sommence  their  return  to 
Greece,  usually  called  the  retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand. 
First  year  of  the  war  of  Lacedaemon  and  Elis. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE. 


•64^ 


401. 


400. 


399. 


398. 
397. 
396. 

396. 


S84. 


898. 


391. 


390. 


889. 


888. 


387. 
386. 
385. 
384. 
882. 


Xenophon  accompanied  Cyrus,  and  afterwards  was  the  principal  general  of  the  Greeks 
in  their  retreat. 

The  (Edipus  at  Colonus  of  Sophocles  exhibited  after  his  death  by  his  grandson  Soph- 
ocles. 

Return  of  the  Ten  Thousand  to  Greece. 

Second  year  of  the  war  of  Licedaemon  and  Elis. 

The  speech  of  Andocides  on  the  Mysteries. 

The  Lacediemonians  send  Thimbron  Avith  an  army  to  assist  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia 
against  Tissaphemes  and  Pharnabazus.  The  remainder  of  the  Ten  Thousand  incor- 
porated with  the  troops  of  Thimbron.  In  the  autumn  Thimbron  was  superseded  by 
Dercyllidas. 

Third  and  last  year  of  the  war  of  Lacedaemon  and  Elis. 

Death  of  Socrates,  aet.  70. 

Plato  withdraws  to  Megara. 

Dercyllidas  continues  the  war  in  Asia  with  success. 

Dercyllidas  still  continues  the  war  in  Asia. 

Agesilaus  supersedes  Dercyllidas.  First  campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia.  He  winters 
at  Ephesus. 

Second  campaign  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia.  Hs  defeats  Tissaphemes,  and  becomes  master 
of  Western  Asia.  Tissaphemes  superseded  by  Tithraustes,  who  sends  envoys  into 
Greece  to  induce  the  Greek  states  to  declare  war  against  Lucedaimon.  Commence- 
ment of  the  war  of  the  Greek  states  against  Lacedaemon.  Lysander  slain  at  Hali- 
artus. 

Plato,  set.  34,  returns  to  Athens. 

Agesilaus  recalled  from  Asia  to  fight  against  the  Greek  states,  who  had  declared  war 
against  Lacedajmon.  He  passed  the  Hellespont  about  midsummer,  and  was  at  the 
entrance  of  Boeotia  on  the  14th  of  August.  He  defeats  the  allied  forces  at  Coronea. 
A  little  before  the  latter  battle  the  Laceda;monians  also  gained  a  victory  near  Cor- 
inth; but  about  the  same  time  Conon,  the  Athenian  admiral,  and  Pharnabazus, 
gained  a  decisive  victory  over  Peisander,  the  Spartan  admiral,  off  Cnidus. 

Xenophon  accompanied  Agesilaus  from  Asia  and  fought  against  his  country  at  Coro- 
nea. He  was  in  consequence  banished  from  Athens.  He  retired  under  Lacedae- 
monian protection  to  Scillus,  where  he  composed  his  works. 

Sedition  at  Corinth  and  victory  of  the  Lacedaemonians  at  Lechaeum.  Pharnabazus 
and  Conon  ravage  the  coasts  of  Peloponnesus.  Conon  begins  to  restore  the  long 
walls  of  Athens  and  the  fortifications  of  the  Peiraeus. 

The  Lacedemonians  under  Agesilaus  ravage  the  Corinthian  temtory,  but  a  Spartan 
mora  is  cut  to  pieces  by  Iphicrates. 

The  Eccksiazusce  of  Aristophanes. 

Expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Acamania. 

Speech  of  Andocides  "  On  the  Peace."    He  is  banished. 

Expedition  of  Agesipolis  into  Argolis.  The  Persians  again  espouse  the  cause  of  the 
Lacedaemonians,  and  Conon  is  thrown  into  prison.  The  Athenians  assist  Evagoras 
of  Cypms  against  the  Persians.  Thrasybulus,  the  Athenian  commander,  is  defeat- 
ed and  slain  by  the  Lacedaemonian  Teleutias  at  Aspendus. 

Agyrrhius  sent,  as  the  successor  of  Thrasybulus,  to  Aspendus,  and  Iphicrates  to  the 
Hellespont. 

Plato,  ret.  40,  goes  to  Sicily ;  the  first  of  the  three  voyages. 

Antalcidas,  the  Lacedaemonian  commander  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  opposed  to  Iphicrates 
and  Chabrias. 

The  second  edition  of  the  Plutus  of  Aristophanes. 

The  peace  of  Antakidas. 

Restoration  of  Plataea,  and  independence  of  the  towns  of  Boeotia. 

Destruction  of  Jklantinea  by  the  Lacedaemonians  under  Agesipolis. 

Birth  of  Aristotle. 

First  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

Phoebidas  seizes  the  Cadmea,  the  citadel  of  Thebes. 

62 


6lii 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


9»  C'« 

883. 
881. 
880. 


878. 


878. 


877 
376 


375 
974 


873. 
87L 


370. 


367. 


806. 

865. 
864. 

'863. 


Ml. 


Birth  of  Demosthenes. 

Second  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

Third  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

The  Panegyrkm  of  Isocrates. 

Fourth  and  last  year  of  the  Olynthian  war. 

The  Cadmtia  recovered  by  the  Theban  exiles  in  the  winter. 

Cleombrotus  sent  mto  Bceotia  in  the  middle  of  winter,  but  returned  without  effecting 

anything.     The  Lacedaemonian  Sphodrias  makes  an  attempt  upon  the  Peirseus. 

The  Athenians  fonn  an  alliance  with  the  Thebans  agamst  Sparta.    First  expedition 

of  Agesilaus  into  Bceotia. 

Death  of  Lysias. 

Second  expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Bceotia. 

Cleombrotus  marches  into  Bceotia,  and  sustams  a  slight  repulse  at  the  passes  of 
Cithferon. 

The  Lacedjemonian  fleet  conquered  by  Chabrias  off  Naxos,  and  the  Athenians  recover 

the  dominion  of  the  sea. 
Cleombrotus  sent  into  Phocis,  which  had  been  invaded  by  the  Thebans,  who  withdraw 

into  their  own  country  on  his  arrival. 
The  Athenians,  jealous  of  the  Thebans,  conclude  a  peace  with  Lacedceraon.    Timo- 

theus,  the  Athenian  commander,  takes  Corcyra,  and  on  his  return  to  Athens 

restoi-es  the  Zacy nthian  exiles  to  their  country.    Tliis  leads  to  a  renewal  of  the  war 

between  Athens  and  Lacedaemon. 
Second  destruction  of  Platsea. 
Jason  elected  Tagus  of  Thessaly. 
The  Lacedjemonians  attempt  to  regain  possession  of  Corcyra,  and  send  Mnasippns 

with  a  force  for  the  purpose,  but  he  is  defeated  and  slain  by  the  Corcyraeans.    Iphic- 

rates,  with  Callistratus  and  Chabrias  as  his  colleagues,  sent  to  Corcyra. 
Pi-osecution  of  Timotheus  by  CaUistratus  and  Iphicrates.    Timotheus  is  acquitted- 
Timotheus  goes  to  Asia.    Iphicrates  contmued  in  the  command  of  a  fleet  m  the  Ionian 

sea. 

Congress  at  Sparta,  and  general  peace  (called  the  peace  of  CaUias),  from  which  the 
Thebans  were  excluded,  because  they  would  not  grant  the  mdependence  of  the 
Boeotian  towns. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  commanded  by  Cleombrotus,  invade  Bceotia,  but  are  defeated 

by  the  Thebans  under  Epamemondas  at  the  battle  of  Leuctra.    Commencement  of 

the  Theban  Supremacy. 
Foundation  of  Megalopolis. 
Expedition  of  Agesilaus  into  Arcadia. 
Jason  of  Pheraj  slain.    After  the  mterval  of  a  year,  Alexander  of  Pherae  succeeds  to 

his  power  in  Thessaly. 
First  mvasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans.     They  remam  m  Peloponnesus  four 

months,  and  found  Alessene. 
Embassy  of  Pelopidas  to  Persia. 
Second  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans. 
Expedition  of  Pelopidas  to  Thessaly.    He  is  unprisoned  by  Alexander  of  Pherce,  but 

Epaminondas  obtains  his  release. 
Archidamus  gains  a  victory  over  the  Arcadians. 

Death  of  the  elder  Dionysius  of  Syracuse,  after  a  reign  of  thirty-eight  years. 
Third  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans. 
The  Archidamus  of  Isocrates. 
War  between  Arcadia  and  Elis. 

Second  campaign  of  the  war  between  Arcadia  and  Elis.     Battle  of  Olympia  at  the 
time  of  the  games. 

Fourth  invasion  of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Thebans.     Battle  of  Mantmea,  in  June,  la 

which  Epaminondas  is  killed. 
Xcnophon  brought  down  his  Greek  history  to  the  battle  of  Mantinea. 
A  general  peace  between  all  the  belligerents,  with  the  exception  of  the  Lacedcemo- 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE. 


651 


B.O. 


nians,  because  the  latter  would  not  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  Messe- 
nians. 

Agesilaus  goes  to  Egypt  to  assist  Tachos,  and  dies  in  the  winter,  when  preparmg  to  re- 
turn home. 

Birth  of  Deinarchus,  the  orator. 
860.  War  between  the  Athenians  and  Olynthians  for  the  possession  of  Amphipolis. 

Timotheus,  the  Athenian  general,  repulsed  at  Amphipolis. 

Book  VI.— THE  MACEDONIAN  SUPREMACY. 

869.  Accession  of  Philip,  King  of  Macedonia,  ast.  23.    He  defeats  Argaeus,  who  laid  claun  to 
the  throne,  declares  Amphipolis  a  free  city,  and  makes  peace  with  the  Athenians 
He  then  defeats  the  Pasoninns  and  Illyrians. 

358.  Amphipolis  taken  by  Philip.    Expedition  of  the  Athenians  into  Euboea. 

367.  Chios,  Rhodes,  and  Byzantium  revolt  from  Athens.    First  year  of  the  Social  War. 
The  Phocians  seize  Delphi.    Commencement  of  the  Sacred  War.    The  Thebans  and 

the  Locrians  are  the  chief  opponents  of  the  Phocians. 

Dion  sails  from  Zacynthus,  and  lands  in  Sicily  about  September. 
356.  Second  year  of  the  Social  War. 

Birth  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Philip  and  Olympias,  at  the  time  of  the  Olympic  games. 

Potidoea  taken  by  Philip,  who  gives  it  to  Olynthus. 

Dionysius  the  Younger  expelled  from  Syracuse  by  Dion,  after  a  reign  of  twelve  years. 
355.  Third  and  last  year  of  the  Social  War.    Peace  concluded  between  Athens  and  her  for 

mer  allies. 
864.  Trial  and  condemnation  of  Timotheus. 

Demosthenes  be^ns  to  speak  in  the  assemblies  of  the  people. 

368.  Philip  seizes  upon  Pagasae,  and  begins  to  besiege  Methone. 
Death  of  Dion. 

362.  Philip  takes  Methone  and  enters  Thessaly.  He  defeats  and  slays  Onomarchus,  the 
Phocian  general,  expels  the  tyrants  from  Pherae,  and  becomes  master  of  Thessaly. 
He  attempts  to  pass  Thermopylae,  but  is  prevented  by  the  Athenians. 

War  between  Lacedaemon  and  Megalopolis. 

The  first  Philippic  of  Demosthenes. 
849.  The  Olynthians,  attacked  by  Philip,  ask  succor  from  Athens. 

The  Olynthiac  orations  of  Demosthenes. 
348.  Olynthian  war  continued. 
347.  Olynthus  taken  and  destroyed  by  Philip. 

Death  of  Plato,  a3t.  82.    Speusippus  succeeds  Plato.    Aristotle,  upon  the  death  of 
Plato,  went  to  Atameus. 
346.  Peace  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians. 

Philip  overruns  Phocis  and  brings  the  Sacred  War  to  an  end,  after  it  had  lasted  ten 
years.    All  the  Phocian  cities,  except  Abae,  were  destroyed. 

Oration  of  Demosthenes  on  the  Peace.  r 

345.  Speech  of  ^schines  against  Tiraarchus. 
844.  Timoleon  sails  from  Corinth  to  Syracuse,  to  expel  the  tyrant  Dionysius. 

Aristotle,  after  three  years'  stay  at  Atameus,  went  to  Mytilene. 

The  second  Philippic  of  Demosthenes. 
343.  Timoleon  completes  the  conquest  of  Syracuse. 

Disputes  between  Philip  and  the  Athenians. 

The  speech  of  Demosthenes  respecting  Halonnesus. 

The  speeches  of  Demosthenes  and  ^Eschines  Ilfpi  Uaparrpea-^eiaS' 
842.  Philip's  expedition  to  Thrace.    He  is  opposed  by  Diopeithes,  the  Athenian  general  at 
the  Chersonesus. 

Aristotle  comes  to  the  court  of  Philip. 

Isocrates,  set.  94,  began  to  compose  the  Panathenaic  oration. 

Birth  of  Epicurus. 
341.  Philip  is  still  in  Thrace,  where  he  >vintered. 


Ilpi' 

jam,  JiW  JKKk, 

B.C. 

Ml* 
U9 


8S3. 


836. 
835. 

834. 


888. 
882. 

881 


HISTORY  OF   GREECE. 

i.u    rti,««./.n««i«  and  the  third  and  fourth  Philippics, 
rhe  amtion  of  Demosthenes  on  the  Chem>ne8U8,  and  me 

Philip  besieges  Selymbna,Perinthns,a^^^^  ^^^^  ^ 

Renewal  of  the  war  between  Phihp  and  «^e  A^^^"**'"^* 
raise  the  siege  both  of  Byzantium  and  Pennthus. 

Xenocrates  succeeds  ^F^^/PP^^  ?^^^^^^^^^^  on  the  war  against  Amphissa. 

Philip  is  chosen  general  of  the  A^P^^'^^J^XVV  Elal^     The  Athenians  form  an  alii- 

and  Philip  appointed  to  conduct  it. 

Beiith  of  Isocmtes,  »t.  98. 

Death  of  Tiraoleon.  Ai^*o«^*>r  »>t  20 

MurderofPhiHp  a„dacce.ionof»^,«,„^^^^^^  ^,,,^  ,^  ,,  ^. 

^^;fu.T«XTi  ^or  H:"S^witK  ;...hes  southwa^s,  and  dest^y, 

Thebes.                                     .                   „  t^^e  Hellespont  in  the  spring, 

Alexander  commences  t^ejaragmnst  Pe^a^  H^  conquers  the  western  part 

defeats  the  Persian  satraps  at  the  Gramcus  m  May,  h 
of  Asia  Minor. 

^"::^err«wi  L^r-in  the  .>»*«,  .^^.^uf^^^^^^-^^^^^^^"^ 

M,d  defeats  Darius  at  bsus  late  in  »>»«  «»*"""•  ^  ,„  j„,  He  takes  Gaza  in 
.Alexander  takes  Tyre,  after  a  «^,S«  "^  ^^^.i^^^'mi"  ,„  1,L.  In  the  winter  he 
Septeml«r,  and  then  marches  f  »^f^^  ^^^  foundation  of  Alexanciria. 
visits  the  oracle  of  Ammon,  and  pves  ordeB  »' "^^  '"'^^  ^  ^  Phoenicia  and  Syria, 
Alexander  sets  out  from  M-P-;'' " '''^^f.litSme  If  2  summer,  and  defeats 
Sr  r-'Sutr^^I'ontttstof  Octoher.    He  wintered  at  Pe. 

In  G?^;  Agis  is  defeated  and  slain  >>?  A""!"*^;       ^^  ^^ence  he  sets  out  in  pur- 
Alexander  marches  into  Medm,  «~>'"^;'^^"=5,''^;the  death  of  Darius  Alexander  con- 
sult of  Darius,  who  B  slam  by  K«^'»-^lr"  through  Drangianaand  An.d,osia, 
^ers  Hyrcania,  and  marches  m  pursuit  of  Bessus  througn  i^      t 

towards  Bactria.  .  ,    .     ^^-i,  nf  pemosthenes  on  the 

The  .oeech  of  vEschines  against  Ctesiphon,  and  the  speectt 

Menander.  ,    ,.     _,;_.„  passes  the  Oxus,  takes 

Alexander  marches  across  the  P^^P^'^"' ™  *' '"X'  Alexandria  Eschat^.    He 

Bessus,  and  reaches  the  Jaxartes,  where  '•«  '°»"f' »  "^t^^^,.  He  winters  at  Bactra. 
subsequently  cr-^ses  the  Jaxartes  ana  defeas«^ebcy*,^^^^         ^^   ^  ^^ 

Alexander  is  employed  during  tlie  whole  of  this  campaign 

He  mtLTKoxana,  the  daughter  of  Ox^ri^  a  Ba^^^^^^^  ^„^^^^  ,^ 

•   rth"'rarwhichhereachedinJu,yin^he«y-  ^^  ^„^ 

n^::s:urrrer^:i?rt^eror':fLi^dus.„thePer.ianGuif. 

Near^hus  accomphshes  the  T'y*^*."' ''/, i* Vear     Towards  the  close  of  it  he  visit. 

the  Greek  orators. 
324.  Alexander  reaches  Babylon  in  the  spnng. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE. 


653 


880 


329. 
828. 
827. 


826. 
82&. 


B.O. 

824. 
)    328. 


322. 


321. 

318. 
317. 

317. 
316. 
315. 

314. 

313. 

312. 

311. 

.-310. 

»  308. 
307. 

4  306. 


305. 
304. 
303. 
302. 
301. 


1297. 

295. 
/ 


Demosthenes,  accused  of  having  received  a  bribe  from  Harpalus,  is  condemned  to  pay 

a  fine  of  fifty  talents.    He  withdraws  to  Troezen  and  £gina. 
Death  of  Alexander  at  Babylon,  in  June,  after  a  reign  of  twelve  years  and  eight 

montlis. 
Division  of  the  satrapies  among  Alexander's  generals. 
The  Greek  states  make  war  against  Macedonia,  usually  called  the  Lamian  war.    Leos- 

thenes,  the  Athenian  general,  defeats  Antipater,  and  besieges  Lamia,  in  which  An- 

tipater  had  taken  refuge.    Death  of  Leosthenes. 
Demosthenes  returns  to  Athens. 
Leonnatus  comes  to  the  assistance  of  Antipater,  but  is  defeated  and  slain.    Craterus 

comes  to  the  assistance  of  Antipater.    Deffeat  of  the  confederates  at  the  battle  of 

Crannon  on  the  7th  of  August.    End  of  the  Lamian  war.    Munychia  occupied  by 

the  Macedonians. 
Death  of  Demosthenes  on  the  14th  of  October. 
Death  of  Aristotle,  ast.  63,  at  Clialcis,  whither  he  had  withdrawn  from  Athens  a  few 

months  before. 
Perdiccas  invades  Egypt,  where  he  is  slain  by  his  own  troops.     Partition  of  the 

provinces  at  Triparadisus. 
Menander,  set.  20,  exhibits  his  first  comedy. 
Death  of  Antipater,  after  appointing  Polysperchon  regent,  and  his  son  Cassander 

chiliarch. 
War  between  Cassander  and  Polysperchon  in  Greece.    The  Athenians  put  Phocion 

to  death.    Athens  is  conquered  by  Cassander,  who  places  it  under  the  government 

of  Demetrius  Phalereus. 
Death  of  Philip  ArrhidjEus  and  Eurydice. 

Olympias  returns  to  Macedonia,  and  is  besieged  by  Cassander  at  Pydna. 
Antigonus  becomes  raa«iter  of  Asia.    Cassander  takes  Pydna,  and-  puts  Olympias  to 

death.    He  rebuilds  Thebes. 
Coalition  of  Seleucus,  Ptolemy,  Cassander,  and  Lysimachus  against  Antigonus.    First 

year  of  the  war. 
Polemon  succeeds  Xenocrates  at  the  Academy. 
Second  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 
Death  of  the  orator  ^Eschines,  aet.  75. 
Third  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 
Fourth  year  of  the  war  against  Antigonus. 

General  peace.    ^lurder  of  Roxana  and  Alexander  IV.  by  Cassander. 
Ptolemy  appears  as  liberator  of  the  Greeks.    Renewal  of  hostilities  between  him  and 

Antigonus. 
Ptolemy's  expedition  to  Greece. 
Demetrius,  the  son  of  Antigonus,  becomes  master  of  Athens.  .  Demetrius  Phalereus 

leaves  the  city. 
Demetrius  recalled  from  Athens.    He  defeats  Ptolemy  in  a  great  sea-fight  off  Salamis 

in  Cyprus.    After  that  battle  Antigonus  assumes  the  title  of  king,  and  his  example 

is  followed  by  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  and  Cassander. 
Epicurus  settles  at  Athens,  where  he  teaches  about  thirty-six  years. 
Rhodes  besieged  by  Demetrius. 

Demetrius  makes  peace  with  the  Rhodians,  and  returns  to  Athens. 
Demetrius  carries  on  the  war  in  Greece  with  success  against  Cassander. 
War  continued  in  Greece  between  Demetrius  and  Cassander. 
Demetrius  crosses  over  to  Asia. 
Battle  of  Ipsus  in  Phrygia,  about  the  month  of  August,  in  which  Lysimachus 

and  Seleucus  defeat  Antigonus  and  Demetrius.    Antigonus,  aet.  81,  falls  in  tb« 

battle. 
Demetrius  returns  to  Greece,  and  makes  ah  attempt  upon  Athens,  but  is  repulsed. 
Death  of  Cassander  and  accession  of  liis  son  Philip  IV. 
Death  of  Philip  IV.  and  accession  of  his  brother  Antipater. 
Demetrius  takes  Athens. 


I 


ii^l 


654 


B.  a 


BISTORT  OF  GREECE. 


296.  Civil  war  in  Macedonia  between  the  two  brothers,  Antipater  and  Alexander. 

Demetrius  becomes  king  of  Macedonia. 
Itli  Death  of  Menander,  aet.  62. 
1 390.  Demetrius  takes   Thebes    a  second  time.     He   celebrates  the  P3rthian  games  at 
Athens. 
287.  Cotilition  against  Demetrius.    He  is  driven  out  of  Macedonia,  and  his  dominionB  di- 
vided between  Lysimachus  and  PjTrhus. 
Demetrius  sails  to  Asia. 

PyiThus  driven  out  of  Macedonia  by  Lysimachus,  after  seven  months'  possession. 
286.  Demetrius  surrenders  himself  to  Seleucus,  who  keeps  him  in  captivity^. 
285.  Ptolemy  II.  Philadelphus  is  associated  in  the  kingdom  by  his  father. 
283.  Demetrius,  aet.  54,  dies  in  captivity  at  Apamea  in  Syria. 

Death  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  jet.  84. 
281.  Lysimachus  is  defeated  and  slain  by  Seleucus,  at  the  battle  of  Compedion. 
280.  Seleucus  murdered  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  seven  months  after  the  death  of  Lysimachus, 
Antiochus  I.,  the  son  of  Seleucus,  becomes  king  of  Asia,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  king  of 
Thrace  and  Macedonia. 
I  Irruption  of  the  Gauls  and  death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus. 
I  Rise  of  the  Achaean  league. 
279.  The  Gauls  under  Brennus  invade  Greece,  but  Brennus  and  a  great  part  of  his  army  are 

destroyed  at  Delphi. 
278.  Antigonus  (lonatas  becomes  king  of  Macedonia. 
i.  273.  Pyrrhus  invades  Macedonia,  and  expels  Antigonus  Gonatas. 

I  272.  Pyrrhus  invades  Peloponnesus,  and  perishes  in  an  attack  on  Argos.    Antigonus  regains 
Macedonia. 
262.  Death  of  Philemon,  the  comic  poet,  aet.  97. 
251.  Aratns  delivers  Sicyon,  and  unites  it  to  the  Achsean  League. 

243.  Aratns,  a  second  time  general  of  the  Achsean  League,  delivers  Corinth  from  the  Mace- 
donians. 
241.  Agis  IV.,  king  of  Sparta,  put  to  death  in  consequence  of  his  attempts  to  refonn  the 

state. 
239.  Deatli  of  Antigonus,  and  accession  of  bis  son,  Demetrius  II. 
236.  Cleonienes  III.  becomes  king  of  Sparta. 
229.  Death  of  Demetrius  IL,  aiul  accession  of  Antigonus  Doson,  wfio  was  left  bv  Demetrius 

guardian  ofhis  son  Philip. 
227.  Cleomenes  commences  war  against  the  Achaean  League. 
226.  Cleomenes  carries  on  the  war  with  success  against  Aratus,  who  is  again  the  general 

of  the  Achsean  League. 
225.  Eeforms  of  Cleomenes  at  Sparta. 

224.  The  AchjBans  call  in  the  assistance  of  Antigonus  Doson  ngaiust  Cleomenes. 
221.  Antigonus  defeats  Cleomenes  at  Sellasia,  and  obtains  possession  of  Spartn.     Cleomenes 
sails  toEgj^pt,  where  he  dies.  Extinction  of  the  royal  line  of  the  Heracleidre  at  Sparta. 
220.  Death  of  Antigonus  Doson,  and  accession  of  Philip  V.,  a-t.  17. 

The  Achseans  and  Aratus  are  defeated  by  the  iEtolian?.    The  Achaeans  apply  for  assist- 
ance to  Philip,  who  espouses  their  cause.    Commencement  of  the  Social  War. 
I  217.  Third  and  last  year  of  the  Social  War.    Peace  concluded. 
I  216.  Philip  concludes  a  treaty  with  Hannibal. 
213.  Philip  removes  Aratus  by  poison. 
211.  Treaty  between  Kome  and  the  iEtolians  against  Philip. 
208.  Philip  marches  into  Peloponnesus  to  assist  the  Achaeans. 

Philopoemen  is  elected  general  of  the  Achaean  League,  and  effects  important  reforms  in 
the  array. 
107.  Philopoemen  defeats  and  shiys  Machanidas,  tyrant  of  Lacedaeraon,  at  the  battle  of 

Mantinea. 
205.  The  Jltolians  make  peace  with  Philip.    Philip's  treaty  with  Rome, 
too.  War  between  Philip  and  Rome. 
197.  Philip  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Cynoscephalae. 


H 


r-'  -I 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE. 


655 


■.  c. 

1196. 

192. 


'191. 

189. 
188. 

,183. 

\  179. 

1171. 

168. 

167. 


1 


161. 
147. 

146. 


Greece  declared  free  by  Flamininus  at  the  Isthmian  games. 

Lacedaemon  is  added  by  Philopcemen  to  the  Achaean  League. 

Antiochus  comes  into  Greece  to  assist  the  ^tolians  against  the  Romans.    He  winters 

at  Chalcis. 
Antiochus  and  the  ^Etolians  defeated  by  the  Romans  at  the  battle  of  Thermopylae. 
The  Romans  besiege  Ambracia,  and  grant  peace  to  the  ^Etolians. 
Philopoemen,  again  general  of  the  Achaean  League,  subjugates  Sparta,  and  abrogates 

the  laws  of  Lycurgus. 
The  Messenians  revolt  from  the  Achaean  League.    They  capture  and  put  to  death 

Philopoemen. 
Death  of  Philip  and  accession  of  Perseus. 
War  between  Perseus'  and  Rome. 
Defeat  and  capture  of  Perseus  by  ^Emilius  Paulus. 
Divisions  of  Macedonia. 
One  thousand  of  the  principal  Achaeans  are  sent  to  Rome.    Polybius  is  among  the 

Achaean  exiles. 
Embassy  of  the  three  philosophers  to  Rome.    Return  of  the  Achaean  exiles. 
War  between  Rome  and  the  Achaeans. 
Destruction  of  Corinth  by  Mummius.    Greece  becomes  a  Roman  province. 


Colonial  Coin  of  Corintlf.  On  the  obverse,  the  head  of  Antoninus  Pius  ;  on  the  reverse, 
the  port  of  Cenchrece.  The  letters  C.  L.  I.  Cor.  stand  for  Colonia  Laus  Julia ''Corinthus, 
the  name  given  to  the  city  when  Julius  Caesar  founded  a  colony  there  in  b.  c.  46. 


t: 


Book  VII.  — GREECE  FROM  THE  ROMAN  CONQDEST  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME. 

^.  c.  ^ 

87.  Sylla  lays  siege  to  Athens. 

A.  o. 

117-138.  Hadrian  embellishes  Athens. 

267.  The  Goths  appear  in  Greece. 

330.  Constantinople  built. 

361.  The  Emperor  Julian  ascends  the  throne. 

364.  Divi.sion  between  the  Eastern  and  Western  Empires. 

447.  Walls  of  Constantinople  rebuilt. 

476.  Western  Empire  terminates,  at  the  close  of  the  I'eign  of  Romulus  Augustulus. 

627.  Justinian's  reign  commences. 

717.  Accession  of  Leo  the  Isaurian.  • 

746.  The  pestilence  depopulates  the  East. 
1081.  Robert  Guiscard  passes  from  Brindisi  to  Corfou. 
1146.  Invasion  of  Greece  by  Roger  of  Sicily. 

1203.  Fourth  Crusade. 

1204.  Constantinople  taken  by  the  Crusaders. 

1205.  The  Dukedom  of  Athens  estabUshed. 
I860.  Adrianople  taken  by  the  Turks. 


i 


u 


11 


es6 

4.9. 

1452. 

1453. 
1458. 
1460. 
1461. 
1478. 
1670. 
1680. 
1687. 
1699. 
1715. 
1718. 
1768. 
1769. 
1787. 
1792. 
1803. 
1821. 


BISTORT   OF   GREECE. 


1822. 

1823. 

1824. 
1825. 
1826. 
1827. 

1828. 

1829. 

1830. 

1831, 
1832. 


1833. 
1835. 
1836. 

1843. 
1644. 


The  Emperor  Constantino  unites  himself  to  the  Catholic  Church. 

Ottoman  army  leaves  Adrianople.    Constantinople  besieged  and  taken  in  May. 

The  Sultan  makes  a  campaign  in  the  Pelopcmnesus. 

Conquest  of  Greece  completed. 

Conquest  of  Trebizond  by  the  Turks. 

Armistice  between  the  Venetians  and  the  Turks. 

Crete  conquered  from  the  Turks  by  the  Venetians. 

Conquests  of  Morosini. 

Athens  taken  by  the  Venetians,  under  Morosini. 

Peace  of  Carlowitz. 

The  Peloponnesus  invaded  by  Achmet  III. 

Peace  of  Passai'owitz. 

War  between  Turkey  and  Russia. 

The  Russian  fleet,  under  OrlofT,  appears  on  the  coast  of  the  Peloponnesus. 

War  renewed  between  Russia  and  Turkey. 

Peace  concluded  between  Russia  and  Turkey. 

The  Souliotes  make  terms  with  Ali  Pacha. 

The  insurrection  breaks  out  in  Greece.  Prince  Ypselantes  raises  the  standard  of  re- 
volt m  IMoldavia,  and  is  defeated  at  Dragaschan.  Bloody  scenes  at  Constantinople. 
Tnpolitza  taken.  •  '^ 

National  Assembly  at  Epidaurus.    Proclamation  of  Independence.    First  National 

Constitution.    Massacre  of  Scio. 
National  Assembly  at  Astros.    Death  of  Marcos  Botzares.    Loan  negotiated  by  Lou- 

riottes.    Lord  Byron  sails  for  Greece. 
Lord  Byron  arrives  at  Mesolongi.    His  last  illness  and  death. 
Ibrahim  Pacha  arrives  in  Greece.    Mesolongi  besieged  and  taken, 
Athens  taken.    Karaiskakes  killed. 

National  Assembly  at  Trojzene.    Capo  D'Istrias  chosen  President.    Treaty  of  London. 
6th  of  July.    Battle  of  Navarino.  ^  ^ 

Arrival  in  Greece  of  President  Capo  D'Istrias.    Departure  of  Ibrahim  Pacha. 

Protocol  of  March  22.    Peace  between  Russia  and  Turkey.    Cessation  of  hostiUties 
between  tiie  Greeks  and  the  Turks. 

Lidependence  of  Greece  decided  on  by  England,  France,  and  Russia.    Leopold  select- 
ed as  Sovereign  Prince.    He  abdicates. 

Assassination  of  the  President,  and  subsequent  disturbances. 

Prmce  Otho  of  Bavaria  is  selected  as  King  of  Greece.    He  is  formally  proclaimed  by 
the  Assembly  at  Prouaa.    The  territory  of  Greece  includes  Acaniania,  MtoM 
Phocis,  Locris,  Boeotia,  Attica,  Peloponnesus,  Eubcea,  wiUi  the  adjacent  islands  and 
tiie  Cyclades. 

The  King  arrives  in  Greece,  with  a  Regency  and  a  Bavarian  anny. 

The  Government  is  transferred  from  Nauplia  to  Atiiens. 

Marriage  of  King  Otho  and  the  Princess  Amelia  of  Oldenburg.    The  Univereitvof 

Athens  organized.  ^ 

Political  revolution.    Constitutional  Assembly.    Formation  of  the  Constitution 
The  Constitution  accepted  by  the  King,  and  a  Constitutional  Monarchy  fiuallv  es- 

tabhshed  m  Greece.  ^  ■' 


Horologium  of  Andronicus  Cyrrhestcs  at  Athens.    (See  p.  544.) 


INDEX. 


Abdera,  148.  . 
Abrocomas,  397. 
Abydos,  battle  of,  336. 
Academy,  the,  373,  555. 
Ac.irnania,  5. 
Acciuoli,  house  of,  580. 
Acliajans,  11  seq. 
Achrean  League,  529  seq. 
Achaeus,  11. 
Achaia,  6,  55. 

,  a  Roman  province,  538. 

Acharnaj,  267. 

Achelous,  4,  9. 

Achilles,  21. 

Achmet  III.,  599.  . 

Acliradina,  322. 

Acrisius,  17. 

Acropolis,  Athenian,  367,  392. 

Acusilaus  of  Argos,  219. 

Adeimantus,  183. 

Admetus,  232. 

Adrastus,  20. 

Adrianus,  565. 

JEetes,  19. 

Mgx,  488. 


88 


^galeos,  Mt.,  Xerxes  at,  194. 

JEgean  Sea,  2. 

iEgeus,  17. 

iEgina,  7  ;  described,  168  ;  taken  by  the 
Athenians,  268. 

iEginetan  scale,  57  ;  sculpture,  140. 

yEginetans  submit  to  the  l*ersians,  172. 

yEffospotami,  battle  of,  344. 

/Eor>^ptus,  14. 

iEoiians,  11. 

jEolic  migration,  34. 

iEolns,  11. 

yEschines,  477;  Amphictyonic  deputy,  484; 
accuses  Demosthenes,  515  ;  retires  to 
Rhodes,  516;  account  of  his  life,  550. 

jEschylus,  166;  account  of,  378  seq. 

iEsvninetes,  8. 

^tiira,  17. 

^tolia,  5.  . 

iEtolian  Lea^ie,  531. 

iEtolians  reduced,  534. 

Agamemnon,  14,  21. 

Agathon,  546. 

Ageladas,  362. 

Agesilaus  becomes  king  of  Sparta,  409  ; 
character,  ib.;  his  expedition  against  the 
Persians,  412;  attacks  Pharnabazus,  ib.; 


m 


658 


HISTORY  OP  GREECE, 


*■ 


f 


wnits  the  Persians  on  tbe  Pactolns,  413; 
his  interview  with  Phamabazus,  414;  re- 
called, i6.;  homeward  march,  417;  offer- 
ing at  Delphi,  418;  takes  Lechjeum,  421; 
invades  Bocotia,  434;  attacks  Mantinea, 
444;  saves  Sparta,  445,  453;  expedition  to 
Egypt,  454;  death,  ib. 

Agesipolis,  417 ;  death,  429. 

Agis,  288,  305,  408. 

IV.,  630. 

Agnon,  252. 

Agora,  25. 

,  Athenian,  373. 

Agrigentura,  112,  456. 

A^rrhius,  423. 

Aimnestus,  210. 

Ajax,  21. 

Alaric,  370. 

Albanians,  608. 

Alcjeiis,  124. 

Alclbiades,  character  of,  802;  deceives  the 
Spartan  ambsissadors,  303;  at  Olympia, 
304;  attacks  Epidaiirus,  ib.;  in  Sicily,  308; 
accused  of  mutilating  the  Hermie,  310; 
arrest  and  escape  of,  313;  condemned, 
814;  goes  to  Sparta,  ib.;  excites  a  revolt  of 
the  Chians,  326;  dismissed  by  the  Spar- 
tans, 327;  flies  to  Tissaphernes,  327;  in- 
trigues of,  328;  proceedings  at  Samos,  331 ; 
arrested  by  Tissaphemes,  336;  defeats  the 
Peloponnesians  at  Cyzicus,  ib. ;  returns  to 
Athens,  337 ;  dismissed  from  the  command 
of  the  Athenian  fleet,  340;  flies  to  Phar- 
nabazus,  351 ;  murdered,  ib. 

Alcidas,  280,  285. 

Alcma?on,  84. 

Alcma-'onidaj  banished,  89. 

Alcman,  123. 

Alcraena,  17. 

Alcuiu,  594. 

AleuadsB,  473. 

Alexander,  King  of  Macedon,  204. 

Alexander  of  I'herre,  449;  defeated  by  P©- 
lopidas,  451 ;  subdued,  ib. 

Alexander  the  Great,  487;  education,  490; 
accession,  491 ;  overawes  the  Thebans  and 
Athenians,  492 ;  generahssimo  against  Per- 
sia, t&.;  interview  with  Dio|;enes, /6. ;  ex- 
petlition  against  the  Thracians,  &c.,  ib.; 
reduces  the  Thebans  to  obedience,  493; 
demands  the  Athenian  orators,  ib.;  crosses 
to  Asia,  495;  forces  the  passage  of  the 
Granicus,  ib.;  progress  through  Asia  Mi- 
nor, 496;  cuts  the  Gordian  knot,  ib.;  dan- 
gerous illness,  497;  defeats  the  Persians  at 
Issus,  498;  march  through  Phoenicia,  499; 
besieges  Tyre,  500;  answer  to  Pannenio, 
»6. ;  proceetis  to  Egypt,  501 ;  visits  the  tem- 
ple of  Ammon,  ib. ;  defeats  Darius  in  the 
battle  of  ArbeUi,  502;  enters  Babylon,  503; 
seizes  Susa,  ib. ;  marches  to  Persepolis,  ib. ; 
pursues  Darius,  504;  invades  llyrcania, 
505;  enters  Bactria,  506;  defeats  the  Scy- 
thians, 507 ;  marries  Roxana,  ib. ;  kills  Cli- 
tus,  ib. ;  plot  of  the  pages  against  his  life, 
ib,;  crosses  the  Indus,  508;  vanquishes 
Ponis,  ib, :  marches  iiomewards,  509 ;  peril 
At  Malli,  ib. ;  arrives  at  the  Indian  Ocean, 
510;  marcli  through  Gedrosia,  ib.;  marries 
Statira,  i6.;  quells  a  mutiny  at  Opis,  511; 
•olemnizes  tlie  festival  of  Dionysus  at  Ec- 
liatana,  ib.;  his  ambitious  projects,  512; 


death,  ib. ;  character,  ib. ;  estimate  of  his 
exploits,  513;  funeral,  515;  portraits  and 
statues  of,  542. 

Alexander,  sou  of  Alexander  the  Great,  515, 
522. 

Alexandria  in  Arachosia,  506. 

Alexandria  Ariorum,  505. 

Alexandria  ad  Caucasum,  506. 

Alexandria  in  Egypt,  founded,  501 ;  descrip- 
tion of,  543 ;  literature  at,  557. 

Alexandria  Eschate,  606. 

Alexis  Comnenos,  589. 

Alexius  IV.,  578. 

Ali  Pacha,  600. 

Alphabet,  Ionic,  introduced,  354. 

Alpheus,  6,  7. 

Altis,  the,  50. 

Ambracian  Gulf,  4. 

Ameinias,  196. 

Amelia,  Princess,  630. 

Ammon,  Zeus,  501. 

Amorapharetns,  209. 

Amphipolis,  252,  470. 

Araphissians,  484. 

Amphitryon,  15. 

Amphictyonic  Council,  its  origin  and  consti- 
tution, 47. 

xVmphictyons,  decree  of  the,  at  the  end  of 
the  second  sacred  war,  479. 

Amurath  I.,  581, 

Amyntas,  428. 

Anacharsis,  81. 

Anacreon,  126. 

x\nactorium,  117. 

Anaxagoras,  128 ;  charged  wiUi  impiety,  261. 

Anaxibius,  405;  slain,  424. 

Anaxicrates,  245. 

Anaxima!ider,  128. 

Anaximenes,  128. 

Andocidcs,  313,  549, 

Androsthenes,  362. 

Androutsos,  608. 

Anna  Comnena,  689. 

Anniceris,  457. 

Antalcidas,  Peace  of,  425 ;  mission  to  Persia, 
422. 

Antigonias,  Athenian  tribe,  523. 

Antigonus,  515,  519;  coalition  against,  622; 
assumes  the  title  of  king,  523 ;  slain,  624. 

Antigonus  Doson,  531. 

Antigonus  Gonatas,  528. 

Antioch,  founded  by  Seleucus,  524. 

Antiochus,  339,  448. 

Antiochus  Soter,  528. 

Antiochus  III.,  534. 

Antipater,  defeats  the  Spartans,  515 ;  defeat- 
ed at  the  Spercheus,  517;  overthrows  the 
allied  Greeks  at  Crannon,  518;  demands 
the  Athenian  orators,  ib. ;  declared  regent, 
520 ;  death,  ib. 

Antiphon,  329,  .332 ;  executed,  333;  charac- 
ter as  an  orator,  649. 

Antisthenes,  564. 

Antoninus,  564. 

Anytus,  391. 

Aputuria,  festival  of,  342. 

Apelles,  542. 

Apollo  Pyth reus,  56;  Temnltcs,  815 ;  Epicn- 
rius,  temple  of,  373. 

Apollodoms,  364. 

Apollonia,  117. 

A[X}llonius  Rhodlus,  569^ 


INDEX. 


659 


Appian,  559. 

Arachosia,  506. 

Aratus,  529. 

Arbela,  battle  of,  502. 

Arcadia,  6,  55. 

Arcadian  confederation,  448. 

Arcadians  transfer  the  presidency  of  the 
Olympic  games  to  the  Pisatans,  452. 

Arcesihius,  554. 

Arcliehius,  468. 

Archias,  431,  519. 

Archidamus,  260,  265,  266,  268,  269-  he- 
sieges  Platii^a,  274. 

Archilochus,  121. 

Architecture,  133,  543. 

Archon,  77;  Athenian,  84;   eponymus  and 

*  basileus,  86. 

Areopagus,  court  of,  87;  reformed  by  Peri- 
cles, 239;  hill  of,  357,  372. 

Arglnusaj,  battle  of,  341. 

Argives  and  Spartans,  struggles  between,  74. 

Argi>,  ship,  19. 

Argolis,  6. 

Argonauts,  19. 

Argos,  7,  13,  14,  55;  progress  of,  241;  head 
of  a  new  confederacy,  301. 

ArgjToponlos,  635. 

Ariadne,  18. 

ArijBUs,  399. 

Ariobarzanes,  504. 

Arion,  123,  377. 

Aristagoras,  154  seq. 

Aristarchus,  558. 

Aristeitles,  character  of,  171 ;  recalled  from 
exile,  189;  defeats  the  Persians,  196;  or- 
ganizes the  confederacy  of  Delos,  226; 
change  in  his  views,  230";  deatli,  234. 

Aristion,  562. 

Aristippus,  554. 

Aristocratcs,  72. 

Aristodemus  of  Messenia,  71. 

Aristmlemus  of  Sparta,  212. 

Aristogeiton.     See  Ilarmodius. 

Aristophanes,  his  politics,  282;  account  of, 
382  seq. 

Aristophanes  of  Byzantium,  558. 

Aristonienes  of  Messenia,  71. 

Aristotle,  491;  account  of,  555;  method  and 
philosojiby,  550. 

Armatoloi,  603. 

Arrian,  559. 

Arsinoij,  527. 

Art,  Greek,  28,  132  seq.;  Athenian,  356  seq.; 
Greek,  539  seq ;  decline  of,  544. 

Artabazus,  retreat  of,  211. 

Artaphernes,  154,  161. 

Artaxerxes,  233,  394. 

Artemisia,.  191 ;  her  prowess,  196. 

Artemislum,  battle  of,  184. 

Asia  Minor,  Greek  colonies  in,  33. 

Asopios,  Professor,  635. 

Asopius,  280. 

Aspasia,  261. 

Assyrian  empire,  143. 

Astacus,  268. 

Astros,  Assembly  at,  614. 

Asty,  the,  359. 

Astyochus,  326. 

Atheas,  486. 

Athena,  18;  statue  of,  3Y0. 

Athenian  navy,  280. 

Athenians,  divided  mto  four  classes,  92;  as- 


sist the  lonians,  156;  war  with  ^gina, 
168;  abandon  Athens,  188;  reject  the  Per- 
sian alliance,  204 ;  constitution  more  dem- 
ocratic, 230;  form  an  alliance  with  Argos, 
241 ;  assist  Inarus,  ib. ;  defeat  the  ^gine- 
tans,  242;  conquer  Boeotia,  244;  reduce 
yEgina,  ib.;  lose  their  power  in  Bo'otia, 
246;  despotic  power  of,  253;  make  peace 
with  Persia,  245 ;  conclude  a  thirty  years' 
truce  with  Sparta,  247 ;  subjugate  Samos, 
253 ;  form  an  alliance  with  Corcyra,  256 ; 
their  allies  and  resources  in  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  war,  265;  their  fleet  annoys  the 
Peloponnesus,  268;  ravage  the  Megarid, 
ib. ;  their  decree  against  the  Mytileneans, 
282;  take  Pylus,  288;  expedition  against 
Boeotia,  295 ;  conclude  a  truce  with  Spar- 
ta, 298;  peace  of  Nicias,  299;  refuse  to 
evacuate  Pylus,  302;  treat}--  with  Argos, 
304 ;  conquer  Melos,  307 ;  massacre  tiie  in- 
habitants, lA.;  interfere  in  Sicilian  aftairs, 
ib.;  expedition  to  Sicily,  308;  progi'ess  of, 
312;  insult  the  coasts  of  Laconia,  318; 
send  a  fresh  fleet  to  Sicily,  319;  defeated 
at  sea  by  the  Syracusaiis,  320;  retreat 
from  Syracuse,  321 ;  defeated  by  the  Lace- 
daemonians oil"  Eretria,  333 ;  gjiin  a  naval 
victory  at  Cynossema,  335;  at  Abydos, 
336;  at  Cyzicus,  ib.;  regain  possession  of 
the  Bosporus,  337  ;  totally  defeated  at 
iEgospotami,  344;  ally  themselves  with 
Thebes,  416;  form  a  league  with  Corinth 
and  Argos  against  Sparta,  417;  lose  the 
command  of  the  Hellespont,  425;  head  of 
a  new  confederacy,  433;  declare  war 
against  Sparta,  ib.;  peace  with  Sparta, 
437;  form  an  alliance  with  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  States,  443;  send  an  embassy  to 
Persia,  448;  support  Alexander  of  Pherae, 
449;  their  desire  to  seize  Corinth,  450;  re- 
viving maritime  power  of,  ib.;  deceived 
by  Philip,  470;  coalition  against,  471; 
send  an  embassy  to  him,  477 ;  court  Phil- 
ip, 478;  send  a  fleet  to  relieve  Byzantium, 
483;  their  alarm  at  the  approach  of  Philip, 
484;  prostrated  by  the  battle  of  Choeronea, 
486;  their  piratical  expedition  to  Oropus, 
536 ;  condemned  in  500  talents  by  the  Ro- 
mans, 537. 

Athens,  its  origin,  14, 18;  early  constitution 
of,  86;  taken  by  the  Persians,  190;  second 
occupation  of,  by  the  Persians,  205;  re- 
building of,  228 ;  long  walls  of,  242 ;  incipi- 
ent decline  of,  246 ;  crowded  state  of,  dur- 
ing the  Peloponuesian  war,  267 ;  plague  at, 
269 ;  dismay  at,  325 ;  oligarchy  established 
at,  330;  invested  by  the  Peloponnesians, 
346;  famine  at,  347;  surrender  of,  t&.; 
Spartan  garrison  at,  349;  democracy  re- 
stored at,  354;  description  of  the  city,  357 
seq. ;  origin  of  its  name,  358 ;  rebuilt,  ib. ; 
walls,  ib. ;  harbors,  359 ;  streets,  &c.,  360 ; 
population,  361;  long  walls  rebuilt,  419; 
captured  by  Demetrius,  526 ;  siege  of,  dur- 
ing the  Revolution,  625. 

Atlios,  Iklount,  canal  at,  174. 

Attaginus,  212. 

Attic  tribes,  four,  85;  increaJsea  to  ten, 
102. 

Attica,  5;  early  history  of,  83;  three  factions 
in,  90. 

Attila,  574. 


,  k 


€60 


mSTORT   OF  GREECE. 


B. 


Babylon,  144 ;  taken  by  Cyrus,  148;  submits 
to  Alexander,  503. 

Babylonian.*,  the,  144;  Aristophanes's  come- 
dy of,  282. 

Bacchiadii?,  oligarchy  of  the,  383. 

Bucchylides,  219. 

Bacon^  Roger,  595. 

Bad,  the,  82. 

Barkman,  meaning  of  the  term,  46. 

Barea,  117. 

Bards,  ancient,  28. 

Bardylis,  469. 

Barhinm,  595. 

Basihrn,  what,  25. 

Basing,  595. 

Bede,  594. 

Belus,  temple  of,  503. 

Bessarion,  596. 

Bessus,  505;  put  to  death,  506. 

BiE9, 128. 

Bioii,  558. 

Boar's  grave,  battle  at  the,  72. 

Boccaccio,  595. 

Boeotarchs,  re«tored,  432. 

Bo£?()tia,  descrij>tion  of,  5. 

B(eotians,  imniijrnition  of  the,  31;  their  con- 
federacy restored,  436. 

Boges,  227. 

Boniface,  579. 

Bosponis,  Athenian  toll  at  the,  337. 

Botzares,  JIarcos,  614. 

Boule,  25. 

Brasidas,  289;  his  expedition  into  Thrace, 
296;  death,  299;  honors  paid  to  his  mem- 
orj*,  ib. 

Breiinus,  528. 

Bribery  among  the  Greeks,  186. 

Br}'as,*306. 

Bucephala,  founded  by  Alexander,  508. 

Buchon,  637. 

Byron,  Lord,  616  seq. 

Byzantine  Historians,  588  seq. 

Byzantines,  erect  a  statue  in  honor  of  Ath- 
'ens,  483. 

Byzantium,  118;  taken  by  the  Athenians, 
225;  second  capture  of,  254 ;  third  capture 
of,  337 ;  besieged  by  Philip,  482 ;  relieved 
by  the  Athenians,  483;  sketcii  of,  570. 


C. 


Cadmea,  or  Theban  citadel,  14;  seized  by 
tlie  Spartans,  429 ;  recovered,  432. 

Cadmus,  14. 

Cadmus  of  Miletus,  219. 

Calamis,  362. 

Callias,  peace  of,  438. 

Callias  of  Chalcis,  482. 

Callicrates,  536. 

Callicratidas,  340. 

Callimachus,  558,  566. 

Callippus,  461. 

Calirrnoe,  fountain  of,  99. 

Galiistratns,  433. 

Callixenus,  342. 

Cambunian  Mountains,  2. 

Cambyses,  149;  conquers  Egypt,  i6.;  death, 
ib. 

Canachus,  362. 


Canares,  614. 

Candia  (Crete),  598. 

Capo  D'Istrias,  Augustine,  029. 

Capo  D'Istrias,  John,  624,  628. 

Capsales,  622. 

Caracalla,  565. 

Carduchi,  402. 

Carlowitz,  Peace  of,  699. 

Canieades,  555. 

Caryatides,  371. 

Carthaginians  invade  Sicily,  201,  456. 

Caspian  gates,  505.' 

Cassander,  520;  establislses  an  oligarchy  at 
Athens,  521 ;  takes  Pydna,  ib. ;  kills  Kox- 
ana  and  her  son,  522. 

Casting,  art  of,  139. 

Catana,  surprised  by  the  Athenians,  313. 

Cathiei,  509. 

Catherine  II.,  607. 

Caucones,  13. 

Cecropia,  14. 

CecropidoB,  358. 

Cecrops,  14. 

Celts  invade  Macedonia,  528. 

Cephallenia,  7,  268. 

Cephissus,  the,  357. 

Cerameicus,  the,  373. 

Caifies,  the,  328. 

Chiibrias,  422,  433;  defeats  the  LacedawnO- 
nian  fleet  at  Xaxos,  435;  slain,  471. 

ClKTreas,  331. 

Chaerephon,  390. 

Chairilus,  377. 

Chieronea,  first  battle  of,  246;  second  battle, 
485. 

Chalcedon,  337. 

Chalcocondvlas  of  Atliens,  597. 

Chalvbes,  the,  403. 

Chares,  450,  471,  483. 

Chares  (sculptor),  546. 

Charicles,  318. 

Charidemus,  475. 

Charilaus,  58,  74. 

Chariots  of  war,  29. 

Chai*on  of  Lampsacus,  220. 

Charon  of  Thebes,  431. 

Cheirisophus,  404. 

Chians,  revolt  of  the,  326. 

Chileos,  205. 

Chilo,  127. 

Chionides,  382. 

Chios,  attacked  l>y  the  Athenians,  471. 

Chremonidean  war,  529. 

Christopoulos,  038. 

Chrotiology,  Grecian,  36. 

Chryselephantine  statuary,  869. 

Chrysoloras,  Emanuel,  595. 

Cilicians,  562,  563. 

Cimon  of  Cleonie,  141. 

Cimon,  son  of  Miltiades,  227 ;  his  character, 
235;  assists  the  Lacediemonians,  238;  ban- 
ished, 240 ;  his  sentence  revoked,  244 ;  ex- 
pedition to  Cyprus  and  death,  245;  his 
patronage  of  art,  366. 

Cinadon,  conspiracy  of,  409. 

Cirrhssan  plain,  48,  472. 

Cithseron,  Mount,  4. 

Cities,  independent  sovereignty  of,  52. 

Clearchus,  394,  398. 

Clearidas,  302. 

Cleippides,  279. 

Cleisthenes  of  Sicyon,  7&. 


INDEX. 


661 


Cleisthenes,  101 ;  his  reforms,  102 ;  their  ef 
feet,  107. 

Cleitus,  saves  Alexander's  life,  495 ;  killed  by 
Alexander,  507. 

Cleobulus,  127. 

Cleombrotus,  432;  assists  the  Phocians,  436 ; 
invades  Hoeotia,  440;  slain,  4^1. 

Cleomeiies,  101,  105  seq.,  169. 

Cleomenic  war,  531. 

Cleon,  267;  character  of,  282;  his  violence, 
290;  his  expedition  against  Sphacteria, 
291;  to  Thrace,  298;  flight  and  death,  299. 

Cleopatra,  Philip's  wife,  487. 

Cleopatra,  Philip's  daughter,  marries  Alex- 
ander of  Epeirus,  488. 

Cleophon,  337. 

CleriuM,  107,  251. 

Cnemus,  273. 

Cnidos,  battle  of,  414. 

Cochrane,  Lord,  624. 

Codrington,  Sir  Edward,  627. 

Codiiis,  death  of,  84. 

Colchians,  the,  403. 

Colocotrones,  608. 

Colonies,  Greek,  108  seq.;  relation  to  the 
mother  country,  ib.;  how  founded,  109; 
mostly  democratic,  110;  in  Asia  Minor,  ib.; 
in  Sicily,  111;  in  Italy,  .113;  in  Gaul  anti- 
Spain,  116;  in  Africa,  ib.;  in  the  Ionian 
Sea,  ib.;  m  Macedonia  and  Thrace,  117; 
progress  of,  251. 

Comedy,  old  Attic,  382 ;  new,  547. 

Conon,  supersedes  Alcibiades,  340;  defeated 
by  Callicratidas,  ib. ;  accepts  the  command 
of  the  Persian  fleet,  411;  occupies  Caunus, 
413;  proceeds  to  Babylon,  414;  defeats 
the  Spartan  fleet  at  Cnidos,  ib.;  reduces 
the  Spartan  colonies,  419;  takes  Cythera, 
ib. ;  rebuilds  the  long  walls  of  Athens,  ib. ; 
seized  by  Tiribazus,  423. 

Conquest  of  Constantinople,  582. 

Constantine,  569. 

Constantinople,  570. 

Constitution  of  1822,  612  seq. 

Constitution  of  1843,  633,  634. 

Contablacos,  597. 

Copais,  Lake,  6. 

Coraes,  606. 

Corax,  4.  , 

Corcyra,  7,  117;  troubles  in,  284;  massacre 
at,'293 ;  defended  by  an  Athenian  fleet,  436. 

Corcyraeans,  quarrel  with  Corinth,  255 ;  send 
an  embassy  to  Atliens,  256. 

Corinna,  217. 

Corinth,  55;  despots  of,  80;  battle  of,  417; 
massacre  at,  420;  congress  at,  487;  an- 
other congress  at,  492 ;  destroyed  by  Mum- 
mius,  538. 

Corinthian  Gulf,  5. 

Corinthian  order,  137. 

Corinthian  war,  417. 

Corinthians  assist  the  Epidamnians,  255 ;  ally 
themselves  with  Argos,  420;  conclude  "a 
peace  with  Thebes,  450. 

Coronea,  battle  of,  418. 

Corupedion,  battle  of,  527. 

Cottyus,  484. 

Cotys,  535. 

Cranai,  358. 

Crannon,  battle  of,  518. 

Crantor,  554.  • 

Craterus,  509. 


Crates,  554. 

Cratinus,  382. 

Crete,  7,  36.     Candia,  598.    * 

Creusis,  440. 

Crimesus,  battle  of,  464. 

Crissa,  48. 

Critias,  348;  seizes  Salamis  and  Eleusis,  368; 
slain,  ib. 

Crito,  391. 

Critolaus,  537. 

Croesus,  145;  fall  of,  147. 

Croton,  113. 

Crusades,  578. 

Crvptia,  61. 

CllUKC,  111. 

Cunaxa,  battle  of,  398. 

Cj-clades,  7. 

Cyclic  poets,  39. 

Cyclopean  walls,  134. 

Cyllene,  Mount,  6. 

Cylon,  conspiracy  of,  88. 

Cynics,  the,  554. 

Cynosarges,  the,  554. 

Cynoscephalffi,  battle  of,  451. 

Cynuria,  74. 

Cypselus,  80. 

Cyrenaic  sect,  554. 

Cyrene,  117. 

CjTus,  empire  of,  146;  captures  Sardis,  147; 
takes  Babylon,  148 ;  death,  149. 

Cyrus  the  younger,  arrives  on  the  coast,  338; 
his  expedition  against  his  brother  Arta- 
xerxes,  394 ;  march,  396  seq. ;  slain,  399. 

Cythera,  7. 

Cyzicus,  111,  336;  recovered  by  the  Atheni- 
ans, ib. 

D. 

Dngdalus,  139. 

Damocles,  story  of,  457. 

Danae,  17. 

Danai,  14. 

Danaus,  14,  17. 

Dandolo,  578. 

Darius,  149;  his  administration,  150;  Thra- 

cian  expedition  of,  151 ;  extorts  the  sub- 
mission of  the  Macedonians,  152;  death, 

172. 
Darius  Codomanus,  defeated  by  Alexander 

at  Issus,  497 ;  overthrown  by  Alexander  at 

Arbela,  502 ;  murdered,  505. 
Datis,  161. 

Decarchies,  Spartan,  346,  410. 
Decelea,  318. 
Deianira,  17. 
Delfino,  599. 
Delium,  Athenian  expedition  against,  296; 

battle  of,  296. 
Delos,  confederacy  of,   227;    tribute,  252; 

svnod  removed  to  Athens,  253 ;  lustration 

of,  287. 
Delphi,  temple  of,  48;  oracle,  51;  taken  by 

the  Phocians,  472;   oracle  of,  concerning 

Philip,  488. 
Demades,  518. 
Demaratus,  169. 
Denies,  Attic,  102. 
Demetrias,  Athenian  tribe,  523. 
Demetrius  of  Phalems,  521;  character  0^ 

523 ;  retires  to  Thebes,  ib. 
Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  522 ;  besieges  Salamis, 


li 


i!' 


4 


$m 


mSTORT  OF  GREEECE. 


I 


n 


>:«! 


623;  besieges  Rhodes,  ib.;  takes  Athens,  ' 
525;  king  ofJUacedon,  526 ;  death,  527. 

Demetrius  of  Plaros,  532.  • 

Demiurgi,  18. 

Democracy,  77;  Athenian,  progress  of,  281. 

Demosthenes  (general),  288,  291;  death,  322. 

Demosthenes  (orator),  account  of,  474;  Phi- 
lippics, ib,;  first,  ib.;  Olifuthincs,  476;  eni- 
bassv,  477;  second  Philippic,  481;  oration 
o»  the  PeacCy  ik;  mission  into  Pelopon- 
nesus, *6.;  third  Philippic,  482;  oration  tm 
the  C^ermmese,  ib.;  presented  with  a  golden 
crown,  ib.i  goes  envoy  to  Thebes,  465; 
fights  at  Chieronea,  ib!;  his  conduct  after 
Philip's  death,  491 ;  proiMvcs  religious  hon- 
ors for  Philij>'s  assassin,  ib.;  his  opinion  of 
Alexander,  ib. ;  exertions  to  rouse  Greece, 
ib.;  embassy  to  x\lexander,  492;  accused 
by  iEschines,  515 ;  speech  on  the  Croicn,  516 ; 
condemned  of  corruption,  ib. ;  recalled  from 
sxile,  518;  demanded  by  Anti pater,  518; 
escapes  to  Calaurea,  519 ;  death,  ib.;  char- 
acter as  an  orator,  551. 

Dercyllidas,  411,  419. 

Deucalion,  11. 

Dexippus,  565- 

Diacria,  90. 

Diasus,  537. 

Diakos,  611. 

Diasia,  88. 

Dicasteries,  240. 

JOinarchus,  551. 

Diocles,  455. 

Diodorus  Sicnlus,  559. 

Diodotus,  283. 

Diogenes,  his  interview  with  Alexander,  492. 

Dion,  457;  patriotic  projects  of,  458;  exiled, 
459;  takes  Syracuse,  460;  assassinated, 
461. 

Dion  Cassius,  559. 

Dionysius  the  elder,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  456 
seq. ;  death  and  character,  457. 

Dionysius  the  younger,  458;  expelled  by 
Dion,  460;  retires  to  Corinth,  462. 

Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  558. 

Dionysus,  theatre  of,  at  Athens,  371. 

Diopeithes,  481. 

Dithyramb,  invention  of  the,  124;  the  source 
of  tragedy,  377. 

Dodona,  oracle  of,  13. 

Dorcis,  226. 

Dorian,  11, 13;  in  Peloponnesus,  31;  migra- 
tions of  the,  36 ;  three  tribes  of,  59. 

Doric  Hexapolis,  36 ;  order,  136. 

Doris,  5. 

Dorus,  11. 

Draco,  law^s  of,  87. 

Dragaschan,  611. 

Ducas,  584. 

Dukedom  of  Athens,  57&. 


E. 

EccUsia^  the.  108;  church,  567. 

Education,  Spartan,  63:  Athenian,  887;  in 

Modern  Greece,  634,  635. 
Egestjeans,  the,  deceive  the  Athenians,  308. 
Egypt,  its  influence  on  Greece,  15. 
Eion,  Athenian  colony  at,  2otj. 
Eisphoraj  the,  433. 
Etatea,  484. 


Elea  founded,  148. 

Eleans,  32;  attack  the  Arcadians  at  Olympia, 
452. 

Eleusiniarus,  condenoned  to  death  by  the  3000 
at  Athens,  353. 

Eleutheria,  festival  of,  212. 

Elis,  7,  55;  reduced  by  the  Spartans,  408. 

Embassy  of  the  tluW  philosophers  to  Rome, 
537. 

Embroidery,  28. 

Ennea  Ilodoi,  237. 

Epamehiondas,  430;  named  Boeotarch,  432 ; 
his  character,  434;  embassy  to  Sparta,  437 ; 
militiuy  genius  of,  440 ;  defeats  the  Spar- 
tans at'Leuetra,  441 ;  invades  Laconia,  444; 
establishes  the  Arcadian  confederation,  and 
restores  the  Jlessenians,  445;  again  Invades 
Peloponnessus,  447;  saves  the  Theban 
anny,  449;  rescues  Pelopidas,  ib.;  naval 
expedition  of,  451 ;  last  invasion  of  Pelo- 
ponnesus, 453 ;  death  of,  454. 

Epariti,  445. 

Epeans,  32. 

Epeinis,  4. 

Ephesus,  111. 

Epheta?,  87. 

Ephialtes,  182. 

Ephialtes  (the  friepd  of  Pericles),  240. 

Ephors,  61 ;  power  of  the,  62. 

Epic  poetry,  39. 

Epicharmus,  376. 

Epicnemidian  Locrians,  6. 

Epicurean  sect,  554. 

Epicurus,  526,  590. 

Epidamnus,  117,  255. 

Epidaurus,  6. 

Epigoni,  20. 

Epimenides,  89. 

Epipolfe,  315. 

Epitadas,  292. 

Epyaxa,  396. 

L'fjuahj  Spartan,  410. 

Erechthcum,  250,  370. 

Eretria,  capture  of,  162. 

Erigena,  595. 

Eteocles,  20. 

Eua?phnus,  70. 

Euboea,  7 ;  revolt  from  Athens,  247 ;  secona 
revolt  of,  333. 

Euboic  scale,  57. 

Eucleides,  archon,  355. 

Eucleides  of  Megara,  554. 

Eucleides  of  Alexandria,  568. 

Eudamidas,  428. 

Eugcnios,  St.,  587. 

Eumenes,  515. 

Eumenes,  King  of  Pergaraus,  535. 

JiunH'iii'les  of  .Eschylus,  240. 

Eumeuides,  cave  of  the,  372. 

Eumolpidas  313,  328. 

Eunomus,  475. 

Eupaimla,  18;  nature  of  their  goveniment, 
87. 

Euphaes,  70. 

Euphranor,  541. 

Euphrates,  surveyed  by  order  of  Alexander 
512. 

Eupolis,  382.  • 

Eupompus,  542. 

Euripides,  account  of,  381;  character  as  a 
pootti^. 

Euri^MJI  the  younger,  646. 


INDEX. 


66a 


Eurystheus,  17. 

Eury  blades,  180. 

Eurj'dice,  521. 

Eurotas,  6. 

Eurvmedon,  battle  of  the,  236. 

Eurymedon,  288,  293 ;  fined,  308. 

Eurystheus,  17. 

Evagoras,  411. 

F. 

Fabvier,  616,  623. 

Falhnereycr,  576. 

Farnesian  bull,  545. 

Fathers,  Greek,  560. 

Few,  the,  249. 

Filelfo,  595. 

Finlav,  616. 

Five  llundred,  Sacred  Band  of,  611. 

"  Five  Thousand,"  the,  330,  332. 

Flamininus,  T.  C^.,  534. 

"  Four  Hundred,"  Athenian  Senate  or  Coun- 
cil of,  93:  enlarged  to  five  hundred,  103; 
their  Judicial  power  abrogated,  240. 

"Four  Hundred,"  conspiracy  of  the,  330;  put 
down,  333. 

Franchise,  Athenian,  restricted,  355. 

Freemen,  25. 

*  G. 

Galatia,  528. 

Galen,  560. 

Gargaphia,  fountain  of,  207. 

Gaugtimela,  battle  of.    See  Arbela. 

Gaza,  Theodore,  596. 

Gelon  of  Syracuse,  178,  201. 

Generals,  ten  Athenian,  condemned,  343. 

Gennadios,  582. 

Geoff'rey  Villehardouin,  579. 

Geomori,  18,  77,  85. 

George  of  Trebizond,  596. 

Geranean  Mountains,  5. 

Gerbel,  602. 

Gennanos,  of  Patrae,  610. 

Gerusia,  Spartan,  62 ;  modem,  633,  634. 

Good,  the,  82. 

Gordian  knot,  the,  496. 

Gordon,  616. 

Gorgias,  307,  388,  549. 

Goths,  565,  573. 

Gouras,  623. 

Government  in  the  heroic  age,  24. 

Granlcus,  battle  of  the,  495. 

Graphi  paraiiomon,  repealed,  330. 

Greece,  fonn  of,  2;  physical  features  of,  7 
seq.;  climate,  9  seq.;  products,  ib.;  re- 
duced to  a  Roman  province,  538. 

Greek  language,  12,  46;  history,  early,  t&.; 
modern,  636  seq. 

Greeks,  character  of  the,  8 ;  causes  which 
united  them,  46;  disunion  of,  on  the  ap- 
proach of  Xerxes,  177 ;  celebrate  the  bat- 
tle of  Salamis,  200 ;  expedition  of  the  Ten 
Thousand,  394 ;  retreat  of,  399  seq. ;  arrive 
at  the  Euxine,  403 ;  at  Byzantium,  405. 

Gregorios,  Patriarch  of  Constantmople,  610. 

Griziotes,  632. 

Gvges,  144. 

Gylippus  arrives  in  Sicily,  317 ;  captures  the 
fort  of  Labdalum,  ib. 


W 


Hadrian,  564. 

HaUeck,  615. 

Hamilcar,  201. 

Hannibal,  532. 

Haratch,  601. 

HannocUus  and  Aristogeiton,  conspiracy  of, 

99. 
Hannosts,  Spartan,  346,  410. 
Harpagus,  148. 
Harpalus,  516. 
Hassan,  584. 
Hastings,  616. 
Hecataeus,  155,  219. 
Hegias,  362. 
Helen,  21. 

Helen,  Empress  of  Trebizond,  588. 
Heliaju,  104. 
Helicon,  4. 
Hellanicus,  220. 
Helliuiodicae,  49. 
Hellas,  2,  3,  11. 
Hellen,  11. 
Hellenes,  2,  11,  573. 
Hellenotamise,  227. 
Hellespont,  bridge  over  the,  174. 
Helots,  origin  of,  33 ;  condition,  60 ;  revolt  of, 

237 ;  massacre  of,  294. 
Hephaistion,    509;    marries  Drypetis,  511; 

death, ib. 
Heracleidse,  return  of  the,  31. 
Heracleitus,  128. 
Hercules,  17. 
Hernia?,  mutilated,  309. 
Hermione,  6. 
Hermippus,  201. 
Hennocrates,  307,  455. 
Hermolaus,  507. 
Herodes  Atticus,  564. 
Herodotus,  220;  account  of  his  work,  221 

seq. ;  at  Thurii,  252. 
Heroes,  16. 

Heroic  age,  16 ;  manners  of,  26,  seq. 
Hesiod,  120. 
Hetaerai,  261. 
Hetaeria,  606. 
Hicetas,  461,  462,  464. 
Hiero  of  Syracuse,  217. 
Hieromnemon,  47. 
Hill,  Dr.,  635. 

Hipparchus,  99 ;  assassinated,  100. 
Hipparinus,  461. 

Hippias,  99;  expelled  from  Athens,  101. 
Hippocrates,  295. 
Hippodamus  of  Miletus,  359. 
Hippolyte,  17. 

Histiajus  of  Miletus,  151 ;  crucified,  157. 
Historj'',  rise  of,  219. 
Holy  Places,  578. 

Homer,  38 ;  his  identity,  40 ;  date,  ib. 
Homeric  poems,  their  value,  23;  preserva 

tion  of,  40;  arranged  by  Peisistratus,  42; 

poetical  unity  of,  44. 
Horologium,  the,  544. 
Howe,  S.  G.,  616. 
Hyllus,  17. 
Hymettus,  Mount,  4. 
Hyperbolus,  murdered,  329. 
Hypereides,  517,  551. 
Hyphasis,  the,  509. 


I 


* 


M> 


i 


«♦ 


I 


664 


mSTOKT  OF  GREECE. 


Iambic  verse,  122. 

Ibycus,  218. 

Ictinus,  250,  868. 

lUssiis,  357. 

Ilium,  or  Troy,  21. 

Inaros,  revolt  of,  241. 

Independence  proclaimed,  612. 

Mcos,  11, 19. 

lole,  17. 

Ion,  11. 

Ionia  subjugated  by  the  Persians,  159. 

lonians,  il,  12;  four  tribes  of,  85;  revolt  of 

the,  155 ;  defection  from  Sparta,  226. 
Ionic  mi«p^tion,  34. 
Ionic  order,  136. 
lophon,  546. 
Iphitus,  49. 
Iphicrates,  tactics  of,  421 ;  successes  of,  422 ; 

recalled,  ib.;  defeats  the  Lacedasmouiaus 

near  Abydos,  424;  indicted,  471. 
Ipsus,  battle  of,  524. 
Ira,  fortress  of,  72. 
Isaeus,  550. 
Isagoras,  102,  105. 
Ismeiiias,  448,  449. 
Isocrates,  549. 
Issus,  battle  of,  497. 
Isthmian  games,  49,  50. 
Ithaca,  7. 
Ithome,   becomes   subject  to   Sparta,  71; 

Mount,  445. 


J. 


Janizaries,  601  seq. 

Jason,  19. 

Jason  of  PhersB,  442;  assassinated,  443. 

Jerusalem,  Alexander's  reported  visit  to,  501. 

Jocasta,  20. 

Josephus,  659. 

Jove  (Zeus),  temple  of,  at  Olympia,  373. 

Juhan,  571. 

Justinian,  573,  574. 

Justiiiiaui,  582. 


Kalcrges,  631. 

Kara  Ali,  614. 

Karaiskakes,  624. 

Kings,  Grecian,  24. 

Klephtai,  604. 

Klephtic  Ballads,  640  seq. 

Knights,  Athenian,  92. 

Knights  of  Aristophanes,  extract  from,  383. 

Kontogones,  635. 

Kraus,  Martin,  603.  • 


JLacedaemonians.    See  Sparta. 

Lacedajmonius,  257. 

Lachares,  526. 

Laconia,  6;  reduced  by  the  Spartans,  68; 

northern  frontier  of,  78. 
Laconizers,  what,  240. 
iljui^  battle  of,  158 


LiBvinus,  M.  Val.,  682. 

Laius,  20. 

Laraachus,  308 ;  advises  an  attack  on  Syim- 

cuse,  312;  slain,  316. 
Lamian  war,  517. 
Lampros,  608. 
Larapsacus,  343. 
Laocoiin,  545. 

Laonicos  Chalcocondylas,  591. 
LapithoB,  18. 
Larissa,  402. 

Lascaris,  Constantine,  596. 
Lasus  of  Hermione,  216. 
Laurium,  9;  silver  mines  at,  170. 
Legends,  heroic,  their  value,  22. 
Leleges,  13. 

Leonidas,  180;  his  death,  182. 
Leonnatus,  518. 
Leontiades,  429. 
Leontines,  307. 
Leontios  Pilatos,  595. 
Leopold,  626. 
Leosthenes,  517. 

Leotychides,  169,  213;  treachery  of,  238. 
Lepanto,  598. 
Lesbos,  revolt  of,  326. 
Lesche,  at  Delphi,  364. 
Leucas,  117. 
Leuctra,  battle  of,  440. 
Lichas,  327. 
Lingon  Mountains,  2. 

Literature,  Greek,  history  of,  119,  215,  876, 
646;  revival  of,  in  the  West,  660;  modem, 
638  seq. 
Liturgy,  567. 

Locrians,  5;  Epizephjnrian,  114. 
Lociris   6» 

Long  walls,  Athenian,  358;  rebuilt,  419. 
Louis,  King  of  Bavaria,  629. 
Louriottes,  615. 
Lucian,  559. 
Lycabcttus,  35T. 
Lycambes,  122. 
Lyceum,  373,  555. 
Lycians,  destruction  of  the,  148. 
Lycomedes,  king,  18.  ,  -    i_ 

Lycomedes  of  Mantinea,  444,  446;  defeats 

the  Spartans,  447,  448. 
Lycon,  391. 
Lycophron,  81,  566. 
Lycortas,  535. 
Lycurgus  (legislator),  57. 
Lycurgus  (orator),  551. 
Lydian  monarchy,  144. 
Lvgdamis,  98,  220. 
Ljric  poetry,  121;  occasions  of,  122;  devel- 

'opment  of,  215. 
Lvsander,  appointed  Navarchus,  338;  Epts 
'toleus,  343 ;   intrusted  by  Cyrus  with  his 
satrapy,  ib. ;  his  proceedings  after  the  vic- 
tory of  iEgospotauii,  346 ;  blockades  Pirae- 
us, ib.;   takes  possession  of  Athens,  347; 
establishes  the  Thirty  TjTants,  349;    tri- 
umph, ib. ;  honors,  352 ;  re-enters  Athens, 
353  ;    his  ambitious   schemes,   408  ;    de- 
spatched to  the  Hellespont,  412;  expedi- 
tion into  Boeotia,  416 ;  slain,  ib. 
Lysias,  252,  649. 
Lysicles,  486. 

Lysicrates,  choragic  monument  of^  544, 
Lysimachus,  490,  615,  627;  slain,  tb* 
I  Lysippus,  541. 


INDEX. 


665 


M. 


Macedonia,  description  of,  467. 

Macedonian  empire,  partition  of,  515 ;  over- 
throw, 536. 

Macedonians,  their  origin,  467. 

Machanidas,  533. 

Macrones,  the,  403. 

Magi,  143. 

I^Iagna  GraBcia,  113 ;  causes  of  the  decline  of 
its  cities,  116. 

Magon,  463. 

Mahmoud,  Sultan,  602. 

Malca,  6. 

Malian  Gulf,  4. 

Main,  the,  509. 

Mane,  600. 

Manouses,  635. 

Mantinea,  55;  battle  of,  305;  taken  by  the 
Spartans,  428;  rebuilt,  443;  battle  of,  453; 
third  battle  of,  533. 

Mantineans,  invoke  the  aid  of  Sparta  against 
the  Thebans,  453. 

Marathon,  battle  of,  164. 

^larcus  Aurelius,  564. 

Mardians,  subdued  by  Alexander,  505. 

Mardonius,  160;  adroit  flattery  of,  199;  ne- 
gotiations with  the  Athenians,  204 ;  march- 
es against  Athens,  205;  retreats,  206; 
death,  210. 

Mardbntes,  213. 

Masistius,  206. 

^lassagetae,  149. 

Massaiia,  116. 

Mausoleum,  the,  640,  644. 

Mausolus,  471. 

Mavrocordatos,  606,  612. 

Mavroraichales,  Petros,  611. 

Mazaeus,  503. 

Medea,  19. 

Medes,  the,  143. 

Media,  wall  of,  400. 

Medon,  first  Athenian  archon,  88. 

Iklegabazus,  152. 

Megabyzus,  241. 

Megacles,  80,  88,  96,  98. 

Megalopolis  founded,  446 ;  battle  of,  515. 

Megara,  55;  revolutions  of,  81;  long  walls 
at,  241;  revolts  from  Athens,  247;  com- 
plains of  Athens,  258 ;  Athenian  expedition 
iigainst,  314. 

Megaric  sect,  654. 

Megaris,  5. 

Mcgas  Comnenos,  686,  587. 

Alehemet  Ali,  615. 

Melesander,  273. 

Meletios,  608. 

Meletu?,  391. 

Melos,  307. 

Menalcidas,  537. 

Menander,  547. 

Mende,  298. 

Menelaus,  21. 

Menon,  401. 

Mesolongi,  siege  of,  621  seq. 

Mespila,  402. 

Messene,  56. 

Messene  founded,  445;  taken  by  Lycortas, 
635. 

Messenia,  7. 

Messenian  war,  first,  70;  second,  71;  third, 
287. 


Messenians  conquered  by  the  Spartans,  71; 

subjugated,  73. 
Metelius,  537. 
Methonc?,  473. 
Meton,  309. 
Meyer,  616. 

Miletus,  111;  fall  of,  159;  revolt  of,  326. 
Miller,  616. 

Milo  tlie  Crotoniate,  114. 
Miltiades,  162;  accusation  and  death  of,  168 
Mindarus,  335 ;  slain,  336. 
Minos,  17,  19. 
Minotaur,  18. 
Minyans,  36. 
^Inaseas,  477. 
Mnasippus,  436. 
Mohammed  IL,  581. 
Mohammed  IV.,  598. 
Morea,  6. 
Morosini,  598. 
Moschos,  597. 
Moschus,  558. 
Mosynaeci,  404. 
Mourouzes,  610. 

^lummius,  537;  his  ignorance  of  art,  538 
Muntaner,  580. 
Munychia,  353,  359. 
Museum,  357. 
Mycal^,  battle  of,  213. 
Mvcenie,  14,  16;  ruins  of,  29, 134. 
Myron,  363. 
Myronides,  242. 

Mytilene,  naval  engagement  at,  340. 
]\Iy tileneans,  revolt  of  the,  279 ;  embassy  to 

Sparta,  ib. ;  capitulate,  281. 


H. 


Navarino,  battle  of,  627. 

Nauclides,  263. 

Naucrary,  85. 

Naujiactiis,  32 ;  taken  by  the  Athenians,  244. 

Navnrchia,  Spartan,  335. 

Naxos,  Spartan  expedition  against,  164;  re- 
volt of,  236;  battle  of,  465.      ' 

Ncapolis,  315. 

Xearchus,  voyage  of,  510. 

Nemean  games,  49,  60. 

Neodamodes,  61. 

Nero,  564. 

Nessus,  17. 

Nicwa,  founded  by  Alexander,  508. 

Nicephorus  Bryennius,  589. 

Nicias,  291 ;  reduces  Cythera,  294  ;  con 
eludes  a  peace  with  Sparta,  299 ;  appoint- 
ed commander  in  Sicily,  308;  his  dilatory 
proceedings  there,  314;  desponding  situa- 
tion of,  318;  indecision,  319;  surrender, 
322 ;  death,  ib. ;  character,  323. 

Nicopolis,  564. 

Nicostratus,  284. 

Nico-Tsara,  604. 

Nik^  Apteros,  temple  of,  366. 

Nimroud,  402. 

Nineveh,  402. 

Nisjeus,  461. 

Nobilior,  M.  Fulv.,  534. 

Nobles,  25,  77. 

Normans,  677. 

Notaras,  Grand  Duke,  582. 

Notaras,  Panoutsos,  633. 


^ 


> 


|!lt 


WW 


HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 


0. 

Oceanus,  28. 

Odenm,  250,  872. 

Odvsseus,  death  of,  623. 

(Edipus,  26. 

CEnophyta,  battle  of,  244. 

(Eta,  Blount,  4. 

Oligarchy,  77. 

Olympia,  7;   temple  of,  plundered  by  the 

Arcadians,  452. 
Olympiad,  first,  10. 
Olympian  Zeus,  14. 
Oljmpias,  487 ;  takes  refuge  with  Alexander 

m  Epeirus,  488;    whether  coucerned  in 

Philip's  assassination,  489;  puts  Eurydice 

to  death,  521;  murdered,  ib. 
Olympic  games,  48. 
Olympus,  4. 

Olynthiac  orations  of  Demosthenes,  476. 
Olynthian  confederacy  dissolved,  428;   its 

extent,  476. 
OljTitlms,  428;  taken  by  the  Spartans,  429. 
Omphale,  17. 
Onatas,  362. 
Onoraarclius,  473. 
Opuntian  Locrians,  5. 
Oracles,  51. 
Orators,  Athenian,  demanded  by  Alexander, 

493 :  ten  Attic,  Alexandrian  canon  of,  549. 
Oratory,  Greek,  rise  and  progress  of»  547. 
Orchomeuos,  305,  435,  442. 
Orders  of  architecture,  135. 
Orkan,  601, 
Orloff,  608. 
Oropus,  449,  536. 
Ortelius,  603. 
Ortha^oras,  79. 
Ortygia,  315. 
Ossa,  4. 

Ostracism,  introduced  by  Cleisthenes,  104. 
Otho,  Prince,  629. 
Othryades,  74. 
Othrys,  Mount,  4. 
Ottoman  Empire,  581. 
Oxyartes,  507. 
OzoUan  Mountains,  4. 


P. 

Pachas,  599. 

Paches,  281,  284. 

Pactolus,  the,  145. 

Paeonians,  469. 

Paestum,  113. 

Pamting,  origin  and  progress  of,  141 ;  devel- 
opment of,  364;  Sicyouian  school  of,  542. 

Pamisus,  river,  7. 

Pamphilus,  542. 

Panuretos,  587. 

Panathenaja,  18. 

Pancratium,  49. 

Panga3us,  .Mount,  237,  471. 

Panhellenion,  Journal,  638. 

Pan-Ionic  festival,  35. 

Papias,  595. 

Pambasis,  comic,  383. 

Parali,  90. 

Paris,  21. 

Pamieuio,  500;  put  to  death  by  Alexander, 
606. 


Parnassus,  Mount,  4. 

Parnes,  STount,  5. 

Paruon,  Mount,  6. 

Paropamisus,  506. 

Parrhasius,  365. 

Partheniie,  116. 

Parthenon,  250, 368,  599. 

Parysatis,  queen,  400,  413. 

Pasargadaj,  504. 

Passarowitz,  peace  of,  699. 

Patra;,  564. 

Paul,  St.,  566. 

I'aulus,  L.  .Em.,  536. 

Pausanias,  king  of  Sparta,  vanitvand  treason 
of,  225;  recall  and  impeachment  of,  231; 
conviction  and  death,  232. 

Pausanlas  (second),  353 ;  expedition  into 
Bcfotia,  416 ;  condemned  to  death,  ib. 

Pausanias  assassinates  Philip,  488. 

Pausanias  (historian),  559. 

Pedieis,  90. 

Peersy  Spartan,  410. 

PeirjBus  fortified,  229,  250;  re-fortified,  419; 
surprised  by  Teleutias,  424. 

Peirithous,  18. 

Peisander,  328,  414. 

Peisistratus,  usurpation  of,  95;  his  strata- 
gem, 98 ;  death  and  character  of,  99. 

Pelasgia,  12. 

Pelasgians,  13. 

Pelasf/icon,  the,  267. 

Pelias,  19. 

Pelion,  4. 

Pelopidas,  character  of,  430 ;  gains  a  victory 
at  Tegyra,  436  ;  subdues  Alexander  of 
Phene,  447  ;  imprisoned  by  Alexander, 
449 ;  defeats  Alexander,  451 ;  slain,  ib. 

Peloponnesian  confederacy,  meeting  of,  258; 
decides  for  war  against  Athens,  260 ;  war, 
commencement  of,  264;  invasion  of  Attica, 
266;  Thucydides'  character  of  the  war, 
285. 

Peloponnesians,  attempt  to  surprise  Peiraeus, 

278. 

Peloponnesus,  6. 

Pelops,  14. 

Peneus,  4. 

Penj-ab,  the,  508. 

Pentacosiomedimni,  92. 

Pentathlum,  49. 

Perdiccas,  258. 

Perdiccas  (Alexander's general),  514;  march- 
es agsiinst  Ptolerav,  620 ;  assassinated,  ib. 

Periander,  80 ;  his  cruelty,  ib. ;  abilities  and 
power,  ib. ;  and  Arion,  ^23. 

Pericles,  character  of,  239;  innovations  of, 
ib.;  his  administration,  240;  reduces  Eu- 
boea,  247;  plans  for  adorning  Athens,  260; 
his  banishment  demanded 'bv  the  Lace- 
dasmonians,  260;  pleads  for  Aspasia,  261; 
persuades  a  war,  262 ;  funeral  oration  by, 
268 ;  accused  of  peculation,  270 ;  deatli  and 
character,  271. 

Pericles,  age  of,  character  of  art  in,  361. 

Perinthus,  siege  of,  482. 

Perioeci,  59. 

Peripatetics,  555. 

Pers«^'polis,  taken  and  burnt  by  Alexander,   i 
504. 

Perseus,  17. 

Perseus,  535;  defeated  by  the  Romans,  536. 

Persian  Gates,  504. 


INDEX. 


667 


Persians,  146;  their  cruelties  towards  the 
Ionic  Greeks,  159;  invade  Greece,  160;  de- 
mand earth  and  water  from  the  Grecian 
states,  161 ;  second  invasion  of  Greece,  ib. ; 
land  at  Marathon,  162;  third  invasion  of 
Greece,  174;  their  number  under  Xerxes, 
176;  destruction  of  their  fleet  by  a  storm, 
184;  their  progress,  189;  attack  Delphi,  t6.; 
take  Athens,  190;  retreat  of,  199;  their 
fleet  reassembles  at  Samos,  203. 

Petrarch,  595. 

Phcedo,  Plato's,  391. 

Phalanx,  ^Iace<lonian,  469. 

Phalaris  of  Agrigentura,  113. 

Plialerum,  359. 

Pharnabazus  assists  the  Lacedaemonians, 
360 ;  magnanimity  of,  414. 

Phayllus,  473,  477. 

Pheulias,  2-^0 ;  accused  of  peculation,  261 ;  his 
stvle,  303;  his  statue  of  the  Olympian  Jove, 
373. 

Pheidon,  56. 

Pherecydes  of  Syros,  219. 

Phigalian  marbles,  374. 

Philemon,  547. 

Philhellcnes,  616. 

Philip  of  Macedon,  carried  to  Thebes  as  a 
'  hostage,  447 ;  education  of,  468 ;  character, 
i6.;  defeats  the  lUj-rians,  469;  assumes 
the  crown,  ib.;  takes  Amphipolis  and 
Pydna,  470;  takes  part  in  the  sacred 
"war,  473 ;  loses  an  eye,  *6. ;  reduces  Thes- 
salv,  474;  expedition  into  Thmce,  ib.; 
takes  Olynthus,  476;  occupies  Delphi, 
479 ;  overruns  IlhTia,  481 ;  second  expedi- 
tion into  Thrace,  ib.;  manifesto  to  the 
Athenians,  483 ;  compelled  to  evacuate  the 
Chersonese,  ib.;  expedition  into  Scythia, 
ib.;  elected  general  in  the  war  against 
Amphissa,  484;  seizes  Elatea,  ib.;  defeats 
the  Thebaiis  and  Athenians  at  Chajronea, 
485;  his  conduct  after  the  battle,  486; 
clemency  towards  Athens,  ib.;  appointed 
generalissimo  against  Persia,  487 ;  clxastises 
the  Spartans,  if). ;  ftimily  feuds,  ib. ;  omens 
of  his  death,  488 ;  assassinated,  ib. ;  cliar- 
acter,  489. 

Philip  IV.,  526. 

Philip  v.,  531;  assists  the  Achaeans,  532; 
forms  an  alliance  with  Hannibal,  ib.]  de- 
feated-by  the  Romans,  534. 

Philip  Arrhidams,  514. 

Pliilippi  luunded,  471. 

Philippiis  of  Demosthenes,  474;  first,  475; 
second,  481 ;  third,  482. 

Philocrates,  423. 

Philomelus,  472;  slain,  473. 

Philopuunien,  533;  takes  Sparta,  534;  taken 
and  put  to  death,  535. 

Philosophy,  Greek,  origin  of,  128;  Ionic 
school  of,  ib. ;  Eleatic  school,  129 ;  Pythag- 
orean school,  ib. ;  various  schools,  554. 

Pliocreans,  148. 

Phocians,  472;  defeated  by  the  Thebans, 
473;  reduced  by  Philip,  479. 

PhocJon,  435;  character  of,  476;  his  expedi- 
tion to  Euboea,  482;  to  Byzantium,  483; 
his  rebuke  of  l)emosthenes,  491;  refuses 
Alexander's  presents,  494;  accusation  and 
death,  520. 

Phocis,  5. 

Phcebidas,  436. 


Phoenicians,  14. 

Phormio,  victories  of,  278. 

Plioros,  the,  227. 

Phrantzes,  582,  585. 

Phratriae,  85. 

Phryno,  541. 

Phrynichus,  329,  332. 

Phrynichus  (dramatist),  Ills  Fall  of  Mfetiw, 
159;  account  of,  377. 

Phyllidas,  431. 

Phylo-basileus,  86. 

Pinacotheca,  368. 

Pindar,  217;  his  style,  218;  his  house  spared 
by  Alexander,  493. 

Pindus,  Mount,  4. 

Pinet,  602. 

Pisa,  7. 

Pissuthnes,  254. 

Pittacus,  127. 

Pittheus,  17. 

Pius  II.   594. 

Plague  at  Athens,  269,  287. 

Plataea,  battle  of,  206;  surprised,  263;  be- 
sieged by  the  Peloponnesians,  274;  sur- 
renders, 275;  destroyed,  276;  restored  by 
the  Laced  ajmonians,  427;  agam  destroyed 
bv  the  Thebans,  437. 

Plataians  join  the  Athenians,  163;  massacre 
of  the,  276. 

Plato,  visits  Sicily,  457;  sold  as  a  slave,  t6.; 
second  visit  to  Sicily,  459;  life  of,  651; 
philosophy,  552. 

Pleistoanax,  247. 

Plethon,  Gemistos,  596. 

Plutarch,  559. 

Pnvx,  the,  357,  373. 

PcBcile  Sioa,  the,  367,  557. 

Poetry,  Greek,  39. 

Poleraarch,  86. 

Polemon,  554. 

Polns  of  Agrigentum,  388. 

Polybius,  536,  558. 

Polybus,  20. 

Polychares,  70. 

Polycletus,  363. 

Polycrates  of  Samos,  150. 

Polygnotus,  364. 

Polvneices,  20. 

Polysperchon,  520;  expedition  to  Pelopon^ 
nesus,  521. 

Pompey  the  Great,  563. 

Porus,  508. 

Potidaja,  258,  273,  428,  470. 

Pratinas,  377. 

Praxias,  362. 

Praxitas  defeats  the  Corinthians,  420. 

Praxiteles,  540. 

Probuli,  325,  330. 

Prodicus,  548. 

Prodicus  of  Ceos,  388. 

Proncea,.629. 

Prose  composition,  origui  of,  219. 

Propylaea,  250,  367. 

Protagoras  of  Abdera,  388,  548. 

Prytaneum,  93. 

Prj'tanies,  103. 

Prytanis,  77. 

Psammetichus  of  Corinth,  81. 

Psellos,  Michael,  589. 

Psyttaleia,  194. 

Ptochoprodromos,  636. 

Ptolemies,  patronize  learning,  557. 


u 


,** 


n 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


INDEX. 


66^ 


♦. 


4^ 


.1 


Ptolemy,  519;  defeated  at  Salamis,  523. 

Ptolemy  Ccmuims,  527,  628. 

Ptolemy  Philadelpluis,  527. 

Pydna,*521 ;  battle  of,  536. 

Pylagora%  47. 

Pylus,  288. 

Pyrrlms,  526 ;  becomes  king  of  Macedonia, 

•&. ;  death,  528. 
Pythagoras,  114,  129. 
PythagDreaii  clubs  suppressed,  130. 
Pythia,  51. 
Pythian  games,  48. 
Pythoilorus,  308. 
Pythonicus,  310. 


B. 


Ralles,  606. 

Rangabes,  638. 

Resdiid  Pacha,  622. 

Beuchliu,  596. 

Rhapsodists,  41. 

Rhugas,  606. 

Rhegiura,  116. 

JRhetra  of  Lycurgus,  58. 

Rhodes,  7;  siege  of,  523;  colossus  at,  545. 

Rhcecns,  139. 

Roger  of  Sicily,  577. 

Romania,  579.' 

Romans  direct  their  attention  towards  Greece, 
633;  declare  war  against  Philip  V.,  ib.; 
proclaim  the  freedom  of  Greece,  534 ;  de- 
clare war  against  Perseus,  535 ;  spoliation 
of  Greek  works  by,  545. 

Romulus  Augustulus,  576. 

Roxana,  mah-ied  by  Alexander,  607;  mur- 
dered, 522. 

Royalty,  abolished  in  Greece,  76;  cause  of 
its  at>oUtion,  ib.;  established  in  the  king- 
dom of  Hellas,  629. 

Rumeli  Valesi,  599. 

Russia,  626. 


S. 


Sacred  Band,  Theban,  434;  of  five  hundred, 
611.      * 

Sacred  war,  first,  48;  second,  472;  barbarity 
of,  473;  progi-ess  of,  477;  termination,  479*; 
results,  480. 

Sages,  the  seven,  127. 

Salsethus,  280,  2S1. 

Salamis,  7 ;  acquired  by  the  Athenians,  90 ; 
battle  of,  194. 

Salamis  (in  Cypnis),  battle  of,  623. 

Samos,  revolt*  of,  253 ;  subdued,  ib. ;  its  im- 
portance to  Athens,  326;  revolutions  at, 
331 ;  snhtlued  by  Lysander,  349. 

Sappho,  125. 

Sardis,  144 ;  burnt,  166. 

Saronic  Gulf,  6. 

Scanderbeg,  594. 

Scarpheti,  battle  of,  537. 

Sclo  (Chios),  massacre  of,  618. 

Scione,  298. 

Scopas  (sculptor),  540. 

Scyros,  reduction  of,  227. 

Scythini,  the,  403. 

Sedition,  Sf>lon's  law  respecting,  94. 

Seisachtheia,  the,  91. 


Seleucus,  520 ;  founds  Antioch,  524 ;  succeeds 
to  the  greater  part  of  the  Macedonian  em- 
pire, 527 ;  assassinated,  528. 

Selinuntine  sculptures,  140. 

Sellasia,  battle  of,  531. 

Selym,  Sultan,  598.  , 

Selymbra,  118. 

Ses'tos,  reduced  by  the  Athenians,  214. 

Seuthes,  405. 

Sicilian  expedition,  311 ;  termination  of,  821. 

Sicily,  dissensions  in,  307. 

Sicybn,  7 ;  despots  in,  79. 

Silver  mines,  9. 

Sinionides  of  Amorgos,  122. 

Simonides  of  Ceos,  215. 

Sinope,  111. 

Sipylus,  14.  ^ 

Sisvgambis,  498. 

Sitalces,  268,  273,  278. 

Slaves,  25. 

Slavonians,  575,  576. 

Smerdis,  149. 

Smilis,  139. 

Smyrna,  34. 

Social  war,  471;  ill  cfTects  of  the,  472;  sec 
ond,  532. 

Socrates,  at  Delium,  296;  his  opinion  of  the 
Sicilian  expedition,  309;  opposes  the  con- 
demnation of  the  ten  generals,  342 ;  refuses 
to  obey  the  commands  of  the  Thirty,  349; 
summoned  before  them,  351;  sketch  of  his 
life,  388;  his  teaching  and  method,  390; 
how  he  diflered  from  the  Sophists,  i6. ;  wis- 
dom of,  ib. ;  unpopularity  and  indictment 
of,  391;  condemned,  ib.;  refuses  to  escape, 
ib. ;  death,  392. 

Sogdiana,  fortress  of,  taken,  507. 

Soliium,  268. 

Solon,  89;  legislation  of,  90;  supposed  inter- 
view with  Croesus,  95;  laws  of,  brought 
down  into  the  Agora,  240. 

Sophists,  prohil)ited  from  teaching,  351  j  de- 
scription of  the,  387. 

Sophocles,  at  Samos,  254;  account  of,  379; 
character  as  a  poet,  381. 

Souliotes,  608. 

St.  Sophia,  church  of,  574. 

Sparta,  12,  55;  landed  property  in,  66;  power 
of,  76;  head  of  the  Grecian  states,  169; 
eartlujuake  at,  237;  allies  of,  in  the  Pelo- 
pomiesjan  war,  264;  introduction  of  gold 
and  silver  at,  410 ;  league  against,  417 ;  con- 
cress  at,  437;  rapid  fall  of^  443;  entered  by 
Kpameinondas,  453;  taken  by  Antigonua 
Doson,  531 ;  taken  by  Philopojmen,  534. 

Spartan  constitution,  59;  tribes,  lb.;  educa- 
tion, 63;  women,  65;  money,  67;  fleet 
totally  defeated  at  Cyzlcus,  330;  mora  de- 
feated by  Iphicrates,*421. 

Spartans,  make  war  on  Arcadia,  73 ;  alone  re- 
tain their  kings,  76;  overthrow  the  despots, 
79;  send  an  embassy  to  Cyrus,  148;  con- 
duct of,  at  Thermopylae,  1*81 ;  selfish  con- 
duct of,  188;  their  apathy,  205;  dismiss 
the  Athenians,  238 ;  oppose  the  Athenians 
in  Bceotia,  243;  require  the  Athenians  to 
withdraw  the  decree  against  Megara,  262; 
invade  Attica,  266 ;  reject  the  advances  of 
Alcibiades,  303 ;  send  an  embassy  to  Ath- 
ens, ib. ;  invade  Argos,  305 ;  force  the  Ar- 
gives  to  an  alliance,  306 ;  establish  them- 
selves at  Decelea,  318;  invade  Elis,  408  j 


duration  of  their  supremacy,  ib. ;  assist  the 
Phocians  against  tne  Thebans,  416;  de- 
feated at  Haliartus,  ib. ;  lose  their  colonies, 
418;  proclaim  the  independence  of  the 
Boeotian  cities,  427 ;  garrison  Orchoraenus 
and  Thespiie,  ib.;  assist  Amyntas  against 
the  Olyniliians,  428;  height  of  their  power, 
430;  expelled  from  Boeotia,  436;  attack 
Corcyra,  ib. ;  solicit  the  aid  of  the  Atheni- 
ans, 446 ;  defeat  the  Arcadians,  447 ;  send 
an  embassy  to  Persia,  448 ;  excluded  from 
the  Amphictyonic  Council,  479;  attempt  to 
throw  oft'  the  Macedonian  yoke,  515 ;  their 
decline  and  degradation,  630;  call  in  the 
Romans,  537. 

Sp<^usip[»iis,  554. 

S|)Uacteri:i,  blockaded,  290;  captured,  292. 

Sphinx,  20. 

Sphodrias,  433. 

Sporades,  7. 

Statira,  498,  510;  murdered  by  Roxana,  515. 

Statuary,  28;  progi-ess  of,  139;  schools  of, 
140,  362,  539. 

Stesichorus,  124. 

Sthenelaidas,  260. 

Stoics,  554. 

Strabo,  559. 

Strategi,  Athenian,  104. 

Stratonice,  525. 

Sulpicius,  563. 

Sujiium,  4;  fortified,  325. 

Susa,  treasures  at,  503. 

Susarion,  376. 

Sybaris,  its  luxury,  113;  destroyed,  114. 

Sybarites,  251. 

Sybota,  naval  battle  off,  257. 

Svennesis,  396. 

Sylla,  562. 

Synoikia,  18. 

Syntfuvis,  the,  433. 

Syracusans,  their  vigorous  defence,  315. 

Syracuse,  112;  description  of,  315;  naval 
battle  at,  318;  engagement  in  the  Great 
Harbor  of,  320 ;  constitution  of,  455. 

Syssitia,  64,  411. 


T. 


"  Table  Companions,"  the,  398. 

Tajiiarnm,  6. 

Tantalus,  14. 

Tanagra,  battle  of,  243. 

Taoclii,  the,  403. 

Tarentum,  116. 

Tavgetus,  Mount,  6. 

Tearless  battle,  the,  447. 

Tegea,  55 ;  reduced  by  the  Spartans,  74. 

Teleclus,  70. 

Teleutias,  423,  424. 

Temenus,  56. 

Tempe,  4 ;  pass  of,  178. 

Temi)les,  Greek,  description  of,  134;  of  Diana 

at  Ephesus,  137;  of  Juno  at  Samos,  138; 

of  Delphi,  U>.;  of  the  Olympian  Zeus,  ib.; 
•  at  Paestum,  ib. ;  at  Selinus,  ib. ;  in  ^gina, 

139. 
"  Ten  Thousand,"  expedition  and  retreat  of 

the,  393  seq. 
"  Ten  Thousand,"  the  Arcadian,  446. 
Teos,  revolt  of,  326. 
Terillus,  201. 


Terpander,  121. 

Tetralogies,  377. 

Thais,  504. 

Thales  of  Miletus,  128. 

Thasos,  reduced,  237. 

Theagenes  of  Megara,  81. 

Thebans,  surprise  Plata;a,  263;  expel  King 
Agesilaus  from  Aulis,  412;  invade  Phocis, 
416;  fonn  an  alliance  with  Athens,  ib.; 
forced  into  the  Lacedaemonian  alliance, 
429 ;  rise  of  their  ascendency,  442 ;  defeat- 
ed by  Alexander  of  Phera?^  449 ;  fit  out  a 
fleet,  450;  their  proceedings  at  Tegea,  452; 
ally  themselves  with  the  Athenians  against 
Philip,  485;  humbled  by  Philip,  486;  rise 
agtiinst  the  Macedonians,  493. 

Thebes,  Seven  against,  20. 

Thebes,  20 ;  reduced  by  Pausanias,  212 ;  lib- 
erated from  the  Spartans,  432;  declared 
head  of  Greece  by  the  Persians,  448 ;  de- 
stroyed, 493 ;  restored  by  Cassander,  522. 

Themtstocles,  102;  proposes  a  fleet,  170; 
his  character,  ib.;  his  advice  to  fight  at 
Salamis,  191 ;  his  stratagem  to  brinoj  on  an 
engagement,  193;  his  message  to  Xerxes, 
199;  his  rapacity,  ib.;  rewarded  by  the 
Spartans,  201;  his  views,  228  seq.;*  goes 
ambassador  to  Sparta,  229 ;  corruption  of, 
230;  ostracized,  231;  flight,  232;  recep- 
tion in  Persia,  233 ;  death,  ib. ;  tomb,  234. 

Theocritus,  558,  566. 

Theodorus  of  Samos,  139. 

Theognis,  81. 

Theophilus  Paleeologos,  584. 

Theopompus,  71. 

Theramenes,  332,  347,  348 ;  his  death,  350. 

Thermopylae,  4;  pass  of,  179;  battle  of,  181. 

Theron  of  Agrigentum,  201. 

Thespis,  215,  377. 

Theseum,  the,  366.     . 

Theseus,  17,*  84;  bones  of,  brought  to  Athens, 

097 

Thessalians,  31. 

Thessaly,  4 ;  submits  to  Xerxes,  179. 

Thesmothetaj,  86. 

Thessalus,  313. 

Thetes,  26,  92,  230. 

Thimbron,  406,  411;  defeat  and  death,  423. 

Thirty  years'  truce,  247,  252. 

Thirty  'lyrants  at  Athens,  349;  proscription 
of  the,  350;  defeated  by  Thrasybulus,  352; 
deposed  by  the  Spartans,  354. 

Thrasybulus  of  ]\Iiletus,  80. 

Thrasybulus,  351;  takes  Phvl^,  352;  seizes 
Peirreus,  353 ;  defeats  the  Thirty,  ih. ;  de- 
feated by  Pausanias,  354;  marches  into 
Athens,  ib. ;  commands  an  Athenian  fleet, 
423 ;  restores  the  Athenian  power  in  the 
Hellespont,  ib. ;  slain,  ib. 

Thrasyllus,  331. 

Thrasymelidas,  288. 

Thucvdides  (statesman),  248;  ostracized, 
250* 

Thucydides  (the  historian),  in  Thrace,  297; 
banished,  ib.;  account  of,  385;  his  history, 
ib. 

Thurii,  221,  251. 

Thyrea,  reduced,  294. 

Tigranes,  213. 

Timagenidas,  212. 

Timocrates,  415. 

Tunolaus,  417. 


\ 


670 


HISTORY   OF   GREECE. 


Timoleon,  character  of,  461;  expedition  to 
Sicily,   46*2;    defeats    the    Carthaginians, 


f 


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464;  becomes  a  Syracusan  citizen,  465. 
Timotheus,  483;  his  success  on  the  western 

coasts  of  Thrace,  '435 ;  attacks  Zacyuthus, 

436;  successtul  naval  expedition  of,  450; 

indicted  and  condemned,  471. 
Tiribazus,  402,  422. 
Tirvns,  remains  of,  28, 184. 
Tissaphenies,  326  seq.,  336,  394, 401 ;  attacks 

the  Ionian  cities,  411;  beheaded,  413. 
Tithniustes,  413,  415. 
Tohnides,  244,  246. 
Torone,  298. 

Tragedy,  Greek,  origin  of,  376. 
Tra{)eztis,  404. 
"Treasury"  of Atreus,  184. 
Trebizonif,  586. 
Tricoupes,  609. 
Trilogies,  377. 

Triparadisus,  treaty  of,  520. 
Triphylian  cities,  443,  448. 
Trijwiitza,  611. 
TrUti/s,  85. 
Trojzeu,  6. 

Trojan  expedition,  20. 
Troy  captured,  22. 
Tsaraados,  641. 
Turks,  581. 
Tyche,  315. 
Tvmphrestus,  4. 
Tyrant,  value  of  the  term,  7B. 
Tyre,  besieged  by  Alexander,  499. 
Tyrtieus,  72, 123. 
Tzinos,  632. 


U* 


Ulj^ses,  21. 
Uxians,  the,  504. 


V. 


Valentinian  and  Valens,  573. 
Venetians,  597. 
Venus  de'  Medici,  545. 


Walter  de  Brienne,  579. 


Wellington,  627,  628. 
William  de  Cliamplitte,  579. 
Wolfj  Homeric  theory  of,  42. 
Writmg,  use  of,  43. 


X. 


Xanthian  marbles,  140. 

Xanthii)pus,    168;    recovei-s   the   Thracian 

Chersonese,  214. 
Xenocrates,  554. 
Xenophanes,  129. 
Xenophon,  account  of,  386;  his  works,  iJ., 

accompanies  Cyrus,  395;  his  (h-eani,  401; 

saluted  General  of  the  Ten  Tliousand,  ib.; 

returns  to  Athens,  406;  joins  Agcsilaus, 

417. 
Xerxes,  character  of,  173;   subdues  Egypt, 

ib.;  chastises  the  Hellespont,  174;  marches 

towards   Greece,  ib.;  reviews   his  troops, 

175;  crosses  the  Hellespont,  ib.;  number  of 

his  host,  ib. ;  takes  Athens,  191 ;  his  alarm 

and  retreat,  198. 
Xuthus,  11. 


Y. 

Ypselantes,  Alexander,  610. 
Ypsclantes,  Demetrius,  612,  628. 
Ypselantes,  606. 


Z. 


Zacharias,  604. 

Zacynthus,  7. 

Zaieucus,  laws  of,  115;  suicide,  t6. 

Zampelios,  605. 

Zea,  359. 

Zelea,  495. 

Zeiio,  556. 

Ztugitm,  92. 

Zeiis  Ekuiherioi.  212. 

Zeuxis,  365. 

Ziukeisen,  676. 

Zonaras,  566. 

Zoroaster,  143. 

Zosimus,  688. 

Zosimades,  606. 

Zygomala,  603. 


THE  END. 


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